Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01602004
Jerneja Kavčič
It seems established that infinitives used in declarative infinitive clauses (DeclarInfCl) convey relative temporality in Classical Greek, with the aorist infinitive referring to anteriority, the present infinitive to simultaneity, and the future infinitive to posteriority. In Hellenistic/Roman Greek and in Early Byzantine Greek, by comparison, DeclarInfCl do not display the same variety of infinitive forms. These periods appear to avoid the aorist infinitive while manifesting a very common use of perfect infinitives and stative present infinitives in DeclarInfCl. These tendencies stand in a complex relation to other developments in the post-Classical period. This paper accounts for what appears to be the decline of the aorist infinitive in DeclarInfCl, claiming that this phenomenon is most likely related to the perfect infinitive adopting the function of conveying anteriority in DeclarInfCl.
{"title":"The Decline of the Aorist Infinitive in Ancient Greek Declarative Infinitive Clauses","authors":"Jerneja Kavčič","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01602004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01602004","url":null,"abstract":"It seems established that infinitives used in declarative infinitive clauses (DeclarInfCl) convey relative temporality in Classical Greek, with the aorist infinitive referring to anteriority, the present infinitive to simultaneity, and the future infinitive to posteriority. In Hellenistic/Roman Greek and in Early Byzantine Greek, by comparison, DeclarInfCl do not display the same variety of infinitive forms. These periods appear to avoid the aorist infinitive while manifesting a very common use of perfect infinitives and stative present infinitives in DeclarInfCl. These tendencies stand in a complex relation to other developments in the post-Classical period. This paper accounts for what appears to be the decline of the aorist infinitive in DeclarInfCl, claiming that this phenomenon is most likely related to the perfect infinitive adopting the function of conveying anteriority in DeclarInfCl.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"266-311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01602004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01601001
P. Karatsareas
This paper examines the interplay of language-internal continuity and external influence in the cyclical development of the Asia Minor Greek adpositional system. The Modern Greek dialects of Asia Minor inherited an adpositional system of the Late Medieval Greek type whereby secondary adpositions regularly combined with primary adpositions to encode spatial region. Secondary adpositions could originally precede simple adpositions ([PREPOSITION + PREPOSITION + NPACC]) or follow the adpositional complement ([PREPOSITION + NPACC + POSTPOSITION]). Asia Minor Greek replicated the structure of Ottoman Turkish postpositional phrases to resolve this variability, fixing the position of secondary adpositions after the complement and thus developing circumpositions of the type [PREPOSITION + NPACC + POSTPOSITION]. Later, some varieties dropped the primary preposition SE from circumpositional phrases, leaving (secondary) postpositions as the only overt relator ([NPACC + POSTPOSITION]) in some environments. In addition, a number of Turkish postpositions were borrowed wholesale, thus enriching the Greek adpositional inventory.
{"title":"The Asia Minor Greek adpositional cycle: a tale of multiple causation","authors":"P. Karatsareas","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01601001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01601001","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the interplay of language-internal continuity and external influence in the cyclical development of the Asia Minor Greek adpositional system. The Modern Greek dialects of Asia Minor inherited an adpositional system of the Late Medieval Greek type whereby secondary adpositions regularly combined with primary adpositions to encode spatial region. Secondary adpositions could originally precede simple adpositions ([PREPOSITION + PREPOSITION + NPACC]) or follow the adpositional complement ([PREPOSITION + NPACC + POSTPOSITION]). Asia Minor Greek replicated the structure of Ottoman Turkish postpositional phrases to resolve this variability, fixing the position of secondary adpositions after the complement and thus developing circumpositions of the type [PREPOSITION + NPACC + POSTPOSITION]. Later, some varieties dropped the primary preposition SE from circumpositional phrases, leaving (secondary) postpositions as the only overt relator ([NPACC + POSTPOSITION]) in some environments. In addition, a number of Turkish postpositions were borrowed wholesale, thus enriching the Greek adpositional inventory.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"47-86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01601001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01601003
Francesco Mambrini, M. Passarotti
In Ancient Greek, as well as in other languages, whenever agreement is triggered by two or more coordinated phrases, two different constructions are allowed: either the agreement can be controlled by the coordinated phrase as a whole, or it can be triggered by just one of the coordinated words. In spite of the amount of information that can be read on this topic in grammars of Ancient Greek, much is still to be known even at a general descriptive level. More importantly, the data still lack a convincing explanation. In this paper, we focus on a special domain of agreement (subject and verb agreement) and on one morphological feature that is expected to covary (number). We discuss the agreement in number for conjoined phrases, by revising some of the modern hypotheses with the support of the empirical evidence that can be collected from the available syntactically annotated corpora of Ancient Greek (treebanks). Results are interpreted according to syntactic features, cognitive factors and semantic properties of the coordinated phrases.
{"title":"Subject-Verb Agreement with Coordinated Subjects in Ancient Greek: A Treebank-Based Study","authors":"Francesco Mambrini, M. Passarotti","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01601003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01601003","url":null,"abstract":"In Ancient Greek, as well as in other languages, whenever agreement is triggered by two or more coordinated phrases, two different constructions are allowed: either the agreement can be controlled by the coordinated phrase as a whole, or it can be triggered by just one of the coordinated words. In spite of the amount of information that can be read on this topic in grammars of Ancient Greek, much is still to be known even at a general descriptive level. More importantly, the data still lack a convincing explanation. In this paper, we focus on a special domain of agreement (subject and verb agreement) and on one morphological feature that is expected to covary (number). We discuss the agreement in number for conjoined phrases, by revising some of the modern hypotheses with the support of the empirical evidence that can be collected from the available syntactically annotated corpora of Ancient Greek (treebanks). Results are interpreted according to syntactic features, cognitive factors and semantic properties of the coordinated phrases.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":"87-116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01601003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01602005
E. Karantzola, K. Sampanis
A syntactic feature that characterizes Early Modern Greek is the “pleonastic” usage of the complement conjunction oti or pos with the mood (“subjunctive”) particle na , as well as the co-presence of the complementisers oti and pos . These co-occurrences are ungrammatical in Modern Greek, while in vernacular Late Medieval and Early Modern Greek texts they are sufficiently attested. In this paper we record a large number of instantiations of the { oti / pos } + na / oti + pos structures in order to trace the conditions of their occurrence; the examples come from extended prose texts of the 16th century as Kartanos’ “Palaia te kai nea Diathiki” (Kakoulidi-Panou 2000) or Morezinos’ “Klini Solomontos” (Kakoulidi-Panou et al. 2007), as well as an anthology of demotic prose texts of 16th century edited by Kakoulidi-Panou, Karantzola & Tiktopoulou (in press).
早期现代希腊语的一个句法特征是补语连词oti或pos与语气(虚拟语气)小品na的“pleonative”用法，以及补语oti和pos的共同存在。这些共同出现在现代希腊语中是不合语法的，而在中世纪晚期和早期现代希腊语的白话文本中，它们得到了充分的证明。在本文中，我们记录了大量{oti / pos} + na / oti + pos结构的实例，以跟踪它们发生的条件;这些例子来自16世纪的长篇散文文本，如Kartanos的“Palaia te kai nea Diathiki”(Kakoulidi-Panou 2000)或Morezinos的“Klini Solomontos”(Kakoulidi-Panou et al. 2007)，以及由Kakoulidi-Panou, Karantzola和Tiktopoulou编辑的16世纪民间散文文本选集(出版)。
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Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01502009
I. Kappa
{"title":"Obituary: Emeritus Professor Gaberell Drachman (1925–2014) and Dr. Angeliki Malikouti-Drachman (1924–2015)","authors":"I. Kappa","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01502009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01502009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"183-186"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01502009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01501004
Maria Carmela Benvenuto, F. Pompeo
The aim of this paper is to investigate ‘eînai (‘be’) plus dative’ and ‘eînai plus genitive’ possessive constructions, paying special attention to the semantic content of the verb eînai in order to identify the function and the distribution of the various combinatorial patterns of the constructions in question, and the precise role of the verbal items. In particular, the present analysis, carried out within the framework of Construction Grammar, will attempt to demonstrate that each possessive variant constitutes a semantically and pragmatically distinct pattern where the semantic content of the verb eînai is the result of form-meaning configurations over and above the morpheme and word level. From this perspective, the cluster of semantic, pragmatic and morpho-syntactic values attributed to participant slots constitutes an integral part of constructions.
{"title":"Verbal Semantics in Ancient Greek Possessive Constructions with eînai","authors":"Maria Carmela Benvenuto, F. Pompeo","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01501004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01501004","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to investigate ‘eînai (‘be’) plus dative’ and ‘eînai plus genitive’ possessive constructions, paying special attention to the semantic content of the verb eînai in order to identify the function and the distribution of the various combinatorial patterns of the constructions in question, and the precise role of the verbal items. In particular, the present analysis, carried out within the framework of Construction Grammar, will attempt to demonstrate that each possessive variant constitutes a semantically and pragmatically distinct pattern where the semantic content of the verb eînai is the result of form-meaning configurations over and above the morpheme and word level. From this perspective, the cluster of semantic, pragmatic and morpho-syntactic values attributed to participant slots constitutes an integral part of constructions.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"3-33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01501004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65156867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01501003
Loukia Taxitari, M. Kambanaros, K. Grohmann
The MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) has been widely used to study children’s word production in both monolingual and bilingual contexts, in typical and atypical populations, and for the study of different aspects of language development, such as the use of mutual exclusivity. In this study, an adaptation of the CDI in Cypriot Greek is used to collect production data for post-vocabulary spurt children growing up in a bilectal community, where two different varieties of a language are used. Parents report that their children use translation equivalents for a single concept, and these increase as their total word production increases. Also girls seem to produce more translation equivalents than boys overall. This suggests that lexical development in bilectal communities might be more similar to bilingual rather than monolingual development, and that mutual exclusivity does not constrain word usage in such populations even during early word production.
{"title":"A Cypriot Greek Adaptation of the CDI: Early Production of Translation Equivalents in a Bi-(dia)lectal Context","authors":"Loukia Taxitari, M. Kambanaros, K. Grohmann","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01501003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01501003","url":null,"abstract":"The MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) has been widely used to study children’s word production in both monolingual and bilingual contexts, in typical and atypical populations, and for the study of different aspects of language development, such as the use of mutual exclusivity. In this study, an adaptation of the CDI in Cypriot Greek is used to collect production data for post-vocabulary spurt children growing up in a bilectal community, where two different varieties of a language are used. Parents report that their children use translation equivalents for a single concept, and these increase as their total word production increases. Also girls seem to produce more translation equivalents than boys overall. This suggests that lexical development in bilectal communities might be more similar to bilingual rather than monolingual development, and that mutual exclusivity does not constrain word usage in such populations even during early word production.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"122-145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01501003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65156725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01502001
Jorie Soltic
In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2015 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Ghent on the language and metre of Late Medieval Greek πολιτικὸς στίχος poetry as they pertain to information structure.
在这篇文章中，我总结了我2015年在根特大学(University of Ghent)的博士论文，论文的主题是中世纪晚期希腊πολιτικ ος στ χος诗歌的语言和韵律，因为它们与信息结构有关。
{"title":"The Late Medieval Greek πολιτικὸς στίχος Poetry: Language, Metre and Discourse (University of Ghent, 2015)","authors":"Jorie Soltic","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01502001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01502001","url":null,"abstract":"In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2015 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Ghent on the language and metre of Late Medieval Greek πολιτικὸς στίχος poetry as they pertain to information structure.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"280-286"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01502001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01501006
A. Margariti
This dissertation offers a thorough examination of the Modern Greek distributive determiner. Specific focus is placed on particular parameters that involve whole sentences, which seem to result in different readings (semantic interpretations). I conclude through my analysis, which is circumscribed within the syntax-LF interface, that a common mechanism of Agree/binding is responsible for the emergence of these different readings.
{"title":"Quantification at the Syntax-Semantics Interface: Greek Every NPs (University of Patras, 2014)","authors":"A. Margariti","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01501006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01501006","url":null,"abstract":"This dissertation offers a thorough examination of the Modern Greek distributive determiner. Specific focus is placed on particular parameters that involve whole sentences, which seem to result in different readings (semantic interpretations). I conclude through my analysis, which is circumscribed within the syntax-LF interface, that a common mechanism of Agree/binding is responsible for the emergence of these different readings.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"68 1","pages":"154-158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91395220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Greek is a morphology-dependent stress system, where stress is lexically specified for a number of individual morphemes (e.g., roots and suffixes). In the absence of lexically encoded stress, a default stress emerges. Most theoretical analyses of Greek stress that assume antepenultimate stress to represent the default (e.g., Malikouti-Drachman & Drachman 1989; Ralli & Touratzidis 1992; Revithiadou 1999) are not independently confirmed by experimental studies (e.g., Protopapas et al. 2006; Apostolouda 2012; Topintzi & Kainada 2012; Revithiadou & Lengeris in press). Here, we explore the nature of the default stress in Greek with regard to acronyms , given their lack of overt morphology and fixed stress pattern, with a goal of exploring how stress patterns are shaped when morphological information (encapsulated in the inflectional ending) is suppressed. For this purpose, we conducted two production (reading aloud) experiments, which revealed, for our consultants, first, an almost complete lack of antepenultimate stress and, second, a split between penultimate and final stress dependent on acronym length, the type of the final segment and the syllable type of the penultimate syllable. We found two predominant correspondences: (a) consonant-final acronyms and end stress and (b) vowel-final acronyms and the inflected word the vowel represents, the effect being that stress patterns for acronyms are linked to the inflected words they represent only if enough morphonological information about the acronym’s segments is available to create familiarity effects. Otherwise, we find a tendency for speakers to prefer stress at stem edges.
{"title":"Stress in the Absence of Morphological Conditioning: An Experimental Investigation of Stress in Greek Acronyms","authors":"Anthi Revithiadou, Kalomoira Nikolou, Despina Papadopoulou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01502003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01502003","url":null,"abstract":"Greek is a morphology-dependent stress system, where stress is lexically specified for a number of individual morphemes (e.g., roots and suffixes). In the absence of lexically encoded stress, a default stress emerges. Most theoretical analyses of Greek stress that assume antepenultimate stress to represent the default (e.g., Malikouti-Drachman & Drachman 1989; Ralli & Touratzidis 1992; Revithiadou 1999) are not independently confirmed by experimental studies (e.g., Protopapas et al. 2006; Apostolouda 2012; Topintzi & Kainada 2012; Revithiadou & Lengeris in press). Here, we explore the nature of the default stress in Greek with regard to acronyms , given their lack of overt morphology and fixed stress pattern, with a goal of exploring how stress patterns are shaped when morphological information (encapsulated in the inflectional ending) is suppressed. For this purpose, we conducted two production (reading aloud) experiments, which revealed, for our consultants, first, an almost complete lack of antepenultimate stress and, second, a split between penultimate and final stress dependent on acronym length, the type of the final segment and the syllable type of the penultimate syllable. We found two predominant correspondences: (a) consonant-final acronyms and end stress and (b) vowel-final acronyms and the inflected word the vowel represents, the effect being that stress patterns for acronyms are linked to the inflected words they represent only if enough morphonological information about the acronym’s segments is available to create familiarity effects. Otherwise, we find a tendency for speakers to prefer stress at stem edges.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"187-234"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01502003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65156883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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