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Behind the Protein Battle Lines in the 1970s: Nutritional Turmoil in the Postwar World. 20 世纪 70 年代蛋白质战线的背后:战后世界的营养动荡。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.503
Dongkue Lee

This study examines the development of international debates about the perception of nutrients, particularly protein, with a focus on the "Protein Debate" of the late 20th century. The nutritional obsession with protein has been ongoing since the early 19th century, when scientific nutrition was established, and has been at the center of debates surrounding food, agriculture, healthcare, and the environment, changing in shape and form over time. In addition to being a nutrient necessary for optimal physical and mental performance, protein has been a marker of poverty and discrimination at the international level and explains differences in individual living standards. Kwashiorkor, also known as protein calorie disorder, medicalized the problem of poverty in the Third World or underdeveloped countries. By the 1970s, the nutritional discussion of protein had undergone a radical transformation, with implications for the entire development discourse, including poverty and human rights. This study of the historical discourse on protein deficiency goes beyond the scientific focus on nutritional status, food, and dietary health to identify the social, economic, and cultural implications of nutrition.

本研究探讨了国际上关于营养素(尤其是蛋白质)认知辩论的发展历程,重点关注 20 世纪末的 "蛋白质辩论"。自 19 世纪初建立科学营养学以来,人们对蛋白质营养的痴迷就一直没有停止过,并且一直是围绕食品、农业、医疗保健和环境展开的辩论的中心,其形态和形式也随着时间的推移而不断变化。蛋白质不仅是最佳体能和智力表现所必需的营养素,也是国际上贫穷和歧视的标志,并能解释个人生活水平的差异。卡氏症(Kwashiorkor),又称蛋白质热量失调症,将第三世界或欠发达国家的贫困问题医学化。到 20 世纪 70 年代,关于蛋白质营养的讨论发生了根本性的转变,对包括贫困和人权在内的整个发展论述产生了影响。本研究对蛋白质缺乏症的历史论述超越了对营养状况、食物和饮食健康的科学关注,明确了营养对社会、经济和文化的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Important Drugs and Its Patterns during the Late Goryeo Dynasty -Obtain and distribution of Bupleuri Radix and Ginger. 高丽后期的重要药物及其模式 - 柴胡和生姜的获取和分布。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.259
Kyung-Rok Lee

This article deals with drugs obtain and distribution during the Goryeo Dynasty. In particular, I analyzed the case of 'Bupleuri Radix', which corresponds to 'dot-ui minali' as Idu, an archaic Korean notation, and Ginger, which was intentionally introduced and cultivated in Goryeo. Drugs of the Goryeo Dynasty can be classified into 5 types. Drugs that use the Chinese character name as the name of Goryeo were type A, drugs that correspond 1:1 with the archaic Korean notation to the Chinese character name were type B, and drugs that have the Chinese character name translated directly into the Korean name were type C. And although it were originally the foreign drugs, the drugs cultivated in Goryeo were Type D, and the drugs imported from foreign countries were Type E. Among these, types B and D are particularly interesting. Bupleuri Radix and Ginger discussed in this article were representative examples of type B and D respectively. Looking overall, type B had the highest proportion, followed by type A. Type E was the next most common. On the other hand, type C and D were relatively small. However, regardless of the high or low proportion, these types coexisted and constituted the therapeutic drugs of the Goryeo Dynasty. In conclusion, during the Goryeo Dynasty, interest and use of local drugs, namely Hyangjae, greatly expanded.

本文论述了高丽王朝时期药物的获取和流通。我特别分析了 "Bupleuri Radix "和生姜的情况,前者与 "dot-ui minali "相对应,后者是韩国的古语,而生姜则是高丽有意引进和种植的。高丽时代的药物可分为 5 类。使用汉字名称作为高丽名称的药物为 A 型,用韩国古文字符号与汉字名称 1:1 对应的药物为 B 型,将汉字名称直接翻译成韩国名称的药物为 C 型。本文讨论的柴胡和生姜分别是 B 型和 D 型的代表。总体来看,B 型所占比例最高,其次是 A 型。另一方面,C 型和 D 型相对较少。但是,无论比例高低,这些类型的药物并存,构成了高丽王朝的治疗药物。总之,在高丽时代,人们对乡土药物(即乡药)的兴趣和使用大大增加。
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引用次数: 0
The Publication and Historical Significance of Modern Chinese Medical Reports. 近代中国医学报告的出版和历史意义。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.431
Qing Jin

Unlike Western medical journals such as The Lancet which focused on Western-centric medical cases, Medical Reports analyzed medical and sanitary issues in East Asia, including China, Korea, and Japan and sought solutions to these problems. Medical Reports, a medical project initiated by the Chinese Maritime Customs Service (CMCS) in 1871, aimed to compile reference materials on the health conditions and diseases in ports. It was launched by the British Inspector General Robert Hart, who appointed the British Shanghai Customs Surgeon R. Alexander Jameson as the editor. Beginning in the 1860s, the British-led CMCS began expanding its reach from major cities to border areas, western regions, Taiwan Island, and Hainan Island, as well as territories beyond Qing Dynasty, such as Seoul, Busan, Incheon, Hong Kong, and Macau. This expansion required multinational cooperation, leading to the participation of Customs Surgeons, medical missionaries, and military doctors from ten countries, including the UK, the United States, France, China, Germany, Canada, Portugal, Norway, the Netherlands, and Australia, in the Medical Reports project. The Medical Reports were directly tied to the medical and sanitary initiatives in that community. They were authored by Customs Surgeons from a country with substantial regional influence. An analysis of the authors' nationalities, primary research focuses, and the relationship between the customs regions they covered revealed a statistically significant correlation. Even after Robert Koch discovered bacteria in the late nineteenth century, the miasma theory remained dominant, and most British doctors in India did not acknowledge the possibility that diseases could be caused by parasites. Despite this conservative historical context, the Medical Reports featured progressive research, including studies on leprosy based on germ theory and studies that actively embraced the emerging theory that parasites could be the cause of certain illnesses. In this process, the relatively unknown young physician named Patrick Manson, while working at the CMCS for 13 years, significantly advanced his medical knowledge by publishing numerous studies on filaria in the Medical Reports. His work led to the groundbreaking discovery that mosquitoes transmit infectious diseases. These research achievements pioneered the field of tropical medicine, a discipline that had not been established even in the extensive colonial holdings of France and Britain in tropical regions. Manson's work for the Medical Reports significantly advanced human efforts to prevent and respond to infectious diseases.

与《柳叶刀》等西方医学期刊关注以西方为中心的医疗案例不同,《医学报告》分析了包括中国、韩国和日本在内的东亚地区的医疗和卫生问题,并寻求解决这些问题的方法。医学报告》是中国海关(CMCS)于 1871 年发起的一个医学项目,旨在编纂有关港口卫生状况和疾病的参考资料。该报告由英国总督罗伯特-哈特(Robert Hart)发起,他任命英国上海海关外科医生亚历山大-詹姆逊(R. Alexander Jameson)担任编辑。从 19 世纪 60 年代开始,以英国人为首的中国医疗卫生服务机构开始将业务范围从主要城市扩展到边境地区、西部地区、台湾岛和海南岛,以及清朝以外的地区,如首尔、釜山、仁川、香港和澳门。这种扩张需要多国合作,因此,来自英国、美国、法国、中国、德国、加拿大、葡萄牙、挪威、荷兰和澳大利亚等十个国家的海关外科医生、医学传教士和军医参与了《医学报告》项目。医学报告》与该社区的医疗和卫生举措直接相关。这些报告的作者都是来自具有重大地区影响的国家的海关外科医生。对作者的国籍、主要研究重点以及他们所覆盖的海关区域之间的关系进行分析后发现,在统计学上存在显著的相关性。即使在罗伯特-科赫(Robert Koch)于 19 世纪末发现细菌之后,瘴气理论仍然占据主导地位,印度的大多数英国医生都不承认疾病可能是由寄生虫引起的。尽管在这种保守的历史背景下,《医学报告》还是刊登了一些进步的研究成果,包括基于细菌理论的麻风病研究,以及积极接受寄生虫可能是某些疾病病因这一新兴理论的研究。在这一过程中,一位名叫帕特里克-曼森(Patrick Manson)的名不见经传的年轻医生在中国医学科学院工作了 13 年,在《医学报告》上发表了大量关于丝虫的研究报告,极大地促进了他医学知识的发展。他的研究成果开创性地发现蚊子会传播传染病。这些研究成果开创了热带医学领域,即使在英法两国在热带地区拥有大量殖民地的情况下,热带医学这门学科也尚未建立起来。曼森为《医学报告》所做的工作极大地推动了人类预防和应对传染病的努力。
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引用次数: 0
Types and Treatments of Surgical Diseases in Ancient China Found in Bamboo and Silk Texts: Focusing on External Injuries, Burns and Scalds, Intestines, Anus Diseases. 竹帛中发现的中国古代外科疾病的类型和治疗方法:关注外伤、烧伤和烫伤、肠道、肛门疾病。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.371
Hooki Min

This article aims to analyze the types of surgical diseases and treatments in ancient China as documented in bamboo and silk texts, with a particular focus on (external) injury, tetanus, burns, rectal and anal diseases, and inguinal hernias. For this analysis, I gathered 85 instances of disease and treatments recorded in these texts. The 85 cases were further categorized into 13 (external) injuries, 13 metal wounds, 6 tetanus, 22 burns, 16 rectal and anal diseases, and 15 inguinal hernias. The analysis revealed that the treatment of (external) injury and burns focused primarily on the wound site, while the treatment of metal wounds and tetanus centered on addressing the internal body. Internal treatments were mainly prescribed through the use of medicine and food. Surgical intervention was recommended primarily for diseases of the rectum and anus, with medications applied to the woundspost-surgery. For inguinal hernias, a high-protein diet was typically prescribed. As we've seen, in ancient China, surgical diseases were mainly treated with medication, surgery, and dietary prescriptions. And among these prescriptions, drug prescriptions were utilized not only by medical doctors but also by witch-doctors treating diseases in civilian society and soldiers stationed at frontline military posts. In the absence of medical doctors in both civilian society and frontline units, witch-doctors and frontline units purchased or stockpiled prescription drugs and used them to treat patients according to prescription.

本文旨在分析竹帛文献中记载的中国古代外科疾病和治疗方法的类型,尤其侧重于(外)伤、破伤风、烧伤、直肠和肛门疾病以及腹股沟疝。在这次分析中,我收集了这些典籍中记录的 85 例疾病和治疗方法。这 85 个病例又分为 13 例(外伤)、13 例金属伤、6 例破伤风、22 例烧伤、16 例直肠和肛门疾病以及 15 例腹股沟疝气。分析结果显示,(外伤)和烧伤的治疗主要集中在伤口部位,而金属伤和破伤风的治疗则集中在身体内部。内部治疗主要通过药物和食物进行。对于直肠和肛门的疾病,主要建议采用手术治疗,并在术后在伤口处涂抹药物。对于腹股沟疝气,通常采用高蛋白饮食。正如我们所看到的,在中国古代,外科疾病主要通过药物、手术和饮食处方来治疗。而在这些方剂中,药物方剂不仅被医生使用,也被民间治病的巫医和驻守前线的士兵使用。在民间社会和前线部队都没有医生的情况下,巫医和前线部队购买或储存处方药,并根据处方治疗病人。
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引用次数: 0
Ideals and Reality of Public Health Nursing in Korea: Influence of U.S. Nurse Advisors, 1945~1961. 韩国公共卫生护理的理想与现实:美国护士顾问的影响,1945-1961 年。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.331
Kyunghee Yi, Junho Jung

South Korea's national healthcare system after liberation often described as transformation from 'sanitation' to 'public health'. The U.S. military government introduced public health nursing as the primary vehicle for communicating the newly introduced concept of public health to the Korean public. This meant that nursing, which had been in a subordinate position within the healthcare system during the Japanese occupation, had to be repositioned within the healthcare system as an independent and leading professional agent of healthcare. At the same time creating positions for public health nurses within the newly envisioned health center system, and convincing the public that nurses were the primary agents of public health activities. Yet, in resource limited setting, the role of public health nurses was significantly scaled back. Initial plans for institutionalized, community-wide health care through home visits shifted to addressing the challenges facing Korean society, including maternal and child health and infectious disease prevention. Ironically, the expansion of health centers during late 1950s diminished the position of public health nurses within local government health systems, who were gradually replaced by male administrative staff. The role of public health nurses was greatly curtailed in the 1960s, but they laid the groundwork for later community nursing and health care efforts. At the same time, public health nurses were assigned with new role of 'visiting' local health centers for observation, education, and management. Public health nursing allows to look beyond the ideological and institutional dimensions to examine how new concepts and practices of "public health" were actually transmitted to communities in post-liberation Korea.

韩国解放后的国家医疗保健系统通常被描述为从 "卫生 "到 "公共卫生 "的转变。美军政府将公共卫生护理作为向韩国公众传播新引入的公共卫生概念的主要工具。这意味着,在日本占领时期,护理在医疗保健系统中一直处于从属地位,现在必须在医疗保健系统中重新定位,成为独立和领先的医疗保健专业机构。同时,在新设想的保健中心系统内为公共卫生护士设立职位,并让公众相信护士是公共卫生活动的主要推动者。然而,在资源有限的情况下,公共卫生护士的作用被大大削弱。最初计划通过家访提供制度化的、全社区范围的医疗保健服务,现已转向应对韩国社会面临的挑战,包括妇幼保健和传染病预防。具有讽刺意味的是,20 世纪 50 年代后期保健中心的扩张削弱了公共卫生护士在地方政府卫生系统中的地位,她们逐渐被男性行政人员取代。20 世纪 60 年代,公共卫生护士的作用被大大削弱,但她们为后来的社区护理和保健工作奠定了基础。与此同时,公共卫生护士被赋予了 "访问 "当地卫生中心进行观察、教育和管理的新角色。通过公共卫生护理,我们可以超越意识形态和制度层面,审视 "公共卫生 "的新概念和新实践是如何在解放后的韩国实际传播到社区的。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Traditional Chinese Medicine in Hong Kong during the Influenza Epidemics in the 1950s and 1960s. 重新审视二十世纪五、六十年代流感流行期间香港的传统中医药。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.191
Minsuh Kim
<p><p>This paper examines the supply and utilization of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in Hong Kong during the influenza epidemics of the 1950s and 1960s. Existing narratives of TCM in Hong Kong have predominantly framed with within the dichotomy of Western medicine "Xiyi" and Chinese medicine "Zhongyi," portraying TCM as marginalized and nearly wiped out by colonial power. Departing from this binary opposition, this study views TCM as an autonomous space that had never been subjugated by the colonial power which opted for minimal interventionist approach toward TCM. By adopting diachronic and synchronic perspectives on Hong Kong's unique environment shaped by its colonial history and the geopolitics of the Cold War in East Asia, particularly its relationships with "China," this research seeks to reassess the role and status of TCM in post-World War II Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, along with other countries in East Asia, traditional medicine has ceded its position as mainstream medicine to Western medicine. Faced with the crisis of "extinction," Chinese medical professionals, including medical practitioners and merchant groups, persistently sought solidarity and "self-renewal." In the 1950s and 1960s, the colonial authorities heavily relied on private entities, including charity hospitals and clinics; furthermore, there was a lack of provision of public healthcare and official prevention measures against the epidemic influenza. As such, it is not surprising that the Chinese utilized TCM, along with Western medicine, to contain the epidemics which brought about an explosive surge in the number of patients from novel influenza viruses. TCM was significantly consumed during these explosive outbreaks of influenza in 1957 and 1968. In making this argument, this paper firstly provides an overview of the associations of Chinese medical practitioners and merchants who were crucial to the development of TCM in Hong Kong. Secondly, it analyzes one level of active provision and consumption of Chinese medicine during the two flu epidemics, focusing on the medical practices of TCM practitioners in the 1957 epidemic. While recognizing the etiologic agent or agents of the disease as influenza viruses, the group of Chinese medical practitioners of the Chinese Medical Society in Hong Kong adopted the basic principles of traditional medicine regarding influenza, such as Shanghanlun and Wenbingxue, to distinguish the disease status among patients and prescribe medicine according to correct diagnoses, which were effective. Thirdly, this paper examines the level of folk culture among the people, who utilized famous prescriptions of Chinese herbal medicine and alimentotherapy, in addition to Chinese patent medicines imported from mainland China. In the context of regional commercial network, this section also demonstrates how Hong Kong served as a sole exporting port of medicinal materials (e.g., Chinese herbs) and Chinese patent medicines from the People's Republic o
本文探讨了 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代流感流行期间香港传统中药(TCM)的供应和使用情况。现有关于香港中医药的叙述主要将中医药框定在西医 "西药 "和中医 "中药 "的二元对立中,将中医药描绘成边缘化的、几乎被殖民势力消灭的事物。与这种二元对立不同的是,本研究将中医视为一个从未被殖民国家征服的自主空间,殖民国家选择对中医采取最小干预的方式。香港的独特环境是由其殖民地历史和东亚冷战地缘政治(尤其是与 "中国 "的关系)所塑造的,本研究通过采用对偶和同步的视角,试图重新评估中医药在二战后香港的角色和地位。在香港和其他东亚国家,传统医学作为主流医学的地位已经让位于西方医学。面对 "消亡 "的危机,包括医生和商团在内的中医界人士坚持不懈地寻求团结和 "自我更新"。20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代,殖民当局严重依赖私人实体,包括慈善医院和诊所;此外,还缺乏提供公共医疗保健和官方预防流行性感冒的措施。因此,中国人利用中医药和西医来控制疫情也就不足为奇了。在 1957 年和 1968 年爆发的流感疫情中,中医药被大量使用。为提出这一论点,本文首先概述了对香港中医药发展至关重要的中医师和商人协会。其次,本文从一个层面分析了两次流感疫情期间中药的积极供应和消费情况,重点关注 1957 年疫情中中医师的医疗行为。在确认病原体为流感病毒的同时,香港中医药学会的一批中医师采用传统医学中有关流感的基本原理,如《上甘岭》、《温病条辨》等,辨别病人的病情,对症下药,取得了良好的效果。第三,本文考察了民众的民俗文化水平,他们除了使用从中国大陆进口的中成药外,还使用中草药和食疗的名方。在区域商业网络的背景下,本节还展示了在 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代的社会主义计划经济或管制经济下,香港如何成为中华人民共和国向包括香港在内的资本主义市场出口药材(如中草药)和中成药的唯一港口。这不仅是由于中药在恢复人体免疫力和缓解人体症状方面的功效,也是这些中医师为捍卫民族医药 "国药",将其定位为科学医学的补充和替代医学而做出的自愿努力。此外,进口和分销中药材和 "国药 "中成药的商人以及使用中药的民众也发挥了重要作用,所有这些都促使中医药在殖民地时期的香港蓬勃发展。
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引用次数: 0
The Perception and Treatment of People about Abscesses in the Song Period: Focus on Hongmai Yijianzhi. 宋代人们对脓肿的认识和治疗:聚焦《红梅易筋经》。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.135
Haebyoul Choi

During the Song period, abscesses were a disease that could affect anyone regardless of their class. This study examines how people at that time explained the cause of abscesses and their efforts to treat them, focusing on the experiences of those who suffered from abscesses and their families. Previous research on disease history during the Song period primarily focused on ailments like colds and infectious diseases , or plagues prevalent in the southern regions of China. On the other hand, examining abscesses as a common everyday illness that could affect anyone and considering them from the perspective of patients' experiences has remained unexplored in previous studies. To reconstruct the experiences of Song period patients, this study analyzes over sixty anecdotes related to abscesses found in Yi Jian Zhi written by Hong Mai. These cases span across the mid to late 12th century, with a majority of the patients being from the literati () class or connected to the literati. These anecdotes exhibit two distinct trends. One focuses on narratives surrounding the onset of abscesses, attributing their cause primarily to the patients' lifestyle. When the cause of the abscesses was unknown, people metaphorically attributed its onset to perceived blasphemy against God, an act of killing, negligence in duties, or other wrongdoings. This trend is evident among the literati class in particular, where abscesses were often linked to factors such as excessive legal executions or exploitation, and even acts of killing people. Except for those cases, in explaining the cause of abscesses in commoners, there were instances caused by a pediculus infestation, while in case of literati, Dansha () poisoning was a common cause. It is interesting to note that the narrative tradition, prevalent in official history biographies, which attributes the onset of abscesses to worries and resentment, was not evident in written records such as Yi Jian Zhi. Furthermore, the detailed description of external similarities, portraying abscesses as traces of punishment from the underground realm, is a narrative characteristic that solidified such stereotypical perceptions. The literati's notion that they should alert people through these related anecdotes contributed to the spread of this perception. Another trend in these anecdotes was centered around narratives of abscess treatment, where the focus shifted primarily to seeking "doctors," unlike the metaphorical explanations of abscess onset causes and processes. When afflicted with abscesses, people generally sought out those renowned surgeons, known as Yang-yi , and those famous for treating abscesses. In local communities, individuals who had "received the divine secrets of abscesses," those possessing their own mysterious abscesses cures, and those famous for generations for treating abscesses by using stone acupuncture were active. Such information about them was shared within the local societies. Their treatment predomi

在宋朝,脓肿是一种不分阶级的疾病。本研究以脓疮患者及其家人的经历为重点,探讨了当时人们如何解释脓疮的病因以及他们为治疗脓疮所做的努力。以往对宋代疾病史的研究主要集中在中国南方地区流行的感冒、传染病或瘟疫等疾病上。另一方面,将脓疮作为一种可能影响任何人的日常常见疾病,并从患者经历的角度进行考量,这在以往的研究中尚未涉及。为了重构宋代病人的经历,本研究分析了洪迈所著的《夷坚志》中与脓肿有关的六十多则轶事。这些病例横跨 12 世纪中后期,大多数患者来自文人阶层或与文人有关。这些轶事呈现出两种不同的趋势。其一是围绕脓肿发病的叙述,主要将其原因归咎于患者的生活方式。当脓肿病因不明时,人们会将其发病隐喻为对神的亵渎、杀戮行为、玩忽职守或其他错误行为。这种趋势在文人阶层尤为明显,脓肿往往与过度的法律处决或剥削,甚至杀人行为等因素有关。除此以外,在解释平民的脓疮原因时,也有由足癣引起的情况,而文人的脓疮则常见于丹砂中毒。值得注意的是,正史传记中盛行的将脓疮发病归因于忧愤的叙事传统,在《夷坚志》等文字记载中并不明显。此外,详细描述外部相似性,将脓疮描绘成来自地下领域的惩罚痕迹,也是巩固这种刻板印象的叙事特点。文人应该通过这些相关轶事警醒人们的观念也助长了这种观念的传播。这些轶事的另一个趋势是围绕脓疮治疗的叙述,与对脓疮发病原因和过程的隐喻性解释不同,其重点主要转向寻找 "医生"。患上脓肿后,人们一般会去找那些被称为 "阳一 "的著名外科医生,以及那些以治疗脓肿而闻名的医生。在当地社区,活跃着 "得脓毒神诀 "的人、拥有自己神秘脓毒疗法的人、以及世代以使用石针治疗脓毒症而闻名的人。有关他们的这些信息在当地社会中共享。他们的治疗方法主要是通过外科手术对脓肿进行穿刺和排脓,患者在治疗过程中往往要忍受巨大的痛苦。在许多情况下,这些患者会寻求当地知名外科医生和脓肿专家的治疗,他们会对患者进行手术治疗。据说影响了中国以脉象为中心的医学和学术发展的文人,也会找外科医生治疗脓肿。宫廷编纂的医书和民间出版的医书很少提及利用工具进行外科手术的方法。当时地方上使用外科技术的事实表明,文献中记载的官方医疗实践与地方社区使用的实际方法之间存在差距。对大约 60 篇与脓肿有关的轶事进行的分析表明,脓肿的特点是病因不明和疼痛难忍。脓肿的发病原因往往与患者的生活方式和错误行为有关,脓肿也被视为对个人错误行为的惩罚。然而,由于这种疾病可以通过外科手术相对容易地观察到治疗效果,因此人们积极利用当地形成的治疗环境,更倾向于外科手术治疗,而不是依靠宗教力量。与医学文献中概述的医疗趋势和方法相反,手术治疗是当地社区居民普遍选择的治疗方法。由此看来,在宋朝时期,人们所经历、推理和分享的关于脓肿的认知和应对的现实情况并不一定与主流医疗做法一致。
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引用次数: 0
The April Revolution and the Sense of Place in Medical Space: Focusing on Major Hospitals in Downtown Seoul. 四月革命与医疗空间的场所感:聚焦首尔市中心的主要医院。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103
Changhoon Shin

This article focuses on the medical activities conducted by major hospitals in downtown Seoul during the April Revolution in 1960, examining their experiential context and significance. The influx of guns and bullets into Korean society following the liberation in 1945 intertwined with the political and social conflicts of the period, resulting in numerous assassinations, crimes, and terrorism. Gunshot wounds were traumas that became a part of the everyday life of Koreans, as well as scars which reflected their historical contexts. At the same time, the frequent occurrence of gunshot wounds led to the development of medical capacities to treat them. The Korean surgical academia expanded its technical foundation with experiences during and after the Korean War. This progress was particularly noticeable in areas closely related to gunshot wounds, such as craniotomy, thoracotomy, vascular anastomosis, debridement, anesthesia, and blood transfusion. Major hospitals in downtown Seoul served as medical spaces where these experimental and technical foundations were concentrated, allowing them to minimize the death toll despite the massive gunfire by the National Police in April 1960. Thus, the aftermath of the epidemic of gunshots resulted in a rather paradoxical outcome. This development became a resource for doctors and nurses, who added their revolutionary implications in reconstructing the experience of April 1960 in their various memoirs and reports. While memoirs reorganized general medical activities, portraying injured patients as participants in the revolution, reports provided forensic descriptions and interpretations of the deaths, giving authority to the main narrative of the revolution. As the interpretations and significance based on historical contexts gained prominence, major hospitals in downtown Seoul also developed a sense of place closely associated with the revolution.

本文重点关注 1960 年 "四月革命 "期间首尔市中心各大医院开展的医疗活动,研究其经验背景和意义。1945 年解放后,枪支和子弹大量涌入韩国社会,与当时的政治和社会冲突交织在一起,导致了大量暗杀、犯罪和恐怖主义事件。枪伤是韩国人日常生活中的创伤,也是反映其历史背景的伤疤。与此同时,枪伤的频繁发生也促进了治疗枪伤的医疗能力的发展。韩国外科学术界凭借朝鲜战争期间和之后的经验扩大了其技术基础。这一进步在与枪伤密切相关的领域尤为明显,如开颅手术、开胸手术、血管吻合术、清创术、麻醉和输血。首尔市中心的各大医院是这些实验和技术基础集中的医疗场所,尽管 1960 年 4 月国家警察开枪射击,但这些医院还是将死亡人数降到了最低。因此,枪击流行病的后果是一个相当矛盾的结果。这一事态发展成为医生和护士的资源,他们在各种回忆录和报告中重构了 1960 年 4 月的经历,增添了革命性的意义。回忆录重新组织了一般的医疗活动,将受伤的病人描绘成革命的参与者,而报告则对死亡事件进行了法医描述和解释,为革命的主要叙事赋予了权威性。随着基于历史背景的解释和意义日益突出,首尔市中心的各大医院也形成了与革命密切相关的地方感。
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引用次数: 0
Characteristics of Using Oriental Medicine Clinics during the Japanese Occupation: An Analysis of the 1931 Seoul Bochun Clinic Account Book. 日占时期东洋医学诊所的使用特点:1931 年汉城宝春诊所账簿分析》。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.59
Jongwook Jeon, Dongwon Shin
<p><p>This article analyzes the "account book" of Kim Young-hoon (1882-1974), which summarizes information about patients at his Bochun Clinic in Seoul (then Gyeongseong) in 1931. Kim Young-hoon was a pivotal figure in the medical scene throughout the Korean Empire, the Japanese occupation, and the early years of the Republic of Korea. He left behind a large amount of documentation during his 60 years of practice at the Bochun Clinic, which he opened in the spring of 1909. In particular, the 1931 "account book" offers an insight into the daily life histories of his patients. Among the patient-visitors recorded in the account book, there were many influential people of the time, ranging from privileged individuals to anti-Japanese independence activists, from those in political and economic fields to those in academic and entertainment fields. At the same time, a significant number of lower-class people also visited the Clinic. Geographically, patients were centered in the city center of the capital, Gyeongseong, but were also widely distributed throughout the country. There are indications that those from the rural areas stayed in the homes of their acquaintances in Seoul. As such, the account book provides a tangible, concrete picture of the clinic's management for the year 1931, including visitor demographics, visiting diagnoses, telephone consultations, and the total cost of medicinal prescriptions. Because the account book is a one-year statistic, it has its limitations; however, it is the smallest unit that can be analyzed statistically. It provides insights into how many people came in over the course of a year and how much they spent. The expenditures are kept per individual family. The patient's name, prescribed medication, and the price of the medicine are mandatorily included, and in many cases, the place of residence and family relationships are also noted. The account book shows several layers of householders, servants, and employees in the extended family; it also shows people in various occupations. A few privileged families accounted for nearly half of the total expenditures, and the powerful visited frequently, utilizing Oriental medicine for many of their daily needs. For some, the Bochun Clinic is reminiscent of the royal temples of the dynasties. Patients come from the center and suburbs of Seoul, as well as from all over the country. In one year, more than one thousand types of prescriptions are issued and the total cost of medicines is about 33 seom (≒180 liters of rice). Although there is a concentration of high-frequency prescriptions, more than a thousand prescriptions are prescribed only once, which shows that the practice is specialized for each individual. Patient visits, consultations, and telephone use are observed, and the use of new drugs, quinine, and special ginseng as one-herb medication (danbang) are also noticeable. The statistical analysis of the 1931 Bochun Clinic "account book" can serve as a milestone for c
本文分析了金英勋(1882-1974 年)的 "账簿",该账簿汇总了 1931 年他在首尔(当时的庆城)的宝春诊所收治的病人信息。金英勋在整个大韩帝国、日本占领时期和大韩民国建国初期的医疗界都是一位举足轻重的人物。他于 1909 年春开设了宝春诊所,在长达 60 年的行医生涯中留下了大量文献资料。特别是 1931 年的 "账簿",让我们了解到他的病人的日常生活史。在账本记录的就诊者中,不乏当时有影响力的人物,既有特权阶层,也有反日独立分子;既有政治、经济界人士,也有学术、娱乐界人士。与此同时,也有相当数量的下层民众到诊所就诊。从地域上看,患者主要集中在首都庆城的市中心,但也广泛分布在全国各地。有迹象表明,那些来自农村地区的病人住在首尔的熟人家里。因此,账簿提供了 1931 年诊所管理的具体情况,包括来访者的人口统计、来访诊断、电话咨询和处方药的总费用。由于账本是一年的统计资料,因此有其局限性,但它是可以进行统计分析的最小单位。通过它可以了解一年中有多少人前来就诊以及他们花费了多少钱。每个家庭的支出都有记录。病人的姓名、处方药和药价都必须包括在内,在许多情况下,居住地和家庭关系也被记录在案。账本显示了大家庭中的几层家主、仆人和雇员,还显示了从事各种职业的人。少数特权家庭的支出占总支出的近一半,有权有势的人经常光顾,利用东方医学满足他们的许多日常需求。对一些人来说,博春诊所让人想起历朝历代的皇家寺庙。患者来自首尔市中心和郊区以及全国各地。一年中,开出的处方超过一千种,总药费约为 33 seom(≒180 升大米)。虽然高频处方比较集中,但也有一千多种处方只开一次,这说明每个人的处方都是专业的。病人出诊、会诊和使用电话的情况都有观察,新药、奎宁和特殊人参作为一味药(丹方)的使用也很明显。对 1931 年柏春诊所 "账簿 "的统计分析,可以作为比较分析该年前后中草药使用模式的里程碑。同时,从宝春诊所的 "账本 "中可以看出权贵和普通民众对传统草药的延续。一方面,韩国人顺应了以日本皇室总督府为象征的现代化浪潮,但另一方面,他们又不愿放弃传统和自身的权威。韩国人在积极拥抱文明浪潮的同时,也将自身的理性内化,寻求开辟一条新的前进道路,这种情感在 "账本 "的字里行间清晰可见。
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引用次数: 0
Medical Applications and Distribution of Borneol during the Joseon Period. 朝鲜时期婆罗酚的医疗应用和分布。
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.1
Kiseok Kwon
<p><p>Borneol(yongnoe) was a fragrance and medicinal ingredient with unique efficacy. However, it could be produced only in tropical Southeast Asia and obtained only through international trade. In addition, camphor(jangnoe) with similar material properties was developed and distributed as an inexpensive replacement for borneol, although the processing method is different from that of borneol. Even in Joseon Korea, borneol and camphor were recognized as separate medicines, and efforts were made to obtain a high-quality borneol. Borneol and camphor have a unique effect of relieving inflammation, pain and heavy feeling, so it could be widely applied to symptoms in various diseases. During the Joseon period, borneol was a rare item that could only be obtained through foreign trade, and it was also used for perfumes and insect repellents, but most widely used as medicine. There are many records of actually prescribing borneol to the royal family, and many medicines containing borneol and its effective symptoms were also recorded in the medical books. Borneol was able to spread widely in Joseon society thanks to the practice of distributing 'nabyak' to court officials every year in the twelfth month of the lunar calendar. Since nabyak was used as a household medicine that was stored and used when necessary, pills containing borneol that could be applied to various symptoms were suitable for this purpose. Despite considerable medical demand, borneol was one of the important 'dangyakjae', the Chinese medicines imported to Joseon. During the Joseon period, borneol was imported through China and Japan, but genuine borneol was difficult to obtain, so it was often presented to Joseon as gifts of envoy trade. It is thought that camphor was also imported, but it is not well mentioned in official records or medical books reflecting national demand. Perhaps this is thought to be because the government prioritized securing better quality borneol rather than campher. In the early 17th century, due to the instability of the envoy's route to the Ming Dynasty, Joseon had to import borneol only through the sea. As a result, there were problems with the supply and quality of borneol, and national interest in Japanese borneol temporarily increased. However, as the relationship with the Qing Dynasty stabilized, a system was established to import national borneol demand through the annual envoy trade. Naeuiwon, the medical center for the royal family is in charge of securing and prescribing Chinese medicines, but the cost was covered by the silver paid by Hojo, the ministry of finance of Joseon Dynasty. Since the amount of Chinese medicines used in the preparation of nabyak was not small, the financial burden of importing enough medicines including borneol increased. The purveyors for government played a role in supplying Chinese medicines to the government. Their appearance shows that private merchants were actively involved in the trade of Chinese medicines including b
龙脑(Borneol)是一种具有独特功效的香料和药用成分。然而,它只能在东南亚热带地区生产,而且只能通过国际贸易获得。此外,具有类似物质特性的樟脑(Jangnoe)也被开发出来,并作为一种廉价的替代品在市场上销售,但其加工方法与龙脑不同。即使在朝鲜,人们也将龙脑和樟脑视为不同的药物,并努力获得高质量的龙脑。龙脑和樟脑具有缓解炎症、疼痛和沉重感的独特功效,因此可以广泛应用于各种疾病的症状。在朝鲜时期,龙脑是一种稀有物品,只能通过对外贸易获得,也可用于香水和驱虫剂,但最广泛的用途是入药。有许多记录表明,王室实际上开出了硼醇处方,医书中也记载了许多含有硼醇的药物及其有效症状。硼砂能够在朝鲜社会广泛传播,得益于每年农历 12 月向朝廷官员分发 "萘乙醇 "的习俗。由于 "纳比克 "是一种家庭用药,可以储存起来,在必要时使用,因此含有硼醇的药丸适用于各种症状。尽管医疗需求量很大,但冰片却是重要的 "丹药 "之一,即进口到朝鲜的中药。朝鲜时期,樟脑通过中国和日本进口,但真正的樟脑很难获得,因此经常作为使节贸易的礼物赠送给朝鲜。据说樟脑也有进口,但在官方记录或反映国家需求的医学书籍中却很少提及。也许这是因为政府优先考虑的是获得质量更好的龙脑而不是樟脑。17 世纪初,由于前往明朝的使节路线不稳定,朝鲜只能通过海路进口龙脑。因此,硼砂的供应和质量出现了问题,朝鲜对日本硼砂的兴趣也暂时增加了。然而,随着与清朝的关系趋于稳定,通过每年的使节贸易进口国家所需的硼酸的制度得以建立。皇室医疗中心 "内院 "负责获取和开具中药处方,但费用由朝鲜财政部 "胡州 "支付的银两承担。由于配制 "萘乙乐 "所用的中药数量不小,进口足够的药物(包括龙脑)增加了财政负担。官府采购员在向官府供应中药方面发挥了作用。他们的出现表明,私人商人积极参与了包括龙脑在内的中药贸易。民间商人活动所形成的药材市场,极大地促进了龙脑的广泛应用和流通。
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Korean Journal of Medical History
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