Pub Date : 2024-08-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.503
Dongkue Lee
This study examines the development of international debates about the perception of nutrients, particularly protein, with a focus on the "Protein Debate" of the late 20th century. The nutritional obsession with protein has been ongoing since the early 19th century, when scientific nutrition was established, and has been at the center of debates surrounding food, agriculture, healthcare, and the environment, changing in shape and form over time. In addition to being a nutrient necessary for optimal physical and mental performance, protein has been a marker of poverty and discrimination at the international level and explains differences in individual living standards. Kwashiorkor, also known as protein calorie disorder, medicalized the problem of poverty in the Third World or underdeveloped countries. By the 1970s, the nutritional discussion of protein had undergone a radical transformation, with implications for the entire development discourse, including poverty and human rights. This study of the historical discourse on protein deficiency goes beyond the scientific focus on nutritional status, food, and dietary health to identify the social, economic, and cultural implications of nutrition.
{"title":"Behind the Protein Battle Lines in the 1970s: Nutritional Turmoil in the Postwar World.","authors":"Dongkue Lee","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.503","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.503","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study examines the development of international debates about the perception of nutrients, particularly protein, with a focus on the \"Protein Debate\" of the late 20th century. The nutritional obsession with protein has been ongoing since the early 19th century, when scientific nutrition was established, and has been at the center of debates surrounding food, agriculture, healthcare, and the environment, changing in shape and form over time. In addition to being a nutrient necessary for optimal physical and mental performance, protein has been a marker of poverty and discrimination at the international level and explains differences in individual living standards. Kwashiorkor, also known as protein calorie disorder, medicalized the problem of poverty in the Third World or underdeveloped countries. By the 1970s, the nutritional discussion of protein had undergone a radical transformation, with implications for the entire development discourse, including poverty and human rights. This study of the historical discourse on protein deficiency goes beyond the scientific focus on nutritional status, food, and dietary health to identify the social, economic, and cultural implications of nutrition.</p>","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 2","pages":"503-530"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11464136/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142373086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.259
Kyung-Rok Lee
This article deals with drugs obtain and distribution during the Goryeo Dynasty. In particular, I analyzed the case of 'Bupleuri Radix', which corresponds to 'dot-ui minali' as Idu, an archaic Korean notation, and Ginger, which was intentionally introduced and cultivated in Goryeo. Drugs of the Goryeo Dynasty can be classified into 5 types. Drugs that use the Chinese character name as the name of Goryeo were type A, drugs that correspond 1:1 with the archaic Korean notation to the Chinese character name were type B, and drugs that have the Chinese character name translated directly into the Korean name were type C. And although it were originally the foreign drugs, the drugs cultivated in Goryeo were Type D, and the drugs imported from foreign countries were Type E. Among these, types B and D are particularly interesting. Bupleuri Radix and Ginger discussed in this article were representative examples of type B and D respectively. Looking overall, type B had the highest proportion, followed by type A. Type E was the next most common. On the other hand, type C and D were relatively small. However, regardless of the high or low proportion, these types coexisted and constituted the therapeutic drugs of the Goryeo Dynasty. In conclusion, during the Goryeo Dynasty, interest and use of local drugs, namely Hyangjae, greatly expanded.
本文论述了高丽王朝时期药物的获取和流通。我特别分析了 "Bupleuri Radix "和生姜的情况,前者与 "dot-ui minali "相对应,后者是韩国的古语,而生姜则是高丽有意引进和种植的。高丽时代的药物可分为 5 类。使用汉字名称作为高丽名称的药物为 A 型,用韩国古文字符号与汉字名称 1:1 对应的药物为 B 型,将汉字名称直接翻译成韩国名称的药物为 C 型。本文讨论的柴胡和生姜分别是 B 型和 D 型的代表。总体来看,B 型所占比例最高,其次是 A 型。另一方面,C 型和 D 型相对较少。但是,无论比例高低,这些类型的药物并存,构成了高丽王朝的治疗药物。总之,在高丽时代,人们对乡土药物(即乡药)的兴趣和使用大大增加。
{"title":"Important Drugs and Its Patterns during the Late Goryeo Dynasty -Obtain and distribution of Bupleuri Radix and Ginger.","authors":"Kyung-Rok Lee","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.259","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.259","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article deals with drugs obtain and distribution during the Goryeo Dynasty. In particular, I analyzed the case of 'Bupleuri Radix', which corresponds to 'dot-ui minali' as Idu, an archaic Korean notation, and Ginger, which was intentionally introduced and cultivated in Goryeo. Drugs of the Goryeo Dynasty can be classified into 5 types. Drugs that use the Chinese character name as the name of Goryeo were type A, drugs that correspond 1:1 with the archaic Korean notation to the Chinese character name were type B, and drugs that have the Chinese character name translated directly into the Korean name were type C. And although it were originally the foreign drugs, the drugs cultivated in Goryeo were Type D, and the drugs imported from foreign countries were Type E. Among these, types B and D are particularly interesting. Bupleuri Radix and Ginger discussed in this article were representative examples of type B and D respectively. Looking overall, type B had the highest proportion, followed by type A. Type E was the next most common. On the other hand, type C and D were relatively small. However, regardless of the high or low proportion, these types coexisted and constituted the therapeutic drugs of the Goryeo Dynasty. In conclusion, during the Goryeo Dynasty, interest and use of local drugs, namely Hyangjae, greatly expanded.</p>","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 2","pages":"259-298"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11464139/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142373088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.431
Qing Jin
Unlike Western medical journals such as The Lancet which focused on Western-centric medical cases, Medical Reports analyzed medical and sanitary issues in East Asia, including China, Korea, and Japan and sought solutions to these problems. Medical Reports, a medical project initiated by the Chinese Maritime Customs Service (CMCS) in 1871, aimed to compile reference materials on the health conditions and diseases in ports. It was launched by the British Inspector General Robert Hart, who appointed the British Shanghai Customs Surgeon R. Alexander Jameson as the editor. Beginning in the 1860s, the British-led CMCS began expanding its reach from major cities to border areas, western regions, Taiwan Island, and Hainan Island, as well as territories beyond Qing Dynasty, such as Seoul, Busan, Incheon, Hong Kong, and Macau. This expansion required multinational cooperation, leading to the participation of Customs Surgeons, medical missionaries, and military doctors from ten countries, including the UK, the United States, France, China, Germany, Canada, Portugal, Norway, the Netherlands, and Australia, in the Medical Reports project. The Medical Reports were directly tied to the medical and sanitary initiatives in that community. They were authored by Customs Surgeons from a country with substantial regional influence. An analysis of the authors' nationalities, primary research focuses, and the relationship between the customs regions they covered revealed a statistically significant correlation. Even after Robert Koch discovered bacteria in the late nineteenth century, the miasma theory remained dominant, and most British doctors in India did not acknowledge the possibility that diseases could be caused by parasites. Despite this conservative historical context, the Medical Reports featured progressive research, including studies on leprosy based on germ theory and studies that actively embraced the emerging theory that parasites could be the cause of certain illnesses. In this process, the relatively unknown young physician named Patrick Manson, while working at the CMCS for 13 years, significantly advanced his medical knowledge by publishing numerous studies on filaria in the Medical Reports. His work led to the groundbreaking discovery that mosquitoes transmit infectious diseases. These research achievements pioneered the field of tropical medicine, a discipline that had not been established even in the extensive colonial holdings of France and Britain in tropical regions. Manson's work for the Medical Reports significantly advanced human efforts to prevent and respond to infectious diseases.
{"title":"The Publication and Historical Significance of Modern Chinese Medical Reports.","authors":"Qing Jin","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.431","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.431","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Unlike Western medical journals such as The Lancet which focused on Western-centric medical cases, Medical Reports analyzed medical and sanitary issues in East Asia, including China, Korea, and Japan and sought solutions to these problems. Medical Reports, a medical project initiated by the Chinese Maritime Customs Service (CMCS) in 1871, aimed to compile reference materials on the health conditions and diseases in ports. It was launched by the British Inspector General Robert Hart, who appointed the British Shanghai Customs Surgeon R. Alexander Jameson as the editor. Beginning in the 1860s, the British-led CMCS began expanding its reach from major cities to border areas, western regions, Taiwan Island, and Hainan Island, as well as territories beyond Qing Dynasty, such as Seoul, Busan, Incheon, Hong Kong, and Macau. This expansion required multinational cooperation, leading to the participation of Customs Surgeons, medical missionaries, and military doctors from ten countries, including the UK, the United States, France, China, Germany, Canada, Portugal, Norway, the Netherlands, and Australia, in the Medical Reports project. The Medical Reports were directly tied to the medical and sanitary initiatives in that community. They were authored by Customs Surgeons from a country with substantial regional influence. An analysis of the authors' nationalities, primary research focuses, and the relationship between the customs regions they covered revealed a statistically significant correlation. Even after Robert Koch discovered bacteria in the late nineteenth century, the miasma theory remained dominant, and most British doctors in India did not acknowledge the possibility that diseases could be caused by parasites. Despite this conservative historical context, the Medical Reports featured progressive research, including studies on leprosy based on germ theory and studies that actively embraced the emerging theory that parasites could be the cause of certain illnesses. In this process, the relatively unknown young physician named Patrick Manson, while working at the CMCS for 13 years, significantly advanced his medical knowledge by publishing numerous studies on filaria in the Medical Reports. His work led to the groundbreaking discovery that mosquitoes transmit infectious diseases. These research achievements pioneered the field of tropical medicine, a discipline that had not been established even in the extensive colonial holdings of France and Britain in tropical regions. Manson's work for the Medical Reports significantly advanced human efforts to prevent and respond to infectious diseases.</p>","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 2","pages":"431-475"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11464134/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142373150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.371
Hooki Min
This article aims to analyze the types of surgical diseases and treatments in ancient China as documented in bamboo and silk texts, with a particular focus on (external) injury, tetanus, burns, rectal and anal diseases, and inguinal hernias. For this analysis, I gathered 85 instances of disease and treatments recorded in these texts. The 85 cases were further categorized into 13 (external) injuries, 13 metal wounds, 6 tetanus, 22 burns, 16 rectal and anal diseases, and 15 inguinal hernias. The analysis revealed that the treatment of (external) injury and burns focused primarily on the wound site, while the treatment of metal wounds and tetanus centered on addressing the internal body. Internal treatments were mainly prescribed through the use of medicine and food. Surgical intervention was recommended primarily for diseases of the rectum and anus, with medications applied to the woundspost-surgery. For inguinal hernias, a high-protein diet was typically prescribed. As we've seen, in ancient China, surgical diseases were mainly treated with medication, surgery, and dietary prescriptions. And among these prescriptions, drug prescriptions were utilized not only by medical doctors but also by witch-doctors treating diseases in civilian society and soldiers stationed at frontline military posts. In the absence of medical doctors in both civilian society and frontline units, witch-doctors and frontline units purchased or stockpiled prescription drugs and used them to treat patients according to prescription.
{"title":"Types and Treatments of Surgical Diseases in Ancient China Found in Bamboo and Silk Texts: Focusing on External Injuries, Burns and Scalds, Intestines, Anus Diseases.","authors":"Hooki Min","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.371","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.371","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article aims to analyze the types of surgical diseases and treatments in ancient China as documented in bamboo and silk texts, with a particular focus on (external) injury, tetanus, burns, rectal and anal diseases, and inguinal hernias. For this analysis, I gathered 85 instances of disease and treatments recorded in these texts. The 85 cases were further categorized into 13 (external) injuries, 13 metal wounds, 6 tetanus, 22 burns, 16 rectal and anal diseases, and 15 inguinal hernias. The analysis revealed that the treatment of (external) injury and burns focused primarily on the wound site, while the treatment of metal wounds and tetanus centered on addressing the internal body. Internal treatments were mainly prescribed through the use of medicine and food. Surgical intervention was recommended primarily for diseases of the rectum and anus, with medications applied to the woundspost-surgery. For inguinal hernias, a high-protein diet was typically prescribed. As we've seen, in ancient China, surgical diseases were mainly treated with medication, surgery, and dietary prescriptions. And among these prescriptions, drug prescriptions were utilized not only by medical doctors but also by witch-doctors treating diseases in civilian society and soldiers stationed at frontline military posts. In the absence of medical doctors in both civilian society and frontline units, witch-doctors and frontline units purchased or stockpiled prescription drugs and used them to treat patients according to prescription.</p>","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 2","pages":"371-429"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11464140/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142373151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.331
Kyunghee Yi, Junho Jung
South Korea's national healthcare system after liberation often described as transformation from 'sanitation' to 'public health'. The U.S. military government introduced public health nursing as the primary vehicle for communicating the newly introduced concept of public health to the Korean public. This meant that nursing, which had been in a subordinate position within the healthcare system during the Japanese occupation, had to be repositioned within the healthcare system as an independent and leading professional agent of healthcare. At the same time creating positions for public health nurses within the newly envisioned health center system, and convincing the public that nurses were the primary agents of public health activities. Yet, in resource limited setting, the role of public health nurses was significantly scaled back. Initial plans for institutionalized, community-wide health care through home visits shifted to addressing the challenges facing Korean society, including maternal and child health and infectious disease prevention. Ironically, the expansion of health centers during late 1950s diminished the position of public health nurses within local government health systems, who were gradually replaced by male administrative staff. The role of public health nurses was greatly curtailed in the 1960s, but they laid the groundwork for later community nursing and health care efforts. At the same time, public health nurses were assigned with new role of 'visiting' local health centers for observation, education, and management. Public health nursing allows to look beyond the ideological and institutional dimensions to examine how new concepts and practices of "public health" were actually transmitted to communities in post-liberation Korea.
{"title":"Ideals and Reality of Public Health Nursing in Korea: Influence of U.S. Nurse Advisors, 1945~1961.","authors":"Kyunghee Yi, Junho Jung","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.331","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.331","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>South Korea's national healthcare system after liberation often described as transformation from 'sanitation' to 'public health'. The U.S. military government introduced public health nursing as the primary vehicle for communicating the newly introduced concept of public health to the Korean public. This meant that nursing, which had been in a subordinate position within the healthcare system during the Japanese occupation, had to be repositioned within the healthcare system as an independent and leading professional agent of healthcare. At the same time creating positions for public health nurses within the newly envisioned health center system, and convincing the public that nurses were the primary agents of public health activities. Yet, in resource limited setting, the role of public health nurses was significantly scaled back. Initial plans for institutionalized, community-wide health care through home visits shifted to addressing the challenges facing Korean society, including maternal and child health and infectious disease prevention. Ironically, the expansion of health centers during late 1950s diminished the position of public health nurses within local government health systems, who were gradually replaced by male administrative staff. The role of public health nurses was greatly curtailed in the 1960s, but they laid the groundwork for later community nursing and health care efforts. At the same time, public health nurses were assigned with new role of 'visiting' local health centers for observation, education, and management. Public health nursing allows to look beyond the ideological and institutional dimensions to examine how new concepts and practices of \"public health\" were actually transmitted to communities in post-liberation Korea.</p>","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 2","pages":"331-369"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11464135/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142373087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.191
Minsuh Kim
<p><p>This paper examines the supply and utilization of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in Hong Kong during the influenza epidemics of the 1950s and 1960s. Existing narratives of TCM in Hong Kong have predominantly framed with within the dichotomy of Western medicine "Xiyi" and Chinese medicine "Zhongyi," portraying TCM as marginalized and nearly wiped out by colonial power. Departing from this binary opposition, this study views TCM as an autonomous space that had never been subjugated by the colonial power which opted for minimal interventionist approach toward TCM. By adopting diachronic and synchronic perspectives on Hong Kong's unique environment shaped by its colonial history and the geopolitics of the Cold War in East Asia, particularly its relationships with "China," this research seeks to reassess the role and status of TCM in post-World War II Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, along with other countries in East Asia, traditional medicine has ceded its position as mainstream medicine to Western medicine. Faced with the crisis of "extinction," Chinese medical professionals, including medical practitioners and merchant groups, persistently sought solidarity and "self-renewal." In the 1950s and 1960s, the colonial authorities heavily relied on private entities, including charity hospitals and clinics; furthermore, there was a lack of provision of public healthcare and official prevention measures against the epidemic influenza. As such, it is not surprising that the Chinese utilized TCM, along with Western medicine, to contain the epidemics which brought about an explosive surge in the number of patients from novel influenza viruses. TCM was significantly consumed during these explosive outbreaks of influenza in 1957 and 1968. In making this argument, this paper firstly provides an overview of the associations of Chinese medical practitioners and merchants who were crucial to the development of TCM in Hong Kong. Secondly, it analyzes one level of active provision and consumption of Chinese medicine during the two flu epidemics, focusing on the medical practices of TCM practitioners in the 1957 epidemic. While recognizing the etiologic agent or agents of the disease as influenza viruses, the group of Chinese medical practitioners of the Chinese Medical Society in Hong Kong adopted the basic principles of traditional medicine regarding influenza, such as Shanghanlun and Wenbingxue, to distinguish the disease status among patients and prescribe medicine according to correct diagnoses, which were effective. Thirdly, this paper examines the level of folk culture among the people, who utilized famous prescriptions of Chinese herbal medicine and alimentotherapy, in addition to Chinese patent medicines imported from mainland China. In the context of regional commercial network, this section also demonstrates how Hong Kong served as a sole exporting port of medicinal materials (e.g., Chinese herbs) and Chinese patent medicines from the People's Republic o
{"title":"Revisiting Traditional Chinese Medicine in Hong Kong during the Influenza Epidemics in the 1950s and 1960s.","authors":"Minsuh Kim","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.191","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.191","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This paper examines the supply and utilization of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in Hong Kong during the influenza epidemics of the 1950s and 1960s. Existing narratives of TCM in Hong Kong have predominantly framed with within the dichotomy of Western medicine \"Xiyi\" and Chinese medicine \"Zhongyi,\" portraying TCM as marginalized and nearly wiped out by colonial power. Departing from this binary opposition, this study views TCM as an autonomous space that had never been subjugated by the colonial power which opted for minimal interventionist approach toward TCM. By adopting diachronic and synchronic perspectives on Hong Kong's unique environment shaped by its colonial history and the geopolitics of the Cold War in East Asia, particularly its relationships with \"China,\" this research seeks to reassess the role and status of TCM in post-World War II Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, along with other countries in East Asia, traditional medicine has ceded its position as mainstream medicine to Western medicine. Faced with the crisis of \"extinction,\" Chinese medical professionals, including medical practitioners and merchant groups, persistently sought solidarity and \"self-renewal.\" In the 1950s and 1960s, the colonial authorities heavily relied on private entities, including charity hospitals and clinics; furthermore, there was a lack of provision of public healthcare and official prevention measures against the epidemic influenza. As such, it is not surprising that the Chinese utilized TCM, along with Western medicine, to contain the epidemics which brought about an explosive surge in the number of patients from novel influenza viruses. TCM was significantly consumed during these explosive outbreaks of influenza in 1957 and 1968. In making this argument, this paper firstly provides an overview of the associations of Chinese medical practitioners and merchants who were crucial to the development of TCM in Hong Kong. Secondly, it analyzes one level of active provision and consumption of Chinese medicine during the two flu epidemics, focusing on the medical practices of TCM practitioners in the 1957 epidemic. While recognizing the etiologic agent or agents of the disease as influenza viruses, the group of Chinese medical practitioners of the Chinese Medical Society in Hong Kong adopted the basic principles of traditional medicine regarding influenza, such as Shanghanlun and Wenbingxue, to distinguish the disease status among patients and prescribe medicine according to correct diagnoses, which were effective. Thirdly, this paper examines the level of folk culture among the people, who utilized famous prescriptions of Chinese herbal medicine and alimentotherapy, in addition to Chinese patent medicines imported from mainland China. In the context of regional commercial network, this section also demonstrates how Hong Kong served as a sole exporting port of medicinal materials (e.g., Chinese herbs) and Chinese patent medicines from the People's Republic o","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 1","pages":"191-229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11105997/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141072194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.135
Haebyoul Choi
During the Song period, abscesses were a disease that could affect anyone regardless of their class. This study examines how people at that time explained the cause of abscesses and their efforts to treat them, focusing on the experiences of those who suffered from abscesses and their families. Previous research on disease history during the Song period primarily focused on ailments like colds and infectious diseases , or plagues prevalent in the southern regions of China. On the other hand, examining abscesses as a common everyday illness that could affect anyone and considering them from the perspective of patients' experiences has remained unexplored in previous studies. To reconstruct the experiences of Song period patients, this study analyzes over sixty anecdotes related to abscesses found in Yi Jian Zhi written by Hong Mai. These cases span across the mid to late 12th century, with a majority of the patients being from the literati () class or connected to the literati. These anecdotes exhibit two distinct trends. One focuses on narratives surrounding the onset of abscesses, attributing their cause primarily to the patients' lifestyle. When the cause of the abscesses was unknown, people metaphorically attributed its onset to perceived blasphemy against God, an act of killing, negligence in duties, or other wrongdoings. This trend is evident among the literati class in particular, where abscesses were often linked to factors such as excessive legal executions or exploitation, and even acts of killing people. Except for those cases, in explaining the cause of abscesses in commoners, there were instances caused by a pediculus infestation, while in case of literati, Dansha () poisoning was a common cause. It is interesting to note that the narrative tradition, prevalent in official history biographies, which attributes the onset of abscesses to worries and resentment, was not evident in written records such as Yi Jian Zhi. Furthermore, the detailed description of external similarities, portraying abscesses as traces of punishment from the underground realm, is a narrative characteristic that solidified such stereotypical perceptions. The literati's notion that they should alert people through these related anecdotes contributed to the spread of this perception. Another trend in these anecdotes was centered around narratives of abscess treatment, where the focus shifted primarily to seeking "doctors," unlike the metaphorical explanations of abscess onset causes and processes. When afflicted with abscesses, people generally sought out those renowned surgeons, known as Yang-yi , and those famous for treating abscesses. In local communities, individuals who had "received the divine secrets of abscesses," those possessing their own mysterious abscesses cures, and those famous for generations for treating abscesses by using stone acupuncture were active. Such information about them was shared within the local societies. Their treatment predomi
{"title":"The Perception and Treatment of People about Abscesses in the Song Period: Focus on Hongmai Yijianzhi.","authors":"Haebyoul Choi","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.135","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.135","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>During the Song period, abscesses were a disease that could affect anyone regardless of their class. This study examines how people at that time explained the cause of abscesses and their efforts to treat them, focusing on the experiences of those who suffered from abscesses and their families. Previous research on disease history during the Song period primarily focused on ailments like colds and infectious diseases , or plagues prevalent in the southern regions of China. On the other hand, examining abscesses as a common everyday illness that could affect anyone and considering them from the perspective of patients' experiences has remained unexplored in previous studies. To reconstruct the experiences of Song period patients, this study analyzes over sixty anecdotes related to abscesses found in Yi Jian Zhi written by Hong Mai. These cases span across the mid to late 12th century, with a majority of the patients being from the literati () class or connected to the literati. These anecdotes exhibit two distinct trends. One focuses on narratives surrounding the onset of abscesses, attributing their cause primarily to the patients' lifestyle. When the cause of the abscesses was unknown, people metaphorically attributed its onset to perceived blasphemy against God, an act of killing, negligence in duties, or other wrongdoings. This trend is evident among the literati class in particular, where abscesses were often linked to factors such as excessive legal executions or exploitation, and even acts of killing people. Except for those cases, in explaining the cause of abscesses in commoners, there were instances caused by a pediculus infestation, while in case of literati, Dansha () poisoning was a common cause. It is interesting to note that the narrative tradition, prevalent in official history biographies, which attributes the onset of abscesses to worries and resentment, was not evident in written records such as Yi Jian Zhi. Furthermore, the detailed description of external similarities, portraying abscesses as traces of punishment from the underground realm, is a narrative characteristic that solidified such stereotypical perceptions. The literati's notion that they should alert people through these related anecdotes contributed to the spread of this perception. Another trend in these anecdotes was centered around narratives of abscess treatment, where the focus shifted primarily to seeking \"doctors,\" unlike the metaphorical explanations of abscess onset causes and processes. When afflicted with abscesses, people generally sought out those renowned surgeons, known as Yang-yi , and those famous for treating abscesses. In local communities, individuals who had \"received the divine secrets of abscesses,\" those possessing their own mysterious abscesses cures, and those famous for generations for treating abscesses by using stone acupuncture were active. Such information about them was shared within the local societies. Their treatment predomi","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 1","pages":"135-189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11106000/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141072202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103
Changhoon Shin
This article focuses on the medical activities conducted by major hospitals in downtown Seoul during the April Revolution in 1960, examining their experiential context and significance. The influx of guns and bullets into Korean society following the liberation in 1945 intertwined with the political and social conflicts of the period, resulting in numerous assassinations, crimes, and terrorism. Gunshot wounds were traumas that became a part of the everyday life of Koreans, as well as scars which reflected their historical contexts. At the same time, the frequent occurrence of gunshot wounds led to the development of medical capacities to treat them. The Korean surgical academia expanded its technical foundation with experiences during and after the Korean War. This progress was particularly noticeable in areas closely related to gunshot wounds, such as craniotomy, thoracotomy, vascular anastomosis, debridement, anesthesia, and blood transfusion. Major hospitals in downtown Seoul served as medical spaces where these experimental and technical foundations were concentrated, allowing them to minimize the death toll despite the massive gunfire by the National Police in April 1960. Thus, the aftermath of the epidemic of gunshots resulted in a rather paradoxical outcome. This development became a resource for doctors and nurses, who added their revolutionary implications in reconstructing the experience of April 1960 in their various memoirs and reports. While memoirs reorganized general medical activities, portraying injured patients as participants in the revolution, reports provided forensic descriptions and interpretations of the deaths, giving authority to the main narrative of the revolution. As the interpretations and significance based on historical contexts gained prominence, major hospitals in downtown Seoul also developed a sense of place closely associated with the revolution.
{"title":"The April Revolution and the Sense of Place in Medical Space: Focusing on Major Hospitals in Downtown Seoul.","authors":"Changhoon Shin","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article focuses on the medical activities conducted by major hospitals in downtown Seoul during the April Revolution in 1960, examining their experiential context and significance. The influx of guns and bullets into Korean society following the liberation in 1945 intertwined with the political and social conflicts of the period, resulting in numerous assassinations, crimes, and terrorism. Gunshot wounds were traumas that became a part of the everyday life of Koreans, as well as scars which reflected their historical contexts. At the same time, the frequent occurrence of gunshot wounds led to the development of medical capacities to treat them. The Korean surgical academia expanded its technical foundation with experiences during and after the Korean War. This progress was particularly noticeable in areas closely related to gunshot wounds, such as craniotomy, thoracotomy, vascular anastomosis, debridement, anesthesia, and blood transfusion. Major hospitals in downtown Seoul served as medical spaces where these experimental and technical foundations were concentrated, allowing them to minimize the death toll despite the massive gunfire by the National Police in April 1960. Thus, the aftermath of the epidemic of gunshots resulted in a rather paradoxical outcome. This development became a resource for doctors and nurses, who added their revolutionary implications in reconstructing the experience of April 1960 in their various memoirs and reports. While memoirs reorganized general medical activities, portraying injured patients as participants in the revolution, reports provided forensic descriptions and interpretations of the deaths, giving authority to the main narrative of the revolution. As the interpretations and significance based on historical contexts gained prominence, major hospitals in downtown Seoul also developed a sense of place closely associated with the revolution.</p>","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 1","pages":"103-134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11105998/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141072197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.59
Jongwook Jeon, Dongwon Shin
<p><p>This article analyzes the "account book" of Kim Young-hoon (1882-1974), which summarizes information about patients at his Bochun Clinic in Seoul (then Gyeongseong) in 1931. Kim Young-hoon was a pivotal figure in the medical scene throughout the Korean Empire, the Japanese occupation, and the early years of the Republic of Korea. He left behind a large amount of documentation during his 60 years of practice at the Bochun Clinic, which he opened in the spring of 1909. In particular, the 1931 "account book" offers an insight into the daily life histories of his patients. Among the patient-visitors recorded in the account book, there were many influential people of the time, ranging from privileged individuals to anti-Japanese independence activists, from those in political and economic fields to those in academic and entertainment fields. At the same time, a significant number of lower-class people also visited the Clinic. Geographically, patients were centered in the city center of the capital, Gyeongseong, but were also widely distributed throughout the country. There are indications that those from the rural areas stayed in the homes of their acquaintances in Seoul. As such, the account book provides a tangible, concrete picture of the clinic's management for the year 1931, including visitor demographics, visiting diagnoses, telephone consultations, and the total cost of medicinal prescriptions. Because the account book is a one-year statistic, it has its limitations; however, it is the smallest unit that can be analyzed statistically. It provides insights into how many people came in over the course of a year and how much they spent. The expenditures are kept per individual family. The patient's name, prescribed medication, and the price of the medicine are mandatorily included, and in many cases, the place of residence and family relationships are also noted. The account book shows several layers of householders, servants, and employees in the extended family; it also shows people in various occupations. A few privileged families accounted for nearly half of the total expenditures, and the powerful visited frequently, utilizing Oriental medicine for many of their daily needs. For some, the Bochun Clinic is reminiscent of the royal temples of the dynasties. Patients come from the center and suburbs of Seoul, as well as from all over the country. In one year, more than one thousand types of prescriptions are issued and the total cost of medicines is about 33 seom (≒180 liters of rice). Although there is a concentration of high-frequency prescriptions, more than a thousand prescriptions are prescribed only once, which shows that the practice is specialized for each individual. Patient visits, consultations, and telephone use are observed, and the use of new drugs, quinine, and special ginseng as one-herb medication (danbang) are also noticeable. The statistical analysis of the 1931 Bochun Clinic "account book" can serve as a milestone for c
{"title":"Characteristics of Using Oriental Medicine Clinics during the Japanese Occupation: An Analysis of the 1931 Seoul Bochun Clinic Account Book.","authors":"Jongwook Jeon, Dongwon Shin","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.59","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.59","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article analyzes the \"account book\" of Kim Young-hoon (1882-1974), which summarizes information about patients at his Bochun Clinic in Seoul (then Gyeongseong) in 1931. Kim Young-hoon was a pivotal figure in the medical scene throughout the Korean Empire, the Japanese occupation, and the early years of the Republic of Korea. He left behind a large amount of documentation during his 60 years of practice at the Bochun Clinic, which he opened in the spring of 1909. In particular, the 1931 \"account book\" offers an insight into the daily life histories of his patients. Among the patient-visitors recorded in the account book, there were many influential people of the time, ranging from privileged individuals to anti-Japanese independence activists, from those in political and economic fields to those in academic and entertainment fields. At the same time, a significant number of lower-class people also visited the Clinic. Geographically, patients were centered in the city center of the capital, Gyeongseong, but were also widely distributed throughout the country. There are indications that those from the rural areas stayed in the homes of their acquaintances in Seoul. As such, the account book provides a tangible, concrete picture of the clinic's management for the year 1931, including visitor demographics, visiting diagnoses, telephone consultations, and the total cost of medicinal prescriptions. Because the account book is a one-year statistic, it has its limitations; however, it is the smallest unit that can be analyzed statistically. It provides insights into how many people came in over the course of a year and how much they spent. The expenditures are kept per individual family. The patient's name, prescribed medication, and the price of the medicine are mandatorily included, and in many cases, the place of residence and family relationships are also noted. The account book shows several layers of householders, servants, and employees in the extended family; it also shows people in various occupations. A few privileged families accounted for nearly half of the total expenditures, and the powerful visited frequently, utilizing Oriental medicine for many of their daily needs. For some, the Bochun Clinic is reminiscent of the royal temples of the dynasties. Patients come from the center and suburbs of Seoul, as well as from all over the country. In one year, more than one thousand types of prescriptions are issued and the total cost of medicines is about 33 seom (≒180 liters of rice). Although there is a concentration of high-frequency prescriptions, more than a thousand prescriptions are prescribed only once, which shows that the practice is specialized for each individual. Patient visits, consultations, and telephone use are observed, and the use of new drugs, quinine, and special ginseng as one-herb medication (danbang) are also noticeable. The statistical analysis of the 1931 Bochun Clinic \"account book\" can serve as a milestone for c","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 1","pages":"59-101"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11105996/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141072189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p><p>Borneol(yongnoe) was a fragrance and medicinal ingredient with unique efficacy. However, it could be produced only in tropical Southeast Asia and obtained only through international trade. In addition, camphor(jangnoe) with similar material properties was developed and distributed as an inexpensive replacement for borneol, although the processing method is different from that of borneol. Even in Joseon Korea, borneol and camphor were recognized as separate medicines, and efforts were made to obtain a high-quality borneol. Borneol and camphor have a unique effect of relieving inflammation, pain and heavy feeling, so it could be widely applied to symptoms in various diseases. During the Joseon period, borneol was a rare item that could only be obtained through foreign trade, and it was also used for perfumes and insect repellents, but most widely used as medicine. There are many records of actually prescribing borneol to the royal family, and many medicines containing borneol and its effective symptoms were also recorded in the medical books. Borneol was able to spread widely in Joseon society thanks to the practice of distributing 'nabyak' to court officials every year in the twelfth month of the lunar calendar. Since nabyak was used as a household medicine that was stored and used when necessary, pills containing borneol that could be applied to various symptoms were suitable for this purpose. Despite considerable medical demand, borneol was one of the important 'dangyakjae', the Chinese medicines imported to Joseon. During the Joseon period, borneol was imported through China and Japan, but genuine borneol was difficult to obtain, so it was often presented to Joseon as gifts of envoy trade. It is thought that camphor was also imported, but it is not well mentioned in official records or medical books reflecting national demand. Perhaps this is thought to be because the government prioritized securing better quality borneol rather than campher. In the early 17th century, due to the instability of the envoy's route to the Ming Dynasty, Joseon had to import borneol only through the sea. As a result, there were problems with the supply and quality of borneol, and national interest in Japanese borneol temporarily increased. However, as the relationship with the Qing Dynasty stabilized, a system was established to import national borneol demand through the annual envoy trade. Naeuiwon, the medical center for the royal family is in charge of securing and prescribing Chinese medicines, but the cost was covered by the silver paid by Hojo, the ministry of finance of Joseon Dynasty. Since the amount of Chinese medicines used in the preparation of nabyak was not small, the financial burden of importing enough medicines including borneol increased. The purveyors for government played a role in supplying Chinese medicines to the government. Their appearance shows that private merchants were actively involved in the trade of Chinese medicines including b
{"title":"Medical Applications and Distribution of Borneol during the Joseon Period.","authors":"Kiseok Kwon","doi":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.1","DOIUrl":"10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.1","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Borneol(yongnoe) was a fragrance and medicinal ingredient with unique efficacy. However, it could be produced only in tropical Southeast Asia and obtained only through international trade. In addition, camphor(jangnoe) with similar material properties was developed and distributed as an inexpensive replacement for borneol, although the processing method is different from that of borneol. Even in Joseon Korea, borneol and camphor were recognized as separate medicines, and efforts were made to obtain a high-quality borneol. Borneol and camphor have a unique effect of relieving inflammation, pain and heavy feeling, so it could be widely applied to symptoms in various diseases. During the Joseon period, borneol was a rare item that could only be obtained through foreign trade, and it was also used for perfumes and insect repellents, but most widely used as medicine. There are many records of actually prescribing borneol to the royal family, and many medicines containing borneol and its effective symptoms were also recorded in the medical books. Borneol was able to spread widely in Joseon society thanks to the practice of distributing 'nabyak' to court officials every year in the twelfth month of the lunar calendar. Since nabyak was used as a household medicine that was stored and used when necessary, pills containing borneol that could be applied to various symptoms were suitable for this purpose. Despite considerable medical demand, borneol was one of the important 'dangyakjae', the Chinese medicines imported to Joseon. During the Joseon period, borneol was imported through China and Japan, but genuine borneol was difficult to obtain, so it was often presented to Joseon as gifts of envoy trade. It is thought that camphor was also imported, but it is not well mentioned in official records or medical books reflecting national demand. Perhaps this is thought to be because the government prioritized securing better quality borneol rather than campher. In the early 17th century, due to the instability of the envoy's route to the Ming Dynasty, Joseon had to import borneol only through the sea. As a result, there were problems with the supply and quality of borneol, and national interest in Japanese borneol temporarily increased. However, as the relationship with the Qing Dynasty stabilized, a system was established to import national borneol demand through the annual envoy trade. Naeuiwon, the medical center for the royal family is in charge of securing and prescribing Chinese medicines, but the cost was covered by the silver paid by Hojo, the ministry of finance of Joseon Dynasty. Since the amount of Chinese medicines used in the preparation of nabyak was not small, the financial burden of importing enough medicines including borneol increased. The purveyors for government played a role in supplying Chinese medicines to the government. Their appearance shows that private merchants were actively involved in the trade of Chinese medicines including b","PeriodicalId":42441,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Medical History","volume":"33 1","pages":"1-57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11105999/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141072191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}