Korean Journal of Medical History最新文献

Borneol(yongnoe) was a fragrance and medicinal ingredient with unique efficacy. However, it could be produced only in tropical Southeast Asia and obtained only through international trade. In addition, camphor(jangnoe) with similar material properties was developed and distributed as an inexpensive replacement for borneol, although the processing method is different from that of borneol. Even in Joseon Korea, borneol and camphor were recognized as separate medicines, and efforts were made to obtain a high-quality borneol. Borneol and camphor have a unique effect of relieving inflammation, pain and heavy feeling, so it could be widely applied to symptoms in various diseases. During the Joseon period, borneol was a rare item that could only be obtained through foreign trade, and it was also used for perfumes and insect repellents, but most widely used as medicine. There are many records of actually prescribing borneol to the royal family, and many medicines containing borneol and its effective symptoms were also recorded in the medical books. Borneol was able to spread widely in Joseon society thanks to the practice of distributing 'nabyak' to court officials every year in the twelfth month of the lunar calendar. Since nabyak was used as a household medicine that was stored and used when necessary, pills containing borneol that could be applied to various symptoms were suitable for this purpose. Despite considerable medical demand, borneol was one of the important 'dangyakjae', the Chinese medicines imported to Joseon. During the Joseon period, borneol was imported through China and Japan, but genuine borneol was difficult to obtain, so it was often presented to Joseon as gifts of envoy trade. It is thought that camphor was also imported, but it is not well mentioned in official records or medical books reflecting national demand. Perhaps this is thought to be because the government prioritized securing better quality borneol rather than campher. In the early 17th century, due to the instability of the envoy's route to the Ming Dynasty, Joseon had to import borneol only through the sea. As a result, there were problems with the supply and quality of borneol, and national interest in Japanese borneol temporarily increased. However, as the relationship with the Qing Dynasty stabilized, a system was established to import national borneol demand through the annual envoy trade. Naeuiwon, the medical center for the royal family is in charge of securing and prescribing Chinese medicines, but the cost was covered by the silver paid by Hojo, the ministry of finance of Joseon Dynasty. Since the amount of Chinese medicines used in the preparation of nabyak was not small, the financial burden of importing enough medicines including borneol increased. The purveyors for government played a role in supplying Chinese medicines to the government. Their appearance shows that private merchants were actively involved in the trade of Chinese medicines including b

This study focuses on the health and sanitation projects carried out on Koje Island by the United Nations Civil Assistance Command in Korea (UNCACK). Koje Island was unique as it served as a destination for dispersed refugees and as an area for housing prisoners of war. Unlike in other regions, UNCACK was actively involved in the implementation of health and sanitation projects on Koje Island. Their infectious disease control projects on Koje Island serve as a valuable example for studying infectious disease prevention initiatives and local medical projects in modern and contemporary Korea. In this study, I examine the documents produced by UNCACK to assess the status of infectious disease control and vaccination plans. Additionally, I analyze the disease prevention initiatives implemented among the residents of Koje Island, including isolation, treatment, and improvement of living conditions. Finally, I explore the characteristics of the Koje Island preventive measures and assess the efforts and limitations of both UNCACK and the Korean government in addressing health issues during the Korean War. Despite the presence of refugees and POWs, Koje Island managed to implement systematic public health initiatives in a controlled environment, widely regarded as highly successful. The public health initiatives on Koje Island, led by UNCACK, provided an opportunity to utilize limited resources, manpower, and Korean health professionals, cultivating the skills necessary to manage infectious diseases effectively. Moreover, these initiatives on Koje Island, although modest, continued into the postwar period, influencing medical missionary activities, the demand for health services among residents, the establishment of independent medical institutions, and the implementation of local health projects.

This study investigates the development of military medicine during the Korean War, with a focus on the role of the Medical Field Service School and training programs in the United States. It also explores the nuanced acceptance of American medicine by South Korean doctors. Military surgeon education and training emerged as pivotal catalysts, initiating a qualitative transformation in South Korean medicine and serving as a catalyst for the advancement of modern medical practices. Military surgeon education went beyond imparting military knowledge to civilian doctors; it also acted as a vehicle for disseminating fundamental medical knowledge essential for the progress of Korean medicine. Noteworthy is the strategic selection of exceptional military surgeons for overseas training, serving as a vital link for the assimilation of 'advanced medicine' across diverse medical domains. Contrary to unilateral acceptance, South Korean doctors embraced American medicine based on subjective judgments aligned with the specific needs of South Korean medicine. Acknowledging American medical knowledge and technology through the Medical Field Service School and U.S. training, military surgeons refrained from mere praise, recognizing the substantial gaps between South Korean and American military medicine. Beyond material achievements, South Korean military surgeons also discerned and valued the spiritual legacy of American medicine. These military surgeons actively determined the essential medical majors for South Korea, introducing cutting-edge medical technology, and leveraging relationships with U.S. military surgeons to facilitate opportunities for themselves and their students to study abroad. This proactive approach highlights the independent thought processes of South Korean military surgeons, addressing both material and spiritual needs and serving as internal driving forces for the development of South Korean medicine.

This paper reviews developments in military medicine during the Korean War and places them in the evolution of military medical lessons from the Second World War and the subsequent development of military medicine through the Vietnam War to the present day. The analysis is structured according to the '10 Instruments of Military Healthcare.' Whilst there were incremental developments in military medicine in all these areas, several innovations are specifically attributed to the Korean War. The introduction of helicopters to the battlefield led to the establishment of dedicated medical evacuation helicopters crewed with medical personnel and the evolution into the DUSTOFF system during the Vietnam War. Helicopter evacuation was the primary medical evacuation system in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The establishment of the Mobile Army Surgical Hospital during the Korean War were founded upon the US Auxiliary Surgical Groups or the UK Casualty Clearing Stations of World War II. The requirement for resuscitation and surgical teams close to the battlefield has endured through the development of mobile hospitals of varying sizes from Field Surgical Teams to the current 'modular' Hospital Centre and other international equivalents. There were many innovations in the clinical care of battle casualties covering wound shock, surgical techniques, preventive medicine, and acute psychiatric care that refreshed or advanced knowledge from the Second World War. These were enabled through the establishment of medical research programs that were managed within the theatre of operations. Further advances in all these clinical topics can be observed through the Vietnam War to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan - all of which were underpinned by institutional directed research programs. Finally, collaboration between international military medical services and the development of Korean military medical services is a major theme of this review. This 'military-tomilitary' and 'civil-military' medical engagement was also a major activity during the Vietnam War and more recently in Iraq and Afghanistan. Overall, the topics and themes in military medicine that were important during the Korean War can be considered to be part of trajectory of innovation in military medicine have been replicated in many subsequent wars. The paper also highlights some 'lessons' from World War II that had to be relearned in the Korean War, and some observations from the Korean War that had to be relearned in subsequent wars.

Zhu Zhenheng, the last generation and sole representative from Southern China among the four masters of Jin-Yuan medicine, synthesized the evolution of Chinese medicine from the Song to the Yuan dynasties, profoundly impacting East Asian medical history. Zhu, identified as a Neo-Confucian scholar, appears in the Scholarly Records of the Song-Yuan Dynasties and in 'the Biographies of Confucians' rather than 'the Biographies of Experts' in the Official History of the Yuan Dynasty. His close association with the Jinhua school of Daoxue is noteworthy. Zhu's career, as well as his medical theory and practice, exemplify the influence of Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianism, which was a significant intellectual resource among the literati during the late Yuan period, on medicine. Zhu Zhenheng's model of a Confucian physician later became a paradigm in East Asia, as Neo-Confucianism gained mainstream acceptance among the literati. This paper offers a detailed exploration of the specific contexts of Zhu's social and intellectual networks as well as an examination of the characteristics of his medical theories and practices. It explores how Zhu's career and identity as a Neo-Confucian physician were shaped through the local and empire-wide networks of the Jinhua school of Neo-Confucianism within the broader context of the Mongol empire, a global power in the late Yuan period. The paper also examines in depth how Zhu's medical practices were influenced by Neo-Confucianism, and it investigates the real nature and significance of the integration of medicine and Neo-Confucianism, two distinctly different realms of knowledge. Zhu Zhenheng's medical theories were formed through concerns about jufang medicine and the active presentation of alternatives. A notable aspect of his integration of medicine and Confucianism was the adoption of Neo-Confucian terminologies, concepts, and philosophical and ethical theses, while ensuring that the unique and independent domain of medicine was not subordinated to abstract philosophical theories. This is especially evident through his active and effective use of medical cases. Unlike previous studies, this paper demonstrates that Zhu Zhenheng's integration of medicine and Neo-Confucianism was mostly a metalevel process, involving methodology and knowledge reproduction patterns, and was driven by a belief in the possibility of harmonizing with Daoxue's ultimate principle without undermining the autonomy of medical knowledge.

This paper examines the patterns of infectious diseases during the Joseon dynasty in the 18th and 19th centuries, as described in No Sangchu Ilgi (the diaries of No Sangchu) and the responses of No Sangchu and his family. During this period, infectious diseases such as smallpox and measles were prevalent. No Sangchu's diaries detailed accounts related to his family and hometown. For example, the diaries show that the infection rate was high among young children, such as No's younger siblings and nephews. The process of nursing them is meticulously documented. To address infectious diseases, No sought medical assistance by meeting with doctors or visiting pharmacies for prescribed remedies. Additionally, he and his family would relocate to temples or relatives' homes to avoid areas with severe outbreaks. When engaged in official duties, updates about his family and hometown were received through letters, and the diary primarily focused on the circumstances at his workplace. In 1799, while working in the central government, No encountered a large-scale outbreak of infectious diseases. He extensively documented the resulting damage, including the loss of his own family members. An examination of his diaries not only reveals No Sangchu's individual responses but also sheds light on the state's efforts to maintain a relief system. In summary, No Sangchu Ilgi provides detailed records of infectious diseases directly related to household well-being and the state's to infectious diseases, making it a valuable source for understanding the experience of infectious diseases in the late Joseon period.

This article reviews how the crisis of doctorless villages in South Korea in the 1950s-70s was closely linked to the conscription system. In the second half of the twentieth century, South Korea's public health system faced a dual challenge: the colonial legacy of medical shortage and urban concentration, and the massive conscription of military doctors after the Korean War. The term 'doctorless village' was a signifier that reflected these historical contexts, symbolizing the chronic medical crisis in rural areas. Behind the crisis, there as a growing idea of reversing the constraints from conscription and using it as a solution for the doctorless village problem. Initially, the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs planned two alternatives to fill the gaps in the public health network. One was to station military doctors in doctorless villages, and the other was to dispatch civilian doctors in doctorless villages and exempt them from military service. After a series of doctor mobilizations since the May 16 coup, the medical community generally agreed with this plan and publicized it. They developed arguments for alternative services through public health work and strengthened its logic. By the 1970s, the plan culminated in the establishment of the current Public Health Doctor system. In terms of condition and momentum, the introduction of alternative service in other sectors, as well as the extension of the consensus among the government and medical community, accelerated this trend. As a result, the doctorless village crisis in South Korea, which had been a critical issue for a quarter of a century, entered a phase of resolution by utilizing the conscription system as its institutional foundation. It represented an aspect of the 'Korean' public health system characterized by the entanglement with conscription. However, another aspect to consider is that it has imposed additional limitation on medical care in rural areas by institutionalizing the public health system relying on mobilization and minimum budget.

A crucial gap in the medical history of the Korean War is the history of psychiatry during the Korean War. War puts those who participate in it through physical and mental extremes, inflicting not only physical injuries but also psychological trauma and damage. However, studies of the medical aspects of the Korean War have been limited to topics related to physical injuries and their treatment, and there are no studies that systematically summarize the traumatic effects on the human mind thrown into the midst of the war, the consequences of these effects, and the medical efforts made to deal with these problems. As the Korean War was fought only five years after the end of the Second World War, the experiences and achievements of the Second World War were used in the Korean War. In terms of personnel, many of the soldiers who fought in the Second World War also fought in the Korean War. This continuity with the Second World War had both positive and negative aspects. On the positive side, treatment and transport systems were quickly put in place to respond to the large numbers of soldiers with psychiatric problems on the front lines early in the war. This is an example of a positive use of the legacy of the Second World War. On the other hand, the negative side of the coin was the much higher frequency of psychiatric symptoms among veterans of the Second World War. This could be explained by the fact that the psychological trauma experienced on the battlefield during the Second World War remained latent and was reactivated in the Korean War as a kind of conditioned reflex. In addition, the brainwashing of prisoners of war and their subsequent psychological problems are also characteristic of the Korean War in the context of the Cold War. These psychiatric features of the Korean War will provide a useful historical example for understanding and helping those who are inevitably involved in war and suffer from mental distress.

Beijing and Shanghai, representative modern cities in China, witnessed the development of various urban infrastructures and quarantine systems in the 1920s and 1930s. Both cities established Health Demonstration Stations in the 1930s, as part of their implementation of modern health administration. This foundation played a pivotal role for making health administration more practical. Huang Zi-fang (1899-1940) and Hu Hung-ji (1894-1932), the inaugural directors of the health bureau in the respective cities, were both graduates of the Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health in the United States. They shared a similar view of public health. Active exchanges occurred between the heads of the health administration in the two cities who were the leading forces in the health reform, encompassing various health experiments including the Health Demonstration Station. During the 1930s in China, state medicine gained prominence as the most ideal medical model for constructing a modern state. As such, the quarantine activities they promoted were also considered the most ideal model. The public health care centered on Health Demonstration Stations in the 1920s and 1930s that developed in large Chinese cities such as Beijing and Shanghai pursued similar goals by strengthening quarantine administration through free medical treatment and modern spatial control. Nonetheless, each city exhibited differences in terms of the subjects and targets of quarantine, as well as the primary bases of quarantine, which were either Health Demonstration Stations or hospitals. Both municipal governments and the civilian sector led the sanitary infrastructure development. While Shanghai showed stronger development in terms of the number of vaccinations, Shanghai's dualized quarantine system did not necessarily create a better health environment than Beijing in terms of spatial control. In the 1940s, the Japanese occupation government implemented measures to inherit and further develop existing health administrations in Beijing and Shanghai. Existing international settlements were incorporated into the Japanese occupation government, and the occupation government pursued homogenization of urban space and tried to maintain the existing urban policy as much as possible to preserve the status quo. However, the intensification of the Anti-Japanese War and the Chinese Civil War brought an end to the health experiment centered around the Health Demonstration Station in China in the first half of the twentieth century.