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“There Will Be No Free Bohemia without Free Poland, No Free Poland without Free Bohemia”. Masaryk’s Vision of Independent States 没有自由的波兰就没有自由的波西米亚,没有自由的波西米亚就没有自由的波兰。马萨里克的独立国家观
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.09
T. Pavlíček
The aim of the paper is to examine, using the comparative perspective, how politicians and historians perceived the ideas applied in the process of formation of the states of Poland and Czechoslovakia. The situation in the period of 1918–20 seemed to be open to various opportunities for constituting and cooperation of independent countries, but not all these opportunities were acceptable at that time. Although some of them had a stabilising potential, the official narrative became the foundation for national historiography. The traditional master narrative (roles of Masaryk, Dmowski, Piłsudski), interrupted by the caesura of the 1945/54–89 period, understandably affects the current understanding of a state and celebration of its anniversaries, which raises a need to find a paradigm of interpretation that deviates from the nation state. The author disputes the approach of historiography which considered military violence a defining element of the process of formation of a state. He regards choosing a perspective which explains the transfer of the traits of the founders to the states as social institutions (quasi-figures) to be beneficial. Using archival documents, he shows how Masaryk’s ideas of forming a New Europe were received in Poland and what image of the situation in Poland was presented to Masaryk. Criticism of the neighbouring state in the speeches of the members of the Sejm was instrumentalised with regard to the tensions in the home politics. That is why the author puts the dispute about the Seven-day War and the Polish-Ukrainian conflict into a broader perspective.
本文的目的是研究,使用比较的角度来看,政治家和历史学家如何看待在波兰和捷克斯洛伐克国家形成过程中应用的思想。1918 - 1920年期间的形势似乎为独立国家的建立和合作提供了各种机会,但并不是所有这些机会在当时都是可以接受的。尽管其中一些具有稳定的潜力,但官方叙事成为了国家史学的基础。传统的主叙事(Masaryk、Dmowski的角色,Piłsudski)被1945/54-89年间的停顿所打断,可以理解地影响了当前对国家的理解和对其周年纪念的庆祝,这就需要找到一种偏离民族国家的解释范式。作者对将军事暴力视为国家形成过程的决定性因素的史学方法提出了异议。他认为选择一种视角来解释作为社会机构(准人物)的国家的创始人特征的转移是有益的。利用档案文件,他展示了马萨里克关于建立新欧洲的想法是如何在波兰被接受的,以及波兰的局势是如何呈现给马萨里克的。在瑟姆议员的演讲中,对邻国的批评被用作国内政治紧张局势的工具。因此,作者将“七日战争”和“波乌冲突”的争论放在了更广阔的视野中。
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引用次数: 0
Rumours in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia: 100 Days from the Life of an Occupied Country 波西米亚和摩拉维亚保护国的谣言:一个被占领国家的100天生活
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.04
P. Majewski
The article discusses rumours recorded by the German Security Service [Sicherheitsdienst, SD] in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia between 1 January and 10 April 1943. The author pursues quantitative and qualitative analysis and discusses rumours shared by Czech and German inhabitants of the country. The analysis results indicate that early 1943 saw a real crisis of confidence in the state and the Nazi regime among Germans living in the Protectorate. The Czech public opinion had likely reached a turning point, still highly afraid of German repressions, but also with a growing hope for the defeat of the Reich and a swift end to the war.
这篇文章讨论了1943年1月1日至4月10日期间德国安全局在波希米亚和摩拉维亚保护国记录的谣言。作者进行了定量和定性分析,并讨论了该国捷克和德国居民的谣言。分析结果表明,1943年初,居住在保护国的德国人对国家和纳粹政权的信心出现了真正的危机。捷克公众舆论很可能已经到了一个转折点,仍然非常害怕德国的镇压,但也对帝国的失败和战争的迅速结束抱有越来越大的希望。
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引用次数: 0
‘Minesweeper’: In Remembrance of Włodzimierz Borodziej (1956–2021) “扫雷员”:纪念沃齐米日·波罗季耶伊(1969–2021)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.01
M. Górny
The article outlines the life and achievements of Włodzimierz Borodziej, a contemporary historian. Initially a scholar of the history of Polish-German relations, he became the secretary, and later chairman, of the Polish-German Textbook Commission. Then, he engaged himself in the history of diplomacy and international relations; the ‘Polskie Dokumenty Dyplomatyczne’ [Polish Diplomatic Documents] series was established at his initiative. He also occupied various official positions at the University of Warsaw and in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. In his final decade, he became interested in the history of Central and Eastern Europe. He also contributed to the creation of the permanent exhibition at the House of European History in Brussels.
文章概述了当代历史学家Włodzimierz Borodziej的生平和成就。他最初是一位研究波德关系史的学者,后来成为波德教科书委员会的秘书,后来成为委员会主席。然后,他投身于外交和国际关系史;“Polskie Dokumenty Dyplomatyczne”[波兰外交文件]系列是在他的倡议下建立的。他还在华沙大学和波兰共和国议会担任各种官方职位。在他生命的最后十年,他对中欧和东欧的历史产生了兴趣。他还为布鲁塞尔欧洲历史之家的永久展览的创建做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Everyday Lives in Occupied Poland. Some Ideas for a (Slightly) Different View 被占领波兰的日常生活。(稍微)不同观点的一些想法
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.03
J. Kochanowski
This article (or rather this essay) demonstrates several possibilities for a slightly different perspective on not so much everyday life during the occupation but on everyday lives. Only within the framework of the German occupation, which from the summer of 1941 covered almost the entire pre-war territory of Poland, the range of differences, both between administrative units (e.g., the General Government, the Wartheland or the Eastern Borderlands) as well as within them, between city and countryside, between individual social, professional, ethnic and age groups, was vast. The occupation was not a static and homogeneous phenomenon but a diverse and dynamic one, full of complex interactions. This text, based variously on the subject literature, published and archival sources (Polish and German), clandestine and official press, focuses on the following phenomena: the situation of Polish officials working for the occupation administration, mobility (both spatial and social – horizontal and vertical), relations between the city and the countryside, the breakdown of social norms, the wartime economy (with a greater than usually considered subjectivity of Polish actors) or the process of ‘taming’ the occupation (including terror), both materially and psychologically. The text may be treated as encouragement and invitation to interdisciplinary, methodologically innovative, cross-sectional research on Polish society during the Second World War.
这篇文章(或者更确切地说,这篇文章)展示了几种可能性,用一种稍微不同的视角来看待占领期间的日常生活,而不是日常生活。从1941年夏天开始,德国占领几乎覆盖了波兰战前的全部领土,只有在德国占领的框架内,行政单位(如总政府、战区或东部边境)之间以及行政单位内部、城市和农村之间、个人社会、专业、种族和年龄组之间的差异范围是巨大的。占领不是一种静态和同质的现象,而是一种多样和动态的现象,充满了复杂的相互作用。本文以主题文献、出版和档案来源(波兰语和德语)、秘密媒体和官方媒体为基础,重点关注以下现象:波兰官员在占领行政部门工作的情况、流动性(空间和社会——横向和纵向)、城市和农村之间的关系、社会规范的崩溃、,战时经济(波兰行为者的主观性比通常认为的要大)或“驯服”占领(包括恐怖)的过程,无论是物质上还是心理上。该文本可以被视为对第二次世界大战期间波兰社会跨学科、方法创新、横断面研究的鼓励和邀请。
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引用次数: 0
The Bishops of the Diocese of Vilnius and Lithuanian Domestic Politics in 1709–17: Attitudes, Problems, and Solutions 维尔纽斯教区的主教和1709 - 1717年的立陶宛国内政治:态度、问题和解决办法
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.08
Mindaugas Šapoka
The article looks into the participation of the bishop ordinary of the diocese of Vilnius, Kazimierz Konstanty Brzostowski, and his suffragan, Maciej Józef Ancuta, in Lithuanian politics of the period between 1709 and 1717. The study has been based on the letters written by the bishops to the Lithuanian chancellor. It examines the bishops’ attitude towards Russian contributions, the taxation of Church estates, the arbitrary contributions raised by the Lithuanian army, the introduction of Saxon troops in 1713, the reaction to the king’s policies, and the attitude towards the nationwide uprising against the Saxon troops known as the confederations of Tarnogród and Vilnius. Finally, the bishops’ opinion on Russian mediation and the notorious Silent Sejm, where it was agreed that the liberum veto would be invalid. The bishops of the diocese of Vilnius were rather indifferent to the internal problems of Lithuania. They defended the immunity of the Church estates and disapproved of the introduction of Saxon troops. However, when the confederations were formed, they tried to manoeuvre between the noble and royal camps, not wanting to ruin their reputation on either side. The bishops often spoke on behalf of the diocesan clergy. Therefore, their adopted posture was often the expression of the opinion of the whole diocese’s clergy.
本文研究维尔纽斯教区的普通主教Kazimierz Konstanty Brzostowski和他的妇女参政夫人Maciej Józef Ancuta在1709年至1717年期间参与立陶宛政治。这项研究是基于主教们写给立陶宛总理的信。它考察了主教对俄国捐款的态度,教会财产的税收,立陶宛军队的武断捐款,1713年引入撒克逊军队,对国王政策的反应,以及对全国起义的态度反对撒克逊军队被称为Tarnogród和维尔纽斯联盟。最后,主教们对俄罗斯调停和臭名昭著的沉默瑟姆的看法,在瑟姆上,人们一致认为自由否决权无效。维尔纽斯教区的主教们对立陶宛的内部问题相当漠不关心。他们捍卫教会领地的豁免权,不赞成引进撒克逊军队。然而,当联盟成立时,他们试图在贵族和王室阵营之间进行操纵,不想破坏他们在任何一方的声誉。主教们经常代表教区的神职人员发言。因此,他们所采取的姿态往往是整个教区神职人员意见的表达。
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引用次数: 0
Assessing the Contacts between Stefan Báthory and the Serbian Monks from Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos in the Light of a Sixteenth-Century Model Letter 从16世纪的一封范本书信看Stefan Báthory与阿索斯山Hilandar修道院的塞尔维亚修道士之间的联系
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.07
Paweł Dziadul
The paper deals with contacts between Polish King and Lithuanian Grand Duke Stefan Báthory (1576–86) and the Serbian monks from Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos. The contacts are presented based on a model letter found in the letter-writing manual from the Hilandar Archive (no. 153). The monks asked Báthory for the introductory and travel letters for their journey to Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where they would search for new benefactors [ktetors] and financial assistance from the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians. The model letter, supported by other written sources, also sheds light on the general characteristics of contacts with Catholic Polish-Lithuanian authorities and other rulers who mediated intercultural relations between the Ruthenian Orthodox Church and the Serbian (and Balkan in general) monastic milieus. These relations had a special significance for the group (confessional-cultural) identity of the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians and their tradition in the Counter-Reformation climate due to the proselytic policy and polemical attacks in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
本文论述了波兰国王和立陶宛大公斯特凡·巴索里(1576–86)与阿索斯山希兰达尔修道院的塞尔维亚僧侣之间的交往。这些联系人是根据Hilandar档案馆(编号153)的信件写作手册中的一封范本信件提供的。僧侣们向Báthory索要他们前往波兰立陶宛联邦的介绍信和旅行信,在那里他们将寻找新的捐助者和鲁塞尼亚东正教的财政援助。该示范信得到了其他书面来源的支持,还揭示了与天主教波兰立陶宛当局和其他统治者接触的一般特征,这些统治者调解了鲁塞尼亚东正教与塞尔维亚(以及整个巴尔干)修道院环境之间的跨文化关系。由于波兰立陶宛联邦的传教政策和争论性攻击,这些关系对鲁塞尼亚东正教徒的群体(忏悔文化)身份及其在反宗教改革气候中的传统具有特殊意义。
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引用次数: 0
Why During the Polish-Bolshevik War Did Soviet Propaganda Discourse Dominate European Public Opinion? 为什么在波布战争期间苏联的宣传话语主导了欧洲舆论?
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2021.124.02
A. Leinwand
In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow’s point of view.
1919–20年,一场战争发生在二战结束时出现的两个国家之间:苏俄和重生的波兰共和国。这是一场法律、政治和意识形态体系大相径庭的冲突。冲突不仅发生在军事和外交飞机上,也发生在宣传中。在俄罗斯掌权后,布尔什维克在其官方演讲中向世界展示了自己是所有国家和平与主权的捍卫者;苏俄的帝国野心隐藏在解放被压迫人民的世界革命的口号之下。军事和意识形态的征服始于对包括波兰在内的邻国的集中关注。与此同时,向西方发出了一条暗示性的宣传信息,从莫斯科的角度阐述了事态的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Serialised Novels in the Polish Emigré Press in the USA, 1881–1918 美国波兰移民出版社的连载小说,1881-1918
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2021.124.08
Elżbieta Nowosielska
This article discusses serialised novels published before 1918 in the Polish émigré press in the United States of America. These works were a popular feature of dailies and weeklies, but the periodicals’ regular financial difficulties meant that it was books published several years or indeed several decades earlier in Europe which were most often serialised. Consequently, most of the works that appeared in the periodicals failed to reflect contemporary literary trends while also overlooking subjects relevant to the everyday lives of Poles abroad. Still, the prevailing patriotic and historical themes complemented the values that many editorial boards subscribed to.
本文讨论了1918年以前在美国波兰报业出版的连载小说。这些作品在日报和周刊上很受欢迎,但这些期刊经常遇到财政困难,这意味着在欧洲出版几年甚至几十年的书籍通常是连载的。因此,出现在期刊上的大多数作品未能反映当代文学趋势,同时也忽视了与海外波兰人日常生活有关的主题。尽管如此,流行的爱国主义和历史主题补充了许多编辑委员会赞同的价值观。
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引用次数: 0
Old Tales for a New Gens. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines’ Grafting of History 新一代的老故事。阿尔贝里克的《三方丹的历史嫁接》
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2021.124.06
Antoni Grabowski
Throughout the Middle Ages, waves of people came to the lands once been a part of the Roman Empire. At the same time, lands yet unknown encountered the successors of the Empire. These gentes sometimes preserved a long history of their paths to their new homelands. The Longobards, the Saxons, and many others had an origo gentis, where gods played an important role. These narrations were incorporated into a historiography that was almost entirely Christian. This article is concerned with the methods used to find harmony between the past and present by Alberic of Trois-Fontaines when writing about the Semigallians. The narrative of their origins used established motifs and themes that made it possible to include the invented history of the gens into the then-established universal history. This was done through the etymology of names or the erudite use of the writings of other authors. These new gentes were grafted onto the trees of old tales.
在整个中世纪,一波又一波的人来到曾经是罗马帝国一部分的土地上。与此同时,未知的土地遇到了帝国的继承者。这些贵族有时会保存他们通往新家园的漫长历史。朗戈巴德人、撒克逊人和许多其他人都有一个原始的氏族,在那里神扮演着重要的角色。这些叙述被纳入了几乎完全是基督教的史学。这篇文章关注的是特洛伊斯·枫丹斯的阿尔伯里克在写塞米加里人时,如何在过去和现在之间找到和谐。对其起源的叙述使用了既定的主题和主题,这使得将氏族的发明历史纳入当时既定的普遍历史成为可能。这是通过名字的词源或对其他作者作品的博学使用来实现的。这些新贵族被移植到古老的故事树上。
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引用次数: 0
The Relationship between the State and Universities in the Czech Lands 1849–1939 捷克国家与大学的关系(1849-1939
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2021.124.07
L. Fasora
This text summarises the results of extensive research into the relationship between the state and universities in 1849–1939, i.e. between the so-called ‘Thun reform’ and the closure of Czech universities by the Nazis. The focus is on the state’s respect for the privileged position of universities and the monitoring of tensions arising from the clash between legislation and the universities’ day-to-day operations, resulting mainly from satisfying the economic needs of universities on the one hand, and the interpretation of the responsibility and discipline of their academic staff towards the state and society on the other. The research shows the advancing erosion of the so-called Prussian (Humboldt’s) concept of an autonomous national-oriented university and the difficult search for a democratic alternative in interwar Central Europe’s unstable political and economic conditions.
本文总结了对1849年至1939年国家与大学之间关系的广泛研究结果,即所谓的“图恩改革”与纳粹关闭捷克大学之间的关系。重点是国家对大学特权地位的尊重,以及对立法与大学日常运作之间的冲突所产生的紧张局势的监测,这主要是由于一方面满足大学的经济需求,另一方面解释其学术人员对国家和社会的责任和纪律。这项研究表明,所谓的普鲁士(洪堡)自主的民族导向大学的概念正在不断受到侵蚀,在两次世界大战之间中欧不稳定的政治和经济条件下,寻找民主替代方案也很困难。
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引用次数: 0
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