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Reorganisation of the ‘Polish’ Space of Lviv as a Component of the Process of City Space Identity Reconstruction after 1991 利沃夫“波兰”空间的重组是1991年后城市空间身份重建过程的一个组成部分
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.126.06
Joanna Szczepanski
The article describes the process of the reconstruction and protection of the Polish minority and Polish heritage in Lviv after 1991. This process is presented in the context of Polish-Ukrainian relations. The author indicates the most important actors in this process, focusing on presenting this phenomenon in spatial terms. Next, he describes achievements and possibilities for further development, in addition to the causes and effects of the phenomenon.
文章描述了1991年后利沃夫波兰少数民族和波兰遗产的重建和保护过程。这一进程是在波兰与乌克兰关系的背景下提出的。作者指出了这一过程中最重要的参与者,并着重从空间的角度来呈现这一现象。接下来,他描述了成就和进一步发展的可能性,以及这一现象的原因和影响。
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引用次数: 0
Inconveniences of Memory. The Monument to the Soviet Army and Georgi Dimitrov’s Mausoleum in Sofia after 1989 记忆的不便。1989年后索非亚的苏联军队纪念碑和格奥尔基·迪米特洛夫陵墓
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.126.05
Daniela Decheva
The paper discusses the transformations of memory caused by the preservation, removal or redefinition of memorials. These transformations indicate the competition between political and ideological views in Bulgarian society after 1989. Two cases are analysed: the deconstruction of Georgi Dimitrov’s already-empty mausoleum in 1999 and the Monument to the Soviet Army, still standing in Sofia. Both instances are significant indicators of power constellations, which, in the second case, also have a precise foreign policy dimension (relations with Russia). The periodically activated debates, especially concerning the Monument to the Soviet Army, indicate the absence of a coherent memory policy and general ambiguous attitudes in Bulgarian society towards the communist past.
本文讨论了纪念物的保存、移除或重新定义所引起的记忆的转变。这些转变表明1989年以后保加利亚社会的政治和意识形态观点之间的竞争。本文分析了两个案例:1999年格奥尔基·迪米特洛夫(Georgi Dimitrov)已经空了的陵墓被拆毁,以及仍然矗立在索非亚的苏联军队纪念碑。这两个例子都是权力星座的重要指标,在第二个例子中,也有一个精确的外交政策维度(与俄罗斯的关系)。定期展开的辩论,特别是关于苏联军队纪念碑的辩论,表明保加利亚社会对共产主义的过去缺乏连贯的记忆政策和普遍的模棱两可的态度。
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引用次数: 0
The General Procurators of the Teutonic Order Towards the Polish-Teutonic Conflict 条顿骑士团总检察长对波兰-条顿冲突的看法
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.126.10
Přemysl Bar
The article deals with the activities of the General Procurators of the Teutonic Order regarding the Polish-Teutonic dispute in the first thirty years of the fifteenth century. Based on their dispatches sent to Marienburg, it can be assumed that the Procurators were not passive executors of the Grand Master’s orders. Their frequently occurring disagreements resulted not only from their distinctive personal qualities but also from their different perspectives on assessing what was in the best interest of the Teutonic Order. The Grand Masters lacked professional knowledge not only of law (especially canon law) but also of how the Roman curia functioned.
这篇文章讨论了条顿骑士团总检察长在15世纪头三十年中关于波兰-条顿争端的活动。根据他们发往马里恩堡的电报,可以假设检察官们不是大宗师命令的被动执行者。他们经常发生的分歧不仅是由于他们独特的个人品质,而且也是由于他们在评估什么对条顿骑士团最有利方面的观点不同。大大师们不仅缺乏法律(尤其是教会法)的专业知识,也不知道罗马教廷是如何运作的。
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引用次数: 0
Private Memory in Public Space 公共空间中的私人记忆
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.126.07
Hanna Grzeszczuk-Brendel
Commemoration in public space is usually associated with the creation of official objects related to important events or individuals, most often in the form of monuments or plaques. In the paper, the author considers alternative forms of commemoration which, by existing in the social space, invade privacy, taking into account not only artistic activities such as Stolpersteine/Gunter Demnig’s “stumbling stones” but also, for example, candles or flowers at accident sites. So, the author examines non-monumental forms of commemoration and considers the questions related to the reception of these objects, including their penetration into common cultural spaces.
公共场所的纪念活动通常与创建与重要事件或个人有关的官方物品有关,最常见的形式是纪念碑或牌匾。在这篇论文中,作者考虑了其他形式的纪念活动,这些活动存在于社会空间中,侵犯了隐私,不仅考虑到了艺术活动,如Stolpersteine/Gunter Demnig的“绊脚石”,还考虑到了事故现场的蜡烛或鲜花。因此,作者研究了非纪念性的纪念形式,并考虑了与这些物品的接收有关的问题,包括它们对共同文化空间的渗透。
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引用次数: 0
Local Memory and Urban Space 地方记忆与城市空间
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.126.01
Aleksander Łupienko
The paper ponders over the issue of memory and urban space. It shows how these categories have been discussed in the literature and how they are connected to the problem of place identity. The paper also highlights the need to appreciate and assess the physical aspect of objects, which act as memory markers in the urban space. The author argues that what is being memorialised and conveyed as meaning is the past lived experience. As a case in point, two memory acts are analysed in the paper, clearly showing the interdependence of various temporalities in the anniversary celebrations. In the festivities celebrating the 100th (in 1881) and 150th (in 1931/2) anniversaries of the consecration of the Lutheran church in Warsaw, the capital of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian partition and later the capital of a resurrected independent Polish state after 1918, the different present-oriented needs were mirrored in the narratives and commemorations of the past. Idiosyncratic visions of the past help make the small and vulnerable community of Lutherans in an otherwise primarily Roman Catholic environment more coherent, as its members may lay claim to history and construct and stabilise their identification process as descendants of past generations. Moreover, the material fabric of the church seems to be an indispensable factor. The parishioners’ lived experience appears to be a crucial component of commemorations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
本文对记忆与城市空间的问题进行了思考。它展示了这些类别是如何在文献中被讨论的,以及它们是如何与地方身份问题联系在一起的。本文还强调了欣赏和评估物体的物理方面的必要性,这些物体在城市空间中充当记忆标记。作者认为,被纪念和作为意义传达的是过去的生活经验。作为一个恰当的例子,本文分析了两种记忆行为,清楚地显示了各种时间性在周年庆祝活动中的相互依存关系。在庆祝华沙路德教会(Lutheran church)祝圣100周年(1881年)和150周年(1931年1/2年)的庆祝活动中,不同的面向现在的需求反映在对过去的叙述和纪念中。华沙是俄罗斯瓜分波兰王国的首都,后来在1918年之后成为复活的独立波兰国家的首都。对过去的特殊看法有助于使路德会这个小而脆弱的社区在一个以罗马天主教为主的环境中变得更加连贯,因为它的成员可能会声称拥有历史,并构建和稳定他们作为过去几代人后裔的身份认同过程。此外,教堂的物质结构似乎是一个不可或缺的因素。教区居民的生活经历似乎是19世纪末和20世纪初纪念活动的重要组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
Deosmanisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878 and 1918 on the Example of Sarajevo 以萨拉热窝为例,1878年至1918年间波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的体育运动
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.126.03
T. Lis
In 1878, Austria-Hungary received a mandate in Berlin to exercise power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During this period, they pursued a policy of deosmanisation and Europeanisation of the country. Vienna’s actions, however, differed significantly from the policies of neighbouring Serbia or Bulgaria, where the deosmanisation processes resulted in the partial or complete elimination of Islamic culture from the public space. Therefore, the article aims to outline the cultural policy of Austria-Hungary in Bosnia and Herzegovina, primarily in the context of the culture of remembrance, and to show the Austrian visions of the approach to the local past. The capital city of Sarajevo served as an example of this policy, where the processes mentioned above are best seen in terms of the actions of the authorities themselves, the preserved archival legacy, and professional literature.
1878年,奥匈帝国在柏林接受授权,在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那行使权力。在此期间,他们奉行国家的去民主化和欧洲化政策。然而,维也纳的行动与邻国塞尔维亚或保加利亚的政策有很大不同,在那里,去犹太化进程导致伊斯兰文化部分或完全从公共空间中消除。因此,本文旨在概述奥匈帝国在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的文化政策,主要是在纪念文化的背景下,并展示奥地利对当地过去的看法。首都萨拉热窝就是这一政策的一个例子,当局本身的行动、保存的档案遗产和专业文献最能说明上述进程。
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引用次数: 0
Decent Citizens Serving Chauvinism. Social Portrait of Students Participating in the Blockade of the University of Warsaw in 1936 为沙文主义服务的正派公民。1936年参与封锁华沙大学的学生的社会肖像
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.02
Izabela Mrzygłód
November 1936 saw the blockade of the University of Warsaw, an occupational strike organised by far-right students demanding the introduction of the so-called ‘ghetto benches’ for Jewish students. This article draws a social portrait of the ordinary participants in the blockade and analyses their motivations. I argue that the socialisation of youth into exemplary citizens of a modern nation-state created a fertile ground for far-right organisations and their demands. Moreover, the largest student association, the Fraternal Aid Society, became a space for self-organisation into extreme nationalist politics. Its leaders tapped into the positive motivations of youth, i.e. the search for a sense of belonging and the desire of individuals to fit into the normative order of the community. My examination of the blockade offers a unique insight into the academic background of the far-right and its means of political mobilisation.
1936年11月,华沙大学被封锁,这是一场由极右翼学生组织的职业罢工,他们要求为犹太学生引入所谓的“隔都长椅”。本文描绘了封锁中普通参与者的社会形象,并分析了他们的动机。我认为,将年轻人社会化,使其成为现代民族国家的模范公民,为极右翼组织及其诉求创造了肥沃的土壤。此外,最大的学生社团兄弟会(Fraternal Aid Society)成为了一个自我组织的空间,变成了极端民族主义政治。它的领导者挖掘了年轻人的积极动机,即寻找归属感和个人融入社区规范秩序的愿望。我对封锁的研究提供了对极右翼的学术背景及其政治动员手段的独特见解。
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引用次数: 0
The Relations of the Antanas Smetona Regime with the Catholic Opposition, 1929–32 安塔纳斯·斯梅托纳政权与天主教反对派的关系,1929-32
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.10
Martinas Malužinas
The article’s main objective is to present the relationship between the Antanas Smetona regime and the Catholic opposition in 1929–32, and an evaluation of the repressive measures applied during this period. An analysis of various sources revealed that the actions of the right-wing nationalist government toward the Catholic opposition – which included the clergy, Catholic social organisations, and the Christian Democrats – were extremely harsh, significantly since the Catholic movement did not threaten the state sovereignty, public order, or political doctrine carried out by the Lithuanian president. The 1929–32 timeframe refers to the period of the greatest tension in the conflict between the Lithuanian government and the Catholic Church. The conflict between the Republic of Lithuania and the Vatican divided society, thus disrupting the existing positive diplomatic relations, which were reflected in the signing of the concordat in 1927.
本文的主要目的是介绍1929-32年安塔那斯·斯梅托纳政权与天主教反对派之间的关系,以及对这一时期所采取的镇压措施的评估。对各种来源的分析显示,右翼民族主义政府对天主教反对派(包括神职人员、天主教社会组织和基督教民主党)的行动极其严厉,这主要是因为天主教运动没有威胁到国家主权、公共秩序,或立陶宛总统推行的政治学说。1929-32年是立陶宛政府和天主教会之间冲突最紧张的时期。立陶宛共和国和梵蒂冈之间的冲突分裂了社会,从而破坏了现有的积极外交关系,这反映在1927年签署的协议中。
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引用次数: 0
Occupation as Social Practice and Ambiguous Space: The Lives of Ludwik Hirszfeld and Jan Czochralski in Warsaw, 1939–44 作为社会实践和模糊空间的职业:路德维克·赫斯菲尔德和扬·乔克拉尔斯基在华沙的生活,1939 - 1944
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.05
Katrin Steffen
This article evaluates the situation of two renowned scientists in Poland, namely the microbiologist and serologist Ludwik Hirszfeld (1884–1954), and the metallurgist Jan Czochralski (1885–1953), during the time of the German occupation from 1939–45. Both scientists strove to continue their scientific work even under the conditions of occupation but faced substantially different treatment by the occupiers: Hirszfeld was forced to live in the Warsaw Ghetto, while Czochralski was allowed to stay in his home and work at the former Technical University of Warsaw. The article takes a comparative approach and will analyse the life situation of both scientists. This means looking at the limits of action for both scientists on one side, and on the other, at the room for manoeuvre, which, under the conditions of a brutal occupation, either emerged for the two of them or they actively created.
本文评价了波兰两位著名的科学家,即微生物学家和血清学家Ludwik Hirszfeld(1884-1954)和冶金学家Jan Czochralski(1885-1953)在1939-45年德国占领期间的情况。两位科学家即使在被占领的条件下也努力继续他们的科学工作,但他们面临着占领者截然不同的待遇:赫斯菲尔德被迫住在华沙犹太人区,而佐赫拉尔斯基被允许留在家中,在前华沙技术大学工作。这篇文章采用比较的方法,将分析这两位科学家的生活状况。这意味着一方面要看两位科学家的行动极限,另一方面要看他们的活动空间,在残酷的占领条件下,这些空间要么是为他们两人出现的,要么是他们主动创造的。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Righteous’ as an Element of Transnational Memory Politics: The Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust and the Memory of the Rescue of Jews during the Second World War 作为跨国记忆政治要素的“正义”:第二次世界大战期间大屠杀和拯救犹太人记忆斯德哥尔摩国际论坛
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2022.125.06
Z. Wóycicka
In the last two decades, the topic of help given to Jews during the Second World War has experienced an extraordinary boom in Europe and beyond. Transnational and intergovernmental organisations such as the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) have played an essential role in promoting this subject. This paper shows that the first big event to introduce the category of the Righteous into transnational memory politics was the Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust (2000). Researchers have described the conference as a significant step toward the ‘institutionalisation of a European memory’ and promoting a self-critical, victim-centred, future-oriented and highly personalised Holocaust remembrance. I argue that it was precisely the universalisation of the Holocaust and the notion of a wide-ranging implication of European societies in the genocide, which paved the way for the rescue narratives. However, as this paper demonstrates, the participants in the conference defined the Righteous differently and invoked them for divergent purposes.
在过去的二十年里,第二次世界大战期间帮助犹太人的话题在欧洲及其他地区经历了非同寻常的繁荣。欧洲委员会、欧洲议会和国际大屠杀纪念联盟等跨国和政府间组织在促进这一主题方面发挥了重要作用。本文表明,将正义者类别引入跨国记忆政治的第一个重大事件是斯德哥尔摩大屠杀国际论坛(2000年)。研究人员将此次会议描述为朝着“欧洲记忆制度化”和促进自我批判、以受害者为中心、面向未来和高度个性化的大屠杀纪念迈出的重要一步。我认为,正是大屠杀的普遍化,以及欧洲社会在种族灭绝中的广泛影响,为救援叙事铺平了道路。然而,正如本文所表明的,会议参与者对正义的定义不同,并出于不同的目的援引正义。
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引用次数: 1
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ACTA POLONIAE HISTORICA
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