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Vienna, or Pest? 维也纳,还是佩斯?
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/31132
Viliam Pauliny-Tóth
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引用次数: 0
Old Dubrovnik, Young Serbia and Vague Croatia. Mental Maps in the Serb-Catholic Imagination in Dubrovnik 老杜布罗夫尼克,年轻的塞尔维亚和流浪的克罗地亚。杜布罗夫尼克塞族天主教想象中的心理地图
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.07
M. Czerwiński
This article describes the experience of the community of Serb-Catholics living in Dubrovnik in the early twentieth century. It is based primarily on an investigation of the literary and cultural periodical Srdj (1902–08). This study focuses, firstly, on the conceptual ambivalence resulting from efforts to apply linguistic criteria to determine Serbian identity and, secondly, on the efforts to construct a mental map that would serve projections of Serbian symbolic territory. While the presence of the Serb-Catholic milieu in the city was short-lived (from the mid-nineteenth century to the First World War), it nevertheless left traces on the urban landscape that typified the ambivalent formation of national identity along religious lines, as Croatians were associated with Catholicism and Serbs with Orthodoxy.
这篇文章描述了二十世纪初居住在杜布罗夫尼克的塞尔维亚天主教徒社区的经历。它主要是基于对文学和文化期刊Srdj(1902-08)的调查。本研究首先着重于运用语言标准来确定塞尔维亚人身份的努力所产生的概念矛盾心理,其次着重于构建一幅有助于塞尔维亚象征性领土投影的心理地图的努力。虽然塞尔维亚天主教环境在该市的存在是短暂的(从19世纪中叶到第一次世界大战),但它在城市景观中留下了一些痕迹,这些痕迹代表了沿宗教路线形成的民族认同的矛盾,因为克罗地亚人与天主教有关,塞尔维亚人与东正教有关。
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引用次数: 0
Defending the ‘Sacrilege against the Homeland’: The Romanian Legal Elite in Hungary on the Benches of the Memorandum Trial (1894) 捍卫“对祖国的亵渎”:匈牙利的罗马尼亚法律精英在备忘录审判的板凳上(1894)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.08
O. Iudean
An integral part in the nation-building processes unfolding in the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy was the formation of specifi c elite segments that could shepherd various ethnic or confessional communities towards modernity or help to preserve their national existence in the face of de-nationalising policies. Over time, the establishment of a legal elite – graduates of law academies and faculties – assumed an increasingly important role, especially for national minorities. The present paper attempts to tally the results of the collective endeavour on the part of the Romanians in Dualist Hungary to forge this elite segment by focusing on the swansong moment of Romanian petitioning, the Memorandum trial of 1894. It examines the impromptu selection of local members of the Romanian legal elite in Hungary, occasioned by the need to defend the leadership of the Romanian national movement in the courtroom, and discusses their educational and professional backgrounds. It also shines a light on the contrary positions taken by other members of the national leadership – also a segment of this legal elite – and the ensuing confl icts between and among the national leadership as both groups tried in their own way to defend the Romanian national movement.
在奥匈帝国君主制的国家建设过程中,一个不可分割的部分是形成了特定的精英阶层,他们可以引导各种种族或信仰社区走向现代化,或者在面对去民族化政策时帮助保护他们的民族存在。随着时间的推移,建立法律精英- -法学院和法学院的毕业生- -发挥了越来越重要的作用,特别是对少数民族而言。本文试图通过关注罗马尼亚请愿的最后时刻,即1894年的备忘录审判,来统计罗马尼亚人在二元主义匈牙利的集体努力的结果,以打造这一精英阶层。它审查了由于需要在法庭上为罗马尼亚民族运动的领导辩护而在匈牙利临时挑选罗马尼亚法律精英的当地成员,并讨论了他们的教育和专业背景。它还揭示了国家领导的其他成员- -也是这一法律精英的一部分- -所采取的相反立场,以及随后国家领导之间的冲突,因为两个集团都试图以自己的方式捍卫罗马尼亚民族运动。
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引用次数: 0
Incomplete Intelligentsia: Efforts of Folk Teachers to Improve Their Social Status within the Habsburg Monarchy 哈布斯堡王朝时期民间教师提高社会地位的努力
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.04
Marzena Bogus-Spyra
As part of the modernisation process, the authorities of major European countries ascribed to teachers of people’s schools the role of educating the lower strata of society (inhabitants of villages, manual workers, etc.). Similarly, they put this professional group in charge of the realisation of the hidden purpose of state education: shaping subjects so that they would accept the social and political order. Given their required education and the social tasks they undertook, it was assumed folk teachers would be associated with opinion-forming groups and the intelligentsia. However, in fact, for a long time, they were denied belonging to either of these groups. During the long nineteenth century, they had to struggle with a negative reception of their efforts in those circles in which the school and the teacher were perceived as unnecessary institutions. In most regions of Central Europe, for example in Austrian Silesia, thanks to the improvements of the professional competencies of the teachers and their dedication in fulfi lling their obligations, both at school and outside it, the teachers and their organisations were successful in changing this perception of them. They were also actively involved in the political activities of various national camps. Nevertheless, in most offi cial institutions, they were not the ones making the most important decisions concerning elementary education. At the same time, however, without their cooperation, none of the educational and social plans would have been implemented in practice. Thanks to their participation in the public life of local communities, especially rural ones, over time they became the new opinion-formers, playing the role of an intelligentsia that works among the people. They were not only elementary education specialists, but also pedagogues, activity-inspirers for the adult inhabitants, and experts in dealing with all kinds of situations and emergency issues.
作为现代化进程的一部分,欧洲主要国家的当局将教育社会下层(村庄居民、体力劳动者等)的作用赋予了人民学校的教师,他们让这个专业团体负责实现国家教育的隐藏目的:塑造科目,让他们接受社会和政治秩序。考虑到他们所需的教育和承担的社会任务,人们认为民间教师会与形成意见的团体和知识分子联系在一起。然而,事实上,在很长一段时间里,他们都被否认属于这两个群体中的任何一个。在漫长的十九世纪里,他们不得不与学校和教师被视为不必要的机构的圈子里对他们的努力的负面评价作斗争。在中欧的大多数地区,例如奥地利西里西亚,由于教师专业能力的提高以及他们在学校内外履行义务的奉献精神,教师及其组织成功地改变了人们对他们的看法。他们还积极参与各个国家阵营的政治活动。然而,在大多数官方机构中,他们并不是做出有关基础教育最重要决定的人。然而,与此同时,如果没有他们的合作,任何教育和社会计划都不会在实践中得到实施。由于他们参与了当地社区,特别是农村社区的公共生活,随着时间的推移,他们成为了新的舆论形成者,扮演着在人民中工作的知识分子的角色。他们不仅是基础教育专家,还是教育者、成年居民的活动激励者,以及处理各种情况和紧急问题的专家。
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引用次数: 0
A Municipality against the State: Power Relations between State and Local Self-Government Representatives, Based on the Example of Bohemia at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century 市政当局反对国家:国家与地方自治代表之间的权力关系,以十九世纪之交的波西米亚为例
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.06
Martin Klečacký
This paper is a case study of relations between the agents of self-government and the state administration as representatives of the local elite in the milieu of a small town in central Bohemia. Set in the context of the political crisis in the 1890s and at the beginning of the twentieth century, it follows the power relations and the struggle of self-government bodies against the district captain (representing the central government), as well as the efforts of the state to force the local elite to respect the state authority and to arrange for proper operation of the public
本文以波希米亚中部的一个小镇为例,研究作为地方精英代表的自治代理人与国家行政机关之间的关系。它以19世纪90年代和20世纪初的政治危机为背景,讲述了自治机构与地区领导人(代表中央政府)的权力关系和斗争,以及国家迫使地方精英尊重国家权威和安排公众正常运作的努力
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引用次数: 0
Slovenian Elites in Trieste and Their Role in the Formation of Local Communities 的里雅斯特的斯洛文尼亚精英及其在当地社区形成中的作用
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.03
M. Falski
This text discusses the formation of Slovenian local elites in Trieste in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A significant part of the analysis presented here concerns the habitus of the elite and the attitudes expressed through the significance they attached to being members of the elite. Drawing on the discourses presented in the Slovenian and Croatian press published in Trieste, as well as biographical sources, this article outlines the vision of society held by the political leaders of the local community. It emphasises how the elites gave expression to their habitus in the public sphere through a variety of institutional activities. I argue that the life of the Slovenian politician and social activist Ivan Nabergoj, a figure central to this text, constitutes an ideal-type committed biography. In conclusion, I address the relationship between the elites and the surrounding community, arguing that elites were representatives of the community while also determining the forms of group belonging by their shaping of mechanisms of consolidation. In this article, I also consider the particularities of the political conditions of Slovenians living in the Slavic-Italian borderlands.
本文讨论了19世纪末和20世纪初斯洛文尼亚的里雅斯特当地精英的形成。这里提出的分析的一个重要部分是关于精英的习惯和通过他们作为精英成员的重要性所表达的态度。根据在的里雅斯特出版的斯洛文尼亚和克罗地亚报刊上发表的言论,以及传记资料,本文概述了当地社区政治领导人对社会的看法。它强调精英如何通过各种制度活动在公共领域表达他们的习惯。我认为斯洛文尼亚政治家和社会活动家Ivan Nabergoj的一生构成了一个理想型的献身传记,Ivan Nabergoj是本文的核心人物。最后,我讨论了精英与周围社区之间的关系,认为精英是社区的代表,同时也通过塑造巩固机制来决定群体归属的形式。在这篇文章中,我还考虑了生活在斯拉夫-意大利边境的斯洛文尼亚人的政治条件的特殊性。
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引用次数: 0
Securing Own Position: Challenges Faced by Local Elites after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise 确保自身地位:奥匈妥协后地方精英面临的挑战
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.05
T. Székely, Szilveszter Csernus-Lukács
The multi-ethnic regions of the Habsburg Monarchy became increasingly perceived as places of instability and insecurity after the rise of competing national movements in the mid-nineteenth century. The antagonism between local national elites culminated after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, as all pursued a course aimed at securing a favourable position. As actors of security, the local elites often and typically declared themselves and their respective nations to be existentially threatened and therefore with a legitimate claim to survive the challenges brought on by modern times. To investigate the security dilemmas of the local elites in two different regions of Austria-Hungary – namely in three city municipalities in BácsBodrog county in Southern Hungary; and in Vas, Sopron and Moson counties in western Hungary – this study combines methods of historical discourse analysis * This paper was written as part of a DFG Collaborative Research Centre/ Transregio 138 subproject at the Herder Institute in Marburg, Germany, entitled ‘Discourses on the Rights of Minorities and Majorities in East Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Century’. The case study of western Hungary was written by Tamás Székely, whereas the case study of southern Hungary by Szilveszter Csernus-Lukács. The introduction and conclusion of the paper are a joint effort by the two authors. The case study no. 2 was supported by The Únkp-19-3-Szte New National Excellence Program of The Ministry For Innovation And Technology. For more, see https://www.herder-institut.de/projekte/laufende-projekte/ versicherheitlichung-und-diskurse-ueber-rechte-von-minderheiten-und-mehrheitenin-ostmitteleuropa-im-19-und-20-jahrhundert.html; more information on the collaborative research centre: https://www.sfb138.de. 86 Tamás Székely and Szilveszter Csernus-Lukács with approaches taken from security and nationalism studies as well as regional
在19世纪中期相互竞争的民族运动兴起后,哈布斯堡王朝的多民族地区越来越被视为不稳定和不安全的地方。1867年奥匈妥协后,当地民族精英之间的对抗达到了顶峰,因为所有人都在追求一个有利的地位。作为安全的行动者,当地精英经常而且典型地宣称自己和他们各自的国家受到生存威胁,因此他们有合法的权利在现代带来的挑战中生存下来。调查奥匈帝国两个不同地区的地方精英的安全困境,即匈牙利南部巴斯克斯博德罗格县的三个市镇;这项研究结合了历史话语分析的方法。本文是德国马尔堡牧民研究所DFG合作研究中心/Transregio 138子项目的一部分,题为“19世纪和20世纪中东欧少数民族和主要民族权利的话语”。匈牙利西部的案例研究由Tamás Székely撰写,而匈牙利南部的案例研究则由Szilvester Csernus Lukács撰写。论文的引言和结论是两位作者的共同努力。2号案例研究得到了创新与技术部新国家卓越计划的支持。有关更多信息,请参阅https://www.herder-institut.de/projekte/laufende-projekte/versicherheitlichung-und-diskurse-ueber-recht-von-minderheiten-und-mehrheitenin-ostmitteleuropa-inm-19-und-20-jahrhundt.html;关于合作研究中心的更多信息:https://www.sfb138.de.86 Tamás Székely和Szilveszter Csernus Lukács采用了安全和民族主义研究以及地区研究的方法
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引用次数: 0
Localness, Identity, and the Historic City. New Elites in the Autonomous Galician Lviv 地方性、身份和历史城市。加利西亚自治利沃夫的新精英
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.01
Aleksander Łupienko
This article explores the urban elites of Lviv during its autonomous era under Habsburg rule. The elites included not only state and municipal offi cials but also ‘self-proclaimed’ groups of local patriots, whose main point of reference was their city and maintaining its respectability. The issue of the preservation of secular monuments in the city (mainly the Old Town) is dealt with, as well as the history of selected grassroots associations, like the Society of the Friends of Old Lviv and the Society for the Embellishment of the City of Lviv and Its Surroundings. The author argues that by investigating the institutions which took care of the physical space of the city and its buildings, it is possible to delve into the identity of the elites in question. He further argues that it was not only the imperial and national identity that was refl ected in the sources, but also a purely local one, which points to the issue of localness as an important category of research.
本文探讨了哈布斯堡统治下利沃夫自治时期的城市精英。精英们不仅包括州和市政府官员,还包括“自称”的当地爱国者团体,他们的主要参考点是他们的城市并保持其受人尊敬的地位。讨论了城市(主要是老城)世俗纪念碑的保护问题,以及选定的基层协会的历史,如老利沃夫之友协会和利沃夫市及其周边地区装饰协会。作者认为,通过调查负责城市及其建筑物理空间的机构,可以深入研究有问题的精英的身份。他进一步认为,不仅是帝国和国家身份在来源中得到了反映,而且是一种纯粹的地方身份,这表明地方性问题是一个重要的研究类别。
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引用次数: 0
Eighty-Five Years of the Polish Biographical Dictionary at 17 Sławkowska St., Cracow 克拉科夫Sławkowska街17号波兰传记词典85年
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.10
E. Orman
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引用次数: 0
A Dirty War: The Armed Polish-Lithuanian Conflict and its Impact on Nation-Making in Lithuania, 1919–23 肮脏的战争:波兰与立陶宛的武装冲突及其对立陶宛建国的影响,1919 - 1923
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.11
T. Balkelis
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引用次数: 0
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ACTA POLONIAE HISTORICA
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