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Mechanisms of Conceptual Change in the Discourse of Polish Political Emigration after the November Insurrection of 1830–1 1830 - 1830年十一月起义后波兰政治移民话语中的观念变化机制
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-19 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2020.122.05
Piotr Kuligowski
This essay investigates the mechanisms of conceptual change in the discourse of Polish political emigration after the November Insurrection of 1830–1. To this end, a methodological apparatus is employed that has been elaborated by scholars of the German ‘history of concepts’ ( Begriffsgeschichte ) school and by Anglo-Saxon researchers specialised in the intellectual history and studies on ideology. Quoting a series of period source materials, I argue that the decades of 1830s and 1840s are interpretable in the Polish context as the time of a fundamental breakthrough in the sphere of ideas and political concepts. This turn was caused, for one thing, by the absorbability of Polish political discourse of the time, with a number of new ideas and concepts appearing, particularly those borrowed from the French debates ongoing in the period concerned. For another, it resulted from ardent disputes going on in the circles of the Polish Great Emigration. The concluding remarks stress the need to render a method applicable with such considerations empirically rooted since the dynamism of conceptual change is fundamentally different depending on the period as well as national and linguistic context.
本文探讨了1830-1年11月起义后波兰政治移民话语中概念变化的机制。为此,德国“概念史”学派的学者和专门从事知识史和意识形态研究的盎格鲁撒克逊研究人员采用了一种方法论工具。引用一系列时期资料,我认为,在波兰的背景下,1830年代和1840年代是思想和政治概念领域取得根本突破的时期。一方面,这一转变是由于当时波兰政治话语的可吸收性造成的,出现了一些新的想法和概念,特别是从有关时期正在进行的法国辩论中借鉴的想法和观念。另一方面,这是波兰大移民圈子里激烈争论的结果。结论性意见强调,有必要制定一种适用于这些考虑的方法,并从经验上加以扎根,因为概念变化的动力因时期以及国家和语言背景而异。
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引用次数: 0
The Concept of Citizenship in the Political Discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century 18世纪下半叶波兰立陶宛联邦政治话语中的公民概念
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-19 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2020.122.03
Marta Kuc-Czerep
This article addresses some aspects of the functioning of the concept of ‘citizen’ in the political discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In the dominant nobility’s discourse, the concept gained a strictly defined meaning: a citizen was, namely, a person entitled to wield or exercise political power in the state. In the estate society realities, it actually boiled down to mutual identification of two concepts: ‘citizen’ and ‘nobleman’. The bourgeois conception of citizenship took shape in confrontation with such understanding of the idea, formulated and propagated by Protestant townsmen – mainly by Wawrzyniec Mitzler de Kolof and Michal Groll, book traders, printers and publishers from Saxony. They derived the meaning of ‘citizen’ from ‘resident’. In such a concept, the term extended to all the inhabitants of Poland-Lithuania – apart from the nobility, it included, also the townspeople and the peasantry. In this context, of relevance are the changes in the meaning of the German term Burger (burgher, citizen of the state), which influenced Polish political discourse. This leads to the conclusion that the latter half of the eighteenth century saw the idea of citizenship in its modern meaning.
本文论述了“公民”概念在18世纪后半叶波兰-立陶宛联邦政治话语中的作用的一些方面。在占主导地位的贵族话语中,这一概念获得了严格定义的含义:公民是,即有权在国家中行使或行使政治权力的人。在房地产社会的现实中,它实际上可以归结为两个概念的相互认同:“公民”和“贵族”。资产阶级的公民身份概念是在与新教市民(主要是萨克森州的书商、印刷商和出版商Wawrzyniec Mitzler de Kolof和Michal Groll)对这一概念的理解相冲突的情况下形成的。他们从“居民”派生出“公民”的含义。在这样一个概念中,这个词延伸到波兰-立陶宛的所有居民——除了贵族,还包括城镇居民和农民。在这种背景下,相关的是德语术语Burger(Burger,国家公民)含义的变化,它影响了波兰的政治话语。这导致了一个结论,即十八世纪后半叶看到了公民身份的现代意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Institution of Council of the Senate in the Political System of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth under the Rule of Ladislaus IV Vasa (1632–48) Ladislaus IV Vasa统治下的波兰立陶宛联邦政治体系中的参议院制度(1632–48)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-19 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2020.122.08
Artur Goszczyński
Established under the Henrician Articles of 1573, the institution of Council of the Senate was supposed to be a standing advisory body to the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Over the first few decades of its existence, the monarchs did not respect the obligation to appoint resident senators as the Council’s members. This changed only in 1607, as a result of a conflict between the king and the estates and the Rebellion of Sandomierz – the events that mobilised the nobility to enforce the monarch to observe the law in this respect. Since the beginning of his reign, Ladislaus IV Vasa fairly readily convened meetings of the Council, at which its members expressed their opinions on the current problems. The deliberations were usually about the state’s foreign policy, the functioning and internal security of the state, the affairs of war and peace, the military and the treasury, the king’s or the royal family’s private affairs, the Commonwealth’s feoffs, and matters related to private affairs of members of the power elite. Resulting from the monarch’s actions that did not win popularity in the nobility-dominated society, the Chamber of Deputies started with time perceive the Council as an institution detrimental to the state’s interest. The Chamber consequently extort from the king and the senators the duty to read out the reports on the senatus consilia at the diet ( sejm ) forum. Consequently, the upper chamber’s position was weakened and the Council of the Senate politicised – a process that directly affected Poland-Lithuania’s political system, vastly contributing to its degeneration.
根据1573年的亨利条款,参议院委员会的机构被认为是波兰立陶宛联邦统治者的常设咨询机构。在其存在的最初几十年里,君主不尊重任命常驻参议员作为理事会成员的义务。直到1607年,由于国王和庄园之间的冲突以及桑多梅日叛乱,这种情况才有所改变。桑多梅日叛乱动员了贵族,迫使君主在这方面遵守法律。自从拉迪斯劳斯四世瓦萨开始统治以来,他就相当乐意地召开理事会会议,在会议上,其成员就当前的问题发表了自己的意见。会议的议题通常是国家的外交政策,国家的运作和内部安全,战争与和平,军事与财政,国王或王室的私人事务,英联邦的领地,以及权力精英成员的私人事务。由于君主的行为在贵族主导的社会中不受欢迎,众议院开始认为议会是一个损害国家利益的机构。因此,议会要求国王和元老们有义务在议会(sejm)论坛上宣读元老院会议的报告。因此,上议院的地位被削弱,参议院委员会被政治化——这一过程直接影响了波兰-立陶宛的政治制度,极大地促进了它的退化。
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引用次数: 0
Facing the Old Believers. The Experience of Austrian and Prussian Officials in Bukovina and Neuostpreussen 面对老信徒。奥地利和普鲁士官员在布科维纳和新普留森的经验
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-19 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2020.122.10
Melchior Jakubowski
This paper discusses the interactions and confrontations of the Austrian and Prussian officials with the religious community of the Russian Old Believers. They took place in two European regions: Bukovina (nowadays divided between Romania and Ukraine) and Neuostpreussen (nowadays divided between Poland and Lithuania) beginning at the end of the eighteenth century. The author discusses the officials’ associations and misunderstandings regarding the Old Believers. The authorities could not easily distinguish the Old Believers from the Orthodox Christians and had problems recognising their language. In many cases, improper data resulted in failed actions. There was a constant tension between the positive assessment of the Old Believers’ diligence and their refusal to fulfil the requirements of the state, like an oath-taking, military service, metrical registration, or inns’ building. The consequent resistance of the communities was often stronger than the administrative enforcement, thus revealing the limits of the modern enlightened bureaucracy in practice in the countryside.
本文讨论了奥地利和普鲁士官员与俄罗斯旧信徒宗教界的互动和对抗。它们发生在两个欧洲地区:布科维纳(现在分为罗马尼亚和乌克兰)和纽斯特普雷乌森(现在分为波兰和立陶宛),开始于18世纪末。作者论述了官方对旧教的联想和误解。当局不能轻易区分旧信徒和东正教,在识别他们的语言方面也有困难。在许多情况下,不当的数据会导致失败的操作。在对旧信徒勤奋的积极评价和他们拒绝满足国家要求(如宣誓、服兵役、计量登记或旅馆建设)之间,存在着一种持续的紧张关系。因此,社区的反抗往往比行政强制更强烈,从而揭示了现代开明官僚在农村实践中的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
How Do Local Conditions Inform Socio-Political Language? The Concept of ‘Intelligentsia’ in Łódź Press before the Mid-Twentieth Century 当地条件如何影响社会政治语言?二十世纪中叶以前罗兹出版社的“知识分子”概念
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-19 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2020.122.06
Kamil Śmiechowski
This article seeks to answer the question of whether the local conditions or determinants influence the socio-political language. Within the context of the nationwide discourse in the nineteenth-century Kingdom of Poland, an analysis follows how the concept of ‘intelligentsia’ functioned in the local press from the industrial city of Łodź. A source analysis leads to the conclusion that in the specific circumstances, of which the social mix was a constituent, certain notions of a defined meaning in the countrywide context may be interpreted in a manner divergent from the rule. As the social structure of Łodź was becoming more and more similar to that of Warsaw and other big cities, the differences in the definitions of the term ‘intelligentsia’ were gradually smoothening out.
本文试图回答当地条件或决定因素是否影响社会政治语言的问题。在19世纪波兰王国的全国性话语背景下,分析了“知识分子”的概念如何在工业城市罗兹的当地媒体中发挥作用。来源分析得出的结论是,在特定情况下,社会混合是其中的一个组成部分,在全国范围内对特定含义的某些概念的解释可能与规则不同。随着Łod罗兹的社会结构与华沙和其他大城市的社会结构越来越相似,“知识分子”一词的定义差异正在逐渐消除。
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引用次数: 1
Sultan Murad IV’s Polish Campaign (1634) 苏丹穆拉德四世的波兰战役(1634年)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-19 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2020.122.09
M. H. Cevrioğlu
The present study depicts the developments which took place at the Polish-Ottoman frontier and in the Ottoman imperial centre between 1633 and 1634, when a fullscale war between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Ottoman Empire was imminent. Even though the major episodes of the conflict have been highlighted from the Polish perspective several times before, it is hard to say the same regarding the Ottoman vantage point. Therefore, this paper tries to make use of major European embassy reports from the Ottoman capital, with cross-references to the Ottoman archival documentation of the period. In this way the paper aims to expound the escalation and resolution of the conflict from the Ottoman point of view and seeks to fill the gap left by the already-established Polish stances. It will also serve the purpose of attracting attention both to the Polish diplomatic presence in the Ottoman capital and to the Ottoman diplomatic activity with regard to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the years specified.
本研究描述了1633年至1634年间在波兰-奥斯曼边境和奥斯曼帝国中心发生的事态发展,当时波兰-立陶宛联邦和奥斯曼帝国之间的全面战争迫在眉睫。尽管波兰人之前曾多次强调冲突的主要事件,但对于奥斯曼帝国的有利地位,很难说是一样的。因此,本文试图利用来自奥斯曼首都的主要欧洲大使馆报告,并交叉参考该时期的奥斯曼档案文件。通过这种方式,本文旨在从奥斯曼的角度阐述冲突的升级和解决,并试图填补波兰已经确立的立场留下的空白。它还将有助于吸引人们注意波兰在奥斯曼首都的外交存在,以及奥斯曼在特定年份对波兰-立陶宛联邦的外交活动。
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引用次数: 0
“An Unfulfilled Writer Who Became a Historian” : Jerzy Wojciech Borejsza (22 August 1935 – 28 July 2019) “成为历史学家的不满足的作家”:耶日·沃伊切赫·博雷什扎(1935年8月22日- 2019年7月28日)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2021.123.01
M. Wołos
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引用次数: 0
The Soviet Narrative of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 华沙犹太人区起义的苏联叙事
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.12775/APH.2021.123.11
Estraikh Gennady
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引用次数: 0
Identification Hierarchies of Inhabitants of Austrian Galicia in the Local Dimension 奥地利加利西亚居民的地方维度识别层次
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.09
Jagoda Wierzejska
In the fi rst place, the main identifi cations of residents of Austrian Galicia in the period between 1772 and 1918 are discussed; emphasised is the fact that diverse individual hierarchies of identifi cation could be formed. Then, it is shown in what ways these identifi cation directions surfaced in the specifi ed local dimension – namely, in the town of Drohobycz (today Ukrainian Drohobych), in the specifi c historical moment – that is, during the 1911 election for the Vienna Parliament. On this occasion, the local elite carried out the election of their own candidate, contrary to what the majority of local dwellers demanded – which resulted in protest actions and unusual alliances between the locals. Given the exemplary occurrence with its limited place and time framework, the article seeks to analyse the sympathies and antipathies among the Galicians, which tended at times to be astonishing and not necessarily followed the lines of ethnic/national and political divisions. The argument has it that what was happening tended to be contrary to the image of the confl ict that split the province’s three main ethnic groups, on the one hand, and the vision of a concordant coexistence between Poles, Ukrainians, and Jews, on the other.
首先,讨论了1772年至1918年期间奥地利加利西亚居民的主要身份;强调的是,可以形成不同的个人身份等级。然后,它显示了这些识别方向在特定的地方维度中以何种方式出现-即在德罗霍比奇镇(今天的乌克兰德罗霍比奇),在特定的历史时刻-即在1911年维也纳议会选举期间。在这种情况下,与大多数当地居民的要求相反,当地精英进行了自己的候选人选举-这导致了抗议行动和当地人之间不同寻常的联盟。鉴于这一典型事件在有限的地点和时间框架内发生,本文试图分析加利西亚人之间的同情和反感,这种同情和反感有时令人惊讶,不一定遵循种族/国家和政治分歧的界限。有观点认为,发生的事情往往与分裂该省三个主要民族的冲突形象背道而驰,而波兰人、乌克兰人和犹太人之间的和谐共处则是另一方面。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Kindred Circle’ of Village Mayors in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Example of Cieszyn Silesia, 1864–1918 哈布斯堡王朝的村长“同族圈”与西里西亚切申的例子,1864-1918
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-08-19 DOI: 10.12775/aph.2020.121.02
Michael Morys-Twarowski
In Cieszyn Silesia (the eastern part of the crownland of Austrian Silesia) from the time local government was introduced in 1864 until 1918 it is possible to identify 1332 village mayors (German: Gemeindevorsteher; Polish: wójt; Czech: starosta). Of these, at least 1006 (almost 76 per cent) had another village mayor in Cieszyn Silesia in their ‘kindred circle’, which includes second-degree relatives according to canonical computation, as well as witnesses at weddings and baptisms of their closest family (children, parents, siblings). The uninterrupted lineage of these types of relationships connected at least 875 village mayors, or 66 per cent of all those known. Thus the partial democratisation at the level of local self-government led to a kind of oligarchy, with the position of the village head being assumed by wealthy peasant families who all had connections to one another. Outside of the ‘kindred circle’, there were the factory owners and offi cials of archdukes and counts, who took the position of village mayor in industrialised areas, as well as a few Jewish village mayors and probably the majority of village mayors from the moun-
在切申西里西亚(奥地利西里西亚王国的东部),从1864年地方政府成立到1918年,可以确定1332名村长(德语:Gemeindevorsteher;波兰:wojt;捷克:starosta)。在这些人中,至少有1006人(近76%)在西里西亚的“亲属圈”中有另一位村长,根据规范计算,这包括二级亲属,以及他们最亲密家庭(孩子、父母、兄弟姐妹)的婚礼和洗礼见证人。这种不间断的血缘关系使至少875名村长,或所有已知村长的66%联系在一起。因此,地方自治层面的部分民主化导致了一种寡头政治,村长的位置由彼此有联系的富裕农民家庭担任。在“亲族圈”之外,还有工厂主、大公和伯爵的官员,他们在工业化地区担任村长,还有一些犹太村长,可能大多数村长都来自山区
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引用次数: 0
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ACTA POLONIAE HISTORICA
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