拉丁美洲一体化进程既有重大进展, 也有挫折；它是由经济融合的潜力推动的, 旨在减少该地区国家之间的差距和不对称。本文旨在估计不平等指数, 并评估拉丁美洲一体化集团——太平洋联盟、安第斯共同体和南方共同市场——内部和之间的融合情况。为了实现这一目标, 计算了过去22年的不平等指标——包括西格玛离差、基尼系数和泰尔指数。研究结果表明, 在研究的大部分时期内, 不平等现象都有所加剧, 其中南方共同市场的不平等程度最高, 其次是安第斯共同体和太平洋联盟。此外, 对1990年至2021年数据的分析表明, 在单边贸易自由化、南北自由贸易协定和大宗商品繁荣时期, 南方共同市场和安第斯共同体之间缺乏经济融合。同样, 太平洋联盟也没有显示出其成员国之间经济融合的证据。尽管2012年成立的该集团表明趋势可能发生变化, 但这种变化不足以建立明确的 (经济) 融合。
本文对拉丁美洲不同区域组织的社会参与空间进行了比较研究。从制度主义的角度出发, 我们述评了三个代表性区域项目 (即安第斯共同体、南方共同市场和中美洲一体化体系) 中“公民社会参与区域治理”的结构、过程和结果。本文旨在描述拉丁美洲区域组织的社会参与渠道的制度设计差异, 识别它们的异同、模式和对区域治理的影响, 以及公民社会组织在这些区域主义过程中发挥的作用。我们反思了设计差异的相关性、这种差异的原因及其对区域治理的影响。我们论证, 尽管制度设计存在一些差异, 但中美洲一体化体系与其他两个案例的政府间设置相比, 发展了一种超国家的成员资格逻辑, 因此这三个案例中的社会参与仅限于议程促进, 并且其对区域决策的影响是残余的。
Cash transfer programs emerged in the mid-1990s, eventually spreading to Latin America and the Caribbean, and later, throughout the world. The contributions of international organizations have shaped, driven, and diffused these cash transfer programs. The questions guiding this research concern how the Human Development Bonus in Ecuador was designed and how the programmatic ideas of international organizations influence decision and policy makers. The hypothesis posits that international organizations’ programmatic ideas about cash transfer programs, positioned as instruments to combat poverty, are diffused throughout the national context as an instrument of compensation for the most vulnerable families, with policy makers adopting mechanisms of coercion, emulation, and learning when designing the Human Development Bonus. From a neo-institutionalist perspective, public policy networks are analyzed, demonstrating that the origin of the Human Development Bonus is endogenous; it began as an instrument of fiscal policy amid the possible elimination of the gas subsidy, which did not materialize, and it then moved to social policy. International organizations played a relevant role in designing the Human Development Bonus by imposing structural adjustment reforms, establishing the conditions for the delivery of loans, and offering technical assistance.
缴费密度与劳动形式不同；它指的是在给定时期内平均每个工人可以累积的缴费金额或比例。本文旨在从1996年至2021年的行政数据中识别阿根廷养老金系统缴费密度的决定因素。使用负二项回归方法, 提出了一个计量经济模型来解释8个群体 (基于社会人口因素和工作特征) 的缴费密度。结果发现, 缴费密度较低, 并且缴费密度取决于经济活动部门、公司所在的管辖区、个人的收入和性别、以及入学年龄。结果与其他研究阿根廷和拉丁美洲国家缴费密度的论文结果相似。
This article analyzes a sample of editorial opinions from El Norte newspaper on the mandate revocation of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. In the March 27, 2022 edition, 2 weeks before the consultation, 46 editorialists expressed their opinions on the matter. Through Toulmin's theory of argumentation, this article analyzes the three ideological stances they took to determine whether they incur in fallacies—those who stated they would abstain from participating because they are against the President, those who stated they would participate to revoke his mandate, and those who expressed that the revocation was a valid exercise without stating how they would vote.
The relationship between Mexico and human rights treaty bodies has been paradigmatic due to the adoption of a foreign policy based on an openness to international scrutiny that is not reflected in the internal situation of human rights. An example of this contradiction is the case of the rights of migrants in Mexico. The objective of this article is to analyze the effects of mechanisms of the United Nations System of Human Rights, specifically the Committee on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families in Mexico, to determine the scope of the impact of civil society on the guarantee of human rights of migrants despite the lack of international consensus regarding the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.
墨西哥与人权条约机构的关系一直是典型的，因为墨西哥采取了以接受国际审查为基础的外交政策，而国际审查并没有反映在国内人权状况中。这种矛盾的一个例子就是该国移民的权利。本文旨在分析联合国人权系统机制的影响，特别是墨西哥的“保护所有移民工人及其家庭成员权利”委员会的影响，以确定公民社会对“保障移民人权”的影响范围，尽管国际社会在保护所有移民工人及其家庭成员权利之国际公约方面缺乏共识。
La relación de México con los órganos de tratados de derechos humanos ha sido paradigmática debido a la adopción de una política exterior basada en una apertura al escrutinio internacional que no se refleja en la situación interna de los derechos humanos. Un ejemplo de esta contradicción es el caso de los derechos de los migrantes en el país. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar los efectos de los mecanismos del Sistema de las Naciones Unidas de Derechos Humanos, específicamente del Comité de Protección de los Derechos de Todos los Trabajadores Migratorios y de sus Familiares en México, para determinar el alcance de la incidencia de la sociedad civil en la garantía de los derechos humanos de los migrantes a pesar de la falta de consenso internacional en torno a la Convención Internacional sobre la Protección de los Derechos de Todos los Trabajadores Migratorios y de sus Familiares.
This article presents the main results of a qualitative study proposing guidelines for a hybrid public policy on mental health at the primary care level that faces the challenge of improving access under conditions of quality. The empirical evidence was constructed from semistructured interviews with users, decision makers, and professionals from Chile's central, regional, and local healthcare levels and a review of specialized literature. The study shows that strengthening a hybrid telehealth policy at the primary care level is an outstanding strategy to contribute to reduce accessibility, acceptability, and availability barriers. Yet, to be effective, it is necessary to take on some guidelines in terms of remote care management in Primary Healthcare centers, training of professionals, and skill building of civil servants in the use of technology, regulatory framework, infrastructure and technology; financing; inclusion of the user's perspective; and clinical guidelines and technical standards for hybrid care. The leadership of the Ministry of Health is fundamental to promote relevant regulation and the coordination and active participation of different stakeholders.
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