Latin American Policy最新文献

Since their inception, security institutions in Mexico have undergone significant transformations in their structure, organization, and responsibilities, which has influenced their role in ensuring public safety in the country. The configuration of the institution responsible for providing security in Mexico under military leadership not only deviates from the constitutional precepts to which it should adhere but also undermines the legal security of citizens regarding the enjoyment and full exercise of their human rights, due to acts prone to rights violations by such corporations, especially in the absence of a social proximity formation. This article focuses on the international perspective of human rights organizations about the security institutions in Mexico, considering the jurisprudence, recommendation, and cases in the Inter-American Human Rights System. Multiple international organizations conclude that these security institutions have indicated a regression in human rights and require oversight by a regional international entity to ensure compliance with recommendations and the guarantee of a rule of law.

自成立以来，墨西哥的安全机构在结构、组织和职责方面经历了重大变革，这影响了它们在确保国家公共安全方面的作用。在军事领导下，墨西哥安全机构的配置不仅偏离了其应遵守的宪法准则，而且还破坏了公民享有和充分行使人权的法律保障，因为这些公司的行为容易侵犯权利，特别是在缺乏社会邻近性的情况下。本文聚焦于从国际人权组织的角度看待墨西哥的安全机构，并考虑了美洲人权系统中的法理、建议和案例。多个国际组织的结论认为，这些安全机构的人权状况有所倒退，需要一个区域国际实体的监督，以确保遵守建议并保障法治。

Desde su creación, las instituciones de seguridad en México han experimentado transformaciones significativas en su estructura, organización y responsabilidades, lo que ha influido en su papel para garantizar la seguridad pública en el país. La configuración de la institución encargada de brindar seguridad en México bajo el liderazgo militar no sólo se aparta de los preceptos constitucionales a los que debe sujetarse, sino que además atenta contra la seguridad jurídica de los ciudadanos respecto del goce y ejercicio pleno de sus derechos humanos, debido a actos proclives a violaciones de derechos por parte de dichas corporaciones, sobre todo en ausencia de una formación de proximidad social. Este artículo se centra en la perspectiva internacional de las organizaciones de derechos humanos sobre las instituciones de seguridad en México, considerando la jurisprudencia, recomendaciones y casos en el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Múltiples organismos internacionales concluyen que estas instituciones de seguridad han mostrado un retroceso en materia de derechos humanos y requieren de la supervisión de un ente internacional regional para asegurar el cumplimiento de las recomendaciones y la garantía de un Estado de derecho.

This article explores the dynamics of policy change and innovation in the context of the security crises in Nuevo León, Mexico, drawing insight from past experiences and ongoing challenges. From 2003 to 2023, with an emphasis on 2006–2011, the article examines the role of the state government and civil participation in shaping innovative policy responses. Key findings highlight the importance of collaboration between government, civil society, and the private sector in developing effective and sustainable solutions. While successful initiatives like the establishment of Fuerza Civil demonstrate the potential of public innovation, challenges such as funding uncertainties and changes in political leadership underscore the need for institutionalized mechanisms for collaboration and evaluation. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of transparency, accountability, and inclusivity in policymaking processes; and advocating for continued civil engagement to address security challenges and foster a safer and more resilient future.

In 2015, heads of state and government, and high representatives adopted the post-2015 development agenda, known today as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Target 16.3 promotes the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensures equal access to justice for all. This article focuses on the inclusion of the rule of law in the sustainable development goals in Latin America. The central theme is the absence of an indicator to measure progress and the analysis of possible reasons for having omitted the tools that have already been developed for this purpose.

The article inserts the concept of intersectionality contributed by Afro-descendant feminism to study whether affirmative action is open to other vulnerable groups besides gender in Mexico. An explanatory investigation of the concept of intersectionality correlated with multiple affirmative action is carried out, and a case study considers the decisions made by two electoral institutions in Mexico. Crenshaw's theories are confirmed, including a case study carried out in Mexico focused on decisions by electoral authorities that have promoted the establishment of multiple affirmative actions in electoral matters. A ruling by the Electoral Tribunal in which the discussion focused on the implementation of the intersectionality concept due to the application of multiple affirmative actions is also highlighted. Affirmative action must be understood in a broad vision open to different vulnerable groups, and the concept of intersectionality must be considered when there is more than one reason for vulnerability so that better protection can be provided.

The article addresses Rarámuri cosmogony and the causes of forced migration within this community. It is a descriptive essay that integrates ius-historical, documentary, and phenomenological techniques. The main arguments revolve around the threat posed by the destruction of the Rarámuri traditions and natural environment, which affects their sense of belonging and their right to self-determination. These factors, exacerbated by violence and forced displacement, result in the migration of the communities to nonindigenous territories. The research highlights the need to recognize and protect the rights of this community to prevent their cultural and territorial disappearance.

Our last issue of the year of Latin American Policy (LAP) revolves around the current challenges to democratic institutions in the region, featuring Professor Pablo de la Peña as the guest editor. He has been a full-time professor for many years at Tecnológico de Monterrey, the leading Mexican university where LAP is housed. The volume is the product of the First Triad International Congress, held at the School of Government and Public Transformation in Monterrey, Mexico, in 2023. The congress was possible thanks to the participation of experts and professors affiliated with Chile's Pontifical Catholic University, Colombia's University of the Andes, and Tec de Monterrey. The congress gathered in Monterrey 53 speakers from Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Mexico. From the best presentations we are eager to publish 8 that evolved into final articles that passed the rigor of the academic peer-review process.

This volume also includes an essay written by Vladimir Rouvinski and Juan Pablo Milanese on Venezuela's recent controversial presidential elections. We hope our readers will enjoy this last volume of our prestigious journal for the year 2024.

Brazil is a major greenhouse gas emitter and is highly vulnerable to climate change. Amazonian deforestation control 2005–2012 and a comprehensive national climate change adaptation plan in 2016 created opportunities for consistent climate action. Yet, subsequent administrations reversed this progress, turning the country into a laggard. President Lula is reviving the national climate agenda. In this article, we use the traditional framework of interests, institutions, and ideas to examine Brazilian climate politics and policies of the past decade, focusing on the country's major emitting sectors and adaptation plans. We identify the factors that hindered the achievement of Brazil's climate goals from the early 2010s to 2022 and investigate Lula's new mandate. Brazil currently shows renewed proclimate momentum, especially in Amazon deforestation control, but hurdles persist, including resistance from Congress, fossil fuel focus, financial frailties, and an uncertain foreign policy.

巴西是温室气体排放大国，极易受到气候变化的影响。2005年至2012年亚马逊森林砍伐控制和2016年全面的国家气候变化适应计划为持续的气候行动创造了机会。然而，随后的政府扭转了这一进展，使该国成为落后者。卢拉总统正在重振国家气候议程。本文中，我们使用关于利益、制度和思想的传统框架来分析过去十年巴西的气候政治和政策，聚焦于该国的主要排放部门和适应计划。我们识别了从2010年代初到2022年间巴西实现气候目标的阻碍因素，并调查了卢拉的新授权。巴西目前显示出新的气候支持势头，尤其是在亚马逊森林砍伐控制方面，但障碍仍然存在，包括国会的阻力、对化石燃料的关注、财政脆弱性、以及不确定的外交政策。

Brasil es un importante emisor de gases de efecto invernadero y altamente vulnerable al cambio climático. El control de la deforestación amazónica entre 2005 y 2012, junto con un plan nacional integral de adaptación al cambio climático en 2016, creó oportunidades para una acción climática coherente. Sin embargo, las administraciones posteriores revirtieron estos avances, convirtiendo al país en un rezagado. El presidente Lula está revitalizando la agenda climática nacional. En este artículo, utilizamos el marco tradicional de intereses, instituciones e ideas para examinar la política y las políticas climáticas de Brasil en la última década, enfocándonos en los principales sectores emisores del país y en el plan de adaptación. Identificamos los factores que obstaculizaron el logro de los objetivos climáticos de Brasil desde principios de la década de 2010 hasta 2022 e investigamos el nuevo mandato de Lula. Actualmente, Brasil muestra un renovado impulso pro-climático, especialmente en el control de la deforestación amazónica, pero persisten obstáculos, como la resistencia del Congreso, la prioridad en los combustibles fósiles, las debilidades financieras y una política exterior incierta.

This study employs the V-Dem database and proposes an alternative calculation of the regular Electoral Democracy Index by incorporating the Direct Popular Vote Index, a component of the Participatory Democracy Index. The result is the creation of the Plebiscitary Electoral Democracy Index. To validate this index proposal, the article conducts an empirical test focusing on the Andean Community countries over the past two decades that compares the existing Electoral Democracy Index with the new proposed index from 2003 to 2022. The findings reveal that the proposed index reflects a consistently lower level of democracy than that measured by the Electoral Democracy Index across all Andean cases. This research shows how incorporating participation indicators in assessing electoral democracy reveals distinct conclusions regarding the state of democracy than those from the previously established Electoral Democracy Index. The comparatively lower levels of democracy emphasize the importance of incorporating a participatory dimension in the Electoral Democracy Index to develop a more comprehensive and regionally nuanced approach to measuring democracy that can be applied to understand better the evolution of democracy everywhere.