Latin American Policy最新文献

在地缘政治竞争的激流中, 哪些观念力量为国家间关系注入了活力？在台湾外交日益受到中国强制性修正主义围攻的时代, 台湾与巴拉圭的坚定伙伴关系是一个值得审视的异常现象。受“台湾盟友纷纷倒戈北京势力”的推动, 本文探讨了如何通过“以规范、身份和主体间性为中心的建构主义”来阐明台湾与巴拉圭的外交关系, 这种关系是一种不太可能的、超越物质激励的亲密关系。通过采用一项定性案例研究方法和解释性分析, 本研究分析了支撑这种亲密关系的观念基础。研究结果揭示, 台湾和巴拉圭的忠诚关系源于对自由民主、自决和人权理想的坚定承诺。他们的关系通过一系列体现互信和同理心的社会文化交流而培育了认知融合。台湾与之相呼应的民主认同感对志同道合的观念假设产生了磁性的“软实力”吸引力。巴拉圭拒绝北京方面的强制性收复主义反映了其对颂扬主权平等和多元国际秩序的规范的内化。台湾-巴拉圭关系凸显了建构主义在解读令人惊讶的国家亲密关系方面的理论效力。通过本研究, 我们全面了解了一系列编排全球秩序的力量——其中, 能力通过规范、身份和跨国社会化过程得以体现。

¿Qué fuerzas conceptuales dan vida a las relaciones entre estados en medio de las corrientes cargadas de rivalidad geopolítica? En una era donde la existencia diplomática de Taiwán se ve cada vez más asediada por el revisionismo coercitivo de China, su firme asociación con Paraguay se presenta como una anomalía que merece escrutinio. Impulsado por las monumentales defecciones de los aliados de Taiwán hacia la órbita de Beijing, este artículo interroga: ¿cómo puede el vínculo diplomático Taiwán-Paraguay, una afinidad improbable que trasciende los incentivos materiales, ser elucidado a través de un constructivismo centrado en normas, identidades e intersubjetividades? Adoptando una metodología de estudio de caso cualitativo y análisis interpretativo, la investigación excava las subestructuras conceptuales que sostienen este parentesco. Los hallazgos develan la fidelidad de Taiwán y Paraguay que emana de un compromiso fundamental con los ideales de la democracia liberal, la autodeterminación y los derechos humanos. Su relación nutre la convergencia cognitiva a través de intercambios socioculturales que manifiestan confianza y empatía mutuas. La resonante identidad democrática de Taiwán ejerce una atracción magnética de “poder blando” sobre una Asunción afín. El rechazo de Paraguay al irredentismo coercitivo de Beijing refleja una internalización de normas que celebran la igualdad soberana y un orden internacional pluralista. Los vínculos Taiwán-Paraguay destacan la potencia teórica del constructivismo para decodificar afinidades estatales sorprendentes. De esta investigación, obtenemos una comprensión holística de las fuerzas que coreografían el orden global—donde las capacidades se refractan a través de normas, identidades y procesos de socialización transnacional.

拉丁美洲一体化进程既有重大进展, 也有挫折；它是由经济融合的潜力推动的, 旨在减少该地区国家之间的差距和不对称。本文旨在估计不平等指数, 并评估拉丁美洲一体化集团——太平洋联盟、安第斯共同体和南方共同市场——内部和之间的融合情况。为了实现这一目标, 计算了过去22年的不平等指标——包括西格玛离差、基尼系数和泰尔指数。研究结果表明, 在研究的大部分时期内, 不平等现象都有所加剧, 其中南方共同市场的不平等程度最高, 其次是安第斯共同体和太平洋联盟。此外, 对1990年至2021年数据的分析表明, 在单边贸易自由化、南北自由贸易协定和大宗商品繁荣时期, 南方共同市场和安第斯共同体之间缺乏经济融合。同样, 太平洋联盟也没有显示出其成员国之间经济融合的证据。尽管2012年成立的该集团表明趋势可能发生变化, 但这种变化不足以建立明确的 (经济) 融合。

本文对拉丁美洲不同区域组织的社会参与空间进行了比较研究。从制度主义的角度出发, 我们述评了三个代表性区域项目 (即安第斯共同体、南方共同市场和中美洲一体化体系) 中“公民社会参与区域治理”的结构、过程和结果。本文旨在描述拉丁美洲区域组织的社会参与渠道的制度设计差异, 识别它们的异同、模式和对区域治理的影响, 以及公民社会组织在这些区域主义过程中发挥的作用。我们反思了设计差异的相关性、这种差异的原因及其对区域治理的影响。我们论证, 尽管制度设计存在一些差异, 但中美洲一体化体系与其他两个案例的政府间设置相比, 发展了一种超国家的成员资格逻辑, 因此这三个案例中的社会参与仅限于议程促进, 并且其对区域决策的影响是残余的。

缴费密度与劳动形式不同；它指的是在给定时期内平均每个工人可以累积的缴费金额或比例。本文旨在从1996年至2021年的行政数据中识别阿根廷养老金系统缴费密度的决定因素。使用负二项回归方法, 提出了一个计量经济模型来解释8个群体 (基于社会人口因素和工作特征) 的缴费密度。结果发现, 缴费密度较低, 并且缴费密度取决于经济活动部门、公司所在的管辖区、个人的收入和性别、以及入学年龄。结果与其他研究阿根廷和拉丁美洲国家缴费密度的论文结果相似。

This article analyzes a sample of editorial opinions from El Norte newspaper on the mandate revocation of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. In the March 27, 2022 edition, 2 weeks before the consultation, 46 editorialists expressed their opinions on the matter. Through Toulmin's theory of argumentation, this article analyzes the three ideological stances they took to determine whether they incur in fallacies—those who stated they would abstain from participating because they are against the President, those who stated they would participate to revoke his mandate, and those who expressed that the revocation was a valid exercise without stating how they would vote.

The last few decades have seen a significant increase in the study of electoral monitoring processes. This body of work underscores the crucial role of these processes in recognizing democracies and emphasizes the role of electoral monitoring in ensuring the integrity of elections, lending credibility and legitimacy to the outcomes. At the same time, it is important to note that while elections are essential to democratic norms, the mere fact that elections are held is not sufficient to distinguish between democratic and authoritarian regimes, prompting us to delve deeper into exploring the nature of political systems. Moreover, after the third wave of democratization, various forms of electoral authoritarianism proliferated, making the distinction even more difficult (Schedler 2016).

Against this background, it is not surprising that a great deal of literature on electoral monitoring focuses explicitly on the cases of electoral authoritarianism and addresses a type that Walker and Cooley (2013) describe as a “zombie” monitoring process—the election monitors pretend to adhere to international electoral observation standards, but there is a clear preference for and tolerance of undemocratic practices carried out by incumbents (Debre and Morgenbesser 2017). Recently, support for the incumbent president by observers from authoritarian regimes during Venezuela's 2024 presidential election, marked by electoral fraud, clearly highlights the continuous involvement of such actors.

At the same time, it is fundamental to point out that the scholarly contributions we revised approach the topic from a one-dimensional perspective, either from the supply (international) or the demand (domestic) level of electoral observations. In our case, we examine the incidence of zombie electoral monitoring from both sides of the transactional mechanism, combining them with either the democratic or autocratic nature of the suppliers and demanders. We call for the elaboration of a novel theoretical model that effectively pairs entities that cannot be considered separately. This model must not only enable a fertile discussion between two fields of knowledge—international relations and comparative politics—but also offer a renewed perspective on the issue of zombie electoral monitoring considering the propagation of the phenomenon around the world lately.

To illustrate the application of our proposed framework, we will examine one of the most seriously questioned and contested elections in the region in recent years, that of Venezuela. We will discuss Russia's role as a “zombie-type” electoral monitoring supplier and argue that this scenario demonstrates clearly the link we are focused on—the supply-and-demand relationship between autocracies.

Our starting point is that every electoral monitoring process must be understood within a two-tier framework—domestic and international. With this perspective, the existe

This special issue of Latin American Policy features selected academic articles from our First Latin American Congress on Social Sciences and Government, sponsored by three of the most prestigious universities in Latin America Universidad Católica de Chile; Universidad de los Andes in Bogotá, Colombia; and Tecnológico de Monterrey, Mexico. The congress, focused on The Challenges of Latin American Democracy: Coexistence, Inclusion, and Diversity, gathered more than 50 scholars who shared their insight on events that have shaped democracy in our region and on the emerging challenges to the democratic consolidation of our institutions.

Our conclusions highlight the need for new forms of coexistence and dialog among political actors and underscore the importance of recognizing the diversity that defines our society. We also believe our political systems must enhance representation and find ways to ensure inclusion in political life for all social groups.

The 8 articles explore a wide range of themes from the unique perspectives of their authors, inviting us to reexamine the concept of democracy in Latin America and the challenges to achieving prosperous governments and societies.

This article reflects on the importance of intersectionality in strengthening democracy, especially in contexts like the Mexican one. The central idea is that for democracy to be truly inclusive, affirmative action must not only focus on the political participation of women but also address the needs of other historically marginalized groups, particularly those in vulnerable situations.

Intersectionality, which originated in Afro-descendant feminism, reminds us that experiences of discrimination are not one-dimensional. People can face multiple, interconnected forms of oppression, which highlights the need for a more pluralistic and comprehensive approach to public policy design. This perspective not only enriches democracy but also allows previously excluded voices to be heard and considered in decision-making processes.

The article highlights how affirmative action in Mexico has evolved from a women-centered approach to a broader inclusion that encompasses various vulnerable communities, a significant step toward a more representative and unbiased democracy.

This study indicates a need to rethink how we understand and apply democracy. By integrating intersectionality into affirmative actions, greater equity is promoted, and the social fabric is strengthened by empowering all citizens to participate actively in building a more inclusive future, regardless of identity or situation.

Carlos Cerda Dueñas invites us to examine the interconnection between democracy and the rule of law as fundamental concepts that ensure social justice. The idea that democracy and the rule of law are intrinsically linked emphasizes the importance of strong and fair institutions that guarantee rights for all citizens. The establishment of the Sust