Latin American Policy最新文献

This article attempts to determine whether the peace negotiation process initiated in Colombia that culminated with the Peace Treaty in 2016 had a positive economic effect, using the National Gross Domestic Product per capita as a measure. We apply a synthetic control method that is appropriate for a policy evaluation. Considering the anticipated and realized effects on economic variables, our results suggest that the Peace Treaty has positively influenced gross domestic product per capita. Furthermore, this positive effect has been maintained through 2021, the last available year of data. Data to 2021 show post-pandemic Colombia is better off when compared with a hypothetical Colombia—or synthetic Colombia—that did not begin a peace negotiation process.

This article compares data on political regimes, international treaty ratification, and criminal indicators at the regional level to claim that Latin American countries are in a unique situation in the international system. Compared to other Global South regions, North America, and Europe, Latin America is a democratic region with the highest formal commitment to the international human rights regime yet has the highest levels of criminal activity. Other predominantly democratic regions do not experience the same problems related to criminal governance, such as state vulnerability and displaced populations. In addition, other regions where authoritarian regimes are the majority do not pretend to align with the principles of the international liberal order (ILO) as much as Latin America does. To explain this situation in the current context of challenges to the ILO, this article proposes the concept of geopolitics of norms to illustrate a dynamic in which nonmaterial factors such as identity explain norm adoption and adaptation in the region. We look at regional organizations and the adaptation of liberal human security principles to illustrate our point.

本文比较了地区层面的政治制度、国际条约批准情况和犯罪指标等数据，认为拉美国家在国际体系中处于独特地位。与其他南方国家地区、北美和欧洲相比，拉丁美洲是一个民主地区，在国际人权制度方面拥有最高的正式承诺，但也存在最严重的犯罪活动。其他民主地区在刑事治理方面没有遇到相同的问题，例如国家脆弱性和流离失所的人口。此外，威权主义制度占多数的其他地区并不像拉丁美洲那样假装遵守国际自由秩序原则。为了在当前国际自由秩序面临挑战的背景下解释该情况，本文提出了“规范的地缘政治”这一概念，以阐明一种动态，在此动态中，身份等非物质因素能解释该地区的规范采用及调整。为阐明我们的观点，我们研究了区域组织和关于自由人类安全原则的调整。

Este artículo compara a nivel regional datos sobre los regímenes políticos, la ratificación de tratados internacionales e indicadores de actividad criminal para plantear que los países de América Latina se encuentran en una situación única en el sistema internacional. En comparación con otras regiones del sur global, Norteamérica y Europa, América Latina es la región con mayor compromiso formal con el régimen internacional de los derechos humanos y a la vez con los más altos niveles de criminalidad. Ninguna otra región predominantemente democrática experimenta los mismos problemas relacionados con la gobernanza criminal, como la debilidad estatal y el desplazamiento forzoso de personas. Mientras tanto, las demás regiones donde la mayoría de los estados tienen regímenes autoritarios no pretenden alinearse tanto con los principios del orden liberal internacional. Para explicar esta realidad, en un contexto de desafíos al orden liberal internacional, el artículo propone el concepto de geopolítica de las normas para ilustrar cómo los factores no materiales, como la identidad, explican las dinámicas de adopción y de adaptación de normas internacionales en la región. Para ilustrar el argumento, se consideran las estrategias de adaptación de la norma liberal de la seguridad humana por parte de organizaciones regionales a modo de ilustración.

In Chile, military subordination to civilians has been a difficult, gradual, and unaccomplished process. Using a qualitative approach, this case study analyzes how a head of state—President Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006)—introduced without constitutional prerogatives important changes in military subordination to civilian authorities. Based on political leadership studies and civil–military relations theory, we analyze the constitutional reforms that ended military presence in the Senate, and two policy changes—military acquisitions and human rights. We argue that President Lagos' transformation type of effective leadership made these changes possible.

在智利，军队对公民的服从是一个艰难、渐进且尚未完成的过程。本案例研究采用定性方法，分析了作为国家元首的里卡多·拉戈斯总统(2000-2006)如何在没有宪法特权的情况下引入了重大变革，即军事服从民政当局。基于政治领导力研究和军民关系理论，我们分析了一系列宪法改革（结束了军事对参议院的影响），以及两项政策变革——军事采购和人权。我们的论点是，拉戈斯总统的变革型有效领导力使这些变革成为可能。

En Chile, la subordinación militar ante los civiles ha sido un proceso difícil, gradual e inconcluso. Mediante un acercamiento cualitativo, este estudio de caso analiza cómo un jefe de estado‚ el presidente Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006)—introdujo sin las prerrogativas constitucionales cambios en la subordinación militar ante las autoridades civiles. Con base en los estudios de liderazgo político y la teoría de relaciones entre civiles y militares, analizamos las reformas constitucionales que pusieron fin a la presencia militar en el Senado, y dos cambios de política—adquisiciones militares y derechos humanos. Argumentamos que el proceso transformativo del liderazgo eficaz del presidente Lagos hizo posibles estos cambios.

This article offers an analysis of the domestic and international factors shaping the Russo–Venezuelan alliance. We provide a comprehensive analysis to understand the evolution of this alliance and to consider how the political leadership, the regime type, the military sector, the economy, and the presence of China and the United States in Latin America are vital determinants in this alliance. At the policy level, Russia and Venezuela's relationship has opened an opportunity for the Venezuelan government to consolidate power, while for Russia, this alliance has helped offset the influence of the United States in Latin America.

Perceptions about prostitution in Bolivia are analyzed through a survey conducted in February 2021. The results show that while prostitution is generally viewed as immoral, most people surveyed think that buying and selling sex should be legal. Utilizing least squares and probit regressions, we find that the principal predictors of the morality of the sex industry and on whether it should be legal are gender, attitude toward sex, rape myths, political persuasion, stance on gender equality, and beliefs regarding the size of government. Men and sexual liberals are inclined to view prostitution more favorably, whereas people with politically conservative views, those with strong beliefs in gender equality, and those who favor a bigger role for government tilt in the opposite direction. The main recommendation from these findings is that a national legal framework should be established to formalize the industry.

For years Colombia has been the world's largest coca producer. Its public management of crops for illicit use has swung between eradication, substitution, and, recently legalization. Forced eradication has been shown to be ineffective, and legalization is an incipient option, so the Peace Agreement puts forward substitution as the path to follow. Yet, what kind of substitution does it suggest? This article analyzes voluntary substitution projects in Peasant Reserve Zones. While some projects have evolved locally due in part to strong peasant associations, they have not gained traction nationally. In general, the difficulties inherent in any business play a role, but there are also structural limitations such as continued fumigations, obligations of prior eradication, the costs of production and transportation due to the lack of infrastructure and public services, and the issue of land rights, which limits peasants' access to the formal funding established by the Peace Agreement.

Although there are many frameworks of policy change analysis, little attention has been paid to policy manipulation, especially policies related to the community of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ). This article develops a framework to fill this gap; it analyzes the process of policy manipulation by drawing on the metaphor of the Potemkin village, referring to the creation of a façade to suggest advances or progress to external observers. These Potemkin features have implications for informing a case study of Brazil's LGBTQ and human rights policies. Through content analysis of federal executive policy outputs, and an analysis of changes made by political elites in instruments, ideas, and actors over 20 rights-based LGBTQ policies adopted in Brazil between 1996 and 2020, the article finds evidence that Brazil's LGBTQ policy is a Potemkin one.

An analysis of the history of US–Latin America and Caribbean relations shows that the Monroe Doctrine has been revamped through the Caribbean Basin Initiative. This article provides a concise overview of the Initiative. Then, we report empirical findings from a qualitative study conducted in the Caribbean, which discusses the most salient problems associated with the Initiative. The findings show that Caribbean Basin Initiative-related problems stem mostly from the fact that it is a goods-only agreement; moreover, the initiative's rules of origin, unilateral nature, and uncertainty are exacerbated by the fact that most beneficiaries are service-oriented economies, they suffer from a supply constraint, and they lack the competitive edge with larger economies that export similar goods to the United States. These problems can be ameliorated through a rethinking of the Caribbean Basin Initiative.