Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017729
Ji-Yong Lee
The security environment of the South China Sea has been disrupted as China strengthens its efforts at maritime ambition. The recent security situation in the Asia-Pacific, particularly the South China Sea, is characterised by arms building and balancing against China. It raises the possibility of conflict. For securing stability and peace, it is time to bring multilateralism back in, since a multilateral security framework contributes to taking the edge off power politics. However, there is no reliable multilateral framework to deal with the declining maritime security environment. This article highlights the lack of a multilateral framework and suggests an eclectic approach to multilateralism for securing the Asia-Pacific maritime order.
{"title":"China’s Maritime Ambition, Security Dilemma and Lack of Multilateral Framework","authors":"Ji-Yong Lee","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017729","url":null,"abstract":"The security environment of the South China Sea has been disrupted as China strengthens its efforts at maritime ambition. The recent security situation in the Asia-Pacific, particularly the South China Sea, is characterised by arms building and balancing against China. It raises the possibility of conflict. For securing stability and peace, it is time to bring multilateralism back in, since a multilateral security framework contributes to taking the edge off power politics. However, there is no reliable multilateral framework to deal with the declining maritime security environment. This article highlights the lack of a multilateral framework and suggests an eclectic approach to multilateralism for securing the Asia-Pacific maritime order.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"195 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017729","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42157996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Luca Anceschi. (2020). Analyzing Kazakhstan’s Foreign Policy: Regime Neo-Eurasianism in the Nazarbayev Era","authors":"Li-Chen Sim","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017759","url":null,"abstract":"Luca Anceschi. (2020). Analyzing Kazakhstan’s Foreign Policy: Regime Neo-Eurasianism in the Nazarbayev Era. Routledge. 208 pp. ISBN: 9780415711432.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"273 - 275"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017759","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46410253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017747
Ryan Shaffer
Peter Lehr. 2020. Militant Buddhism: The Rise of Religious Violence in Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Thailand, Palgrave Macmillan, vi + 306 pp. ISBN: 9783030035167.
{"title":"Book review: Peter Lehr. 2020. Militant Buddhism: The Rise of Religious Violence in Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Thailand","authors":"Ryan Shaffer","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017747","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017747","url":null,"abstract":"Peter Lehr. 2020. Militant Buddhism: The Rise of Religious Violence in Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Thailand, Palgrave Macmillan, vi + 306 pp. ISBN: 9783030035167.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"275 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017747","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42906695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017722
Hunter S. Marston
Donald K. Emmerson (Ed.). 2020., The Deer and the Dragon: Southeast Asia and China in the 21st Century. Brookings Institution Press. 386 pp. ISBN: 9781931368537.
{"title":"Book review: Donald K. Emmerson (Ed.). 2020., The Deer and the Dragon: Southeast Asia and China in the 21st Century","authors":"Hunter S. Marston","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017722","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017722","url":null,"abstract":"Donald K. Emmerson (Ed.). 2020., The Deer and the Dragon: Southeast Asia and China in the 21st Century. Brookings Institution Press. 386 pp. ISBN: 9781931368537.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"270 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017722","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46415277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017483
S. Iqbal
‘Women’s responsibilities call upon them to function in many spheres of human experience … (and so) their perspective on human security is comprehensive, including factors overlooked by the state security paradigm’ (Reardon, 2010a, The gender imperative: Human security vs state security, Routledge, p. 16). Recognising this, the following research article records threats to human security in Kashmir as seen from the point of view of a representative cross-section of Kashmiri women. It argues that in the context of the Kashmir valley, no discussion of security is complete without broadening the perspective from state security to human security. Again, no analysis of human security in Kashmir is complete without taking into account Kashmiri women’s experience of human security threats. The lived experiences of women in Kashmir and their perspectives should be at the heart of any human security analysis. This article aims at recording these threats faced by Kashmiri women in their daily lives, using a case study model. It records the lived experiences of 20 women from different ethnicities, religions, regions and locations within the valley. In doing so, it acknowledges not only the constraints of the case study model but also the centrality of women’s rights to identify and confront the threats to their conceptions and experiences of security. It limits itself to the Kashmir valley where the worst of the violence has occurred since 1989. Twenty women from seven districts—Srinagar, Pulwama, Budgam, Kulgam, Anantnag, Baramulla and Kupwara—have been interviewed over a 6-month period. In order to understand diverse conceptions and experiences of threats to human security, care was taken to include women from diverse ethnic and religious communities. The study covers Sikh, Sunni and Shia Muslim, Gujjar, Pahari and Kashmiri Pandit women.
{"title":"Through Their Eyes: Women and Human Security in Kashmir","authors":"S. Iqbal","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017483","url":null,"abstract":"‘Women’s responsibilities call upon them to function in many spheres of human experience … (and so) their perspective on human security is comprehensive, including factors overlooked by the state security paradigm’ (Reardon, 2010a, The gender imperative: Human security vs state security, Routledge, p. 16). Recognising this, the following research article records threats to human security in Kashmir as seen from the point of view of a representative cross-section of Kashmiri women. It argues that in the context of the Kashmir valley, no discussion of security is complete without broadening the perspective from state security to human security. Again, no analysis of human security in Kashmir is complete without taking into account Kashmiri women’s experience of human security threats. The lived experiences of women in Kashmir and their perspectives should be at the heart of any human security analysis. This article aims at recording these threats faced by Kashmiri women in their daily lives, using a case study model. It records the lived experiences of 20 women from different ethnicities, religions, regions and locations within the valley. In doing so, it acknowledges not only the constraints of the case study model but also the centrality of women’s rights to identify and confront the threats to their conceptions and experiences of security. It limits itself to the Kashmir valley where the worst of the violence has occurred since 1989. Twenty women from seven districts—Srinagar, Pulwama, Budgam, Kulgam, Anantnag, Baramulla and Kupwara—have been interviewed over a 6-month period. In order to understand diverse conceptions and experiences of threats to human security, care was taken to include women from diverse ethnic and religious communities. The study covers Sikh, Sunni and Shia Muslim, Gujjar, Pahari and Kashmiri Pandit women.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"147 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017483","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46525424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Altaf Hussain Para. 2019. The Making of Modern Kashmir: Sheikh Abdullah and the Politics of the State","authors":"Ayushya Kaul","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017761","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017761","url":null,"abstract":"Altaf Hussain Para. 2019. The Making of Modern Kashmir: Sheikh Abdullah and the Politics of the State. Routledge. x + 309 pp. ISBN: 978-0-367-32207-6.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"278 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017761","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43068621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-05DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017732
Reimeingam Marchang
China proactively wants to establish the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) as an integral part of the Belt and Road Initiative for economic cooperation. Through the BCIM-EC, China wants to revive the ancient Southern Silk Road trade route. Beijing realises that to achieve the BCIM-EC, India’s cooperation would be indispensable. India has been hesitant to fully commit to the BCIM-EC owing mainly to the surging trade deficit with China, overlapping of objectives with other similar existing regional cooperation initiatives, China’s dominance in South Asia, security concerns, territorial disputes and trade-related logistic issues. However, in recent times, India has shown more interest in developing the economic corridor considering its potential to promote development, security and stability in the Indian Northeast, which would align well with the geostrategic objectives of India’s Act East Policy (AEP). India however needs to better align its AEP with BCIM-EC in order to promote and strengthen the AEP and thereby concurrently build the BCIM-EC to link Southeast Asia and China.
{"title":"BCIM Economic Corridor an Integral Part of BRI for Regional Cooperation: Positioning India’s North-East and Act East Policy","authors":"Reimeingam Marchang","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017732","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017732","url":null,"abstract":"China proactively wants to establish the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) as an integral part of the Belt and Road Initiative for economic cooperation. Through the BCIM-EC, China wants to revive the ancient Southern Silk Road trade route. Beijing realises that to achieve the BCIM-EC, India’s cooperation would be indispensable. India has been hesitant to fully commit to the BCIM-EC owing mainly to the surging trade deficit with China, overlapping of objectives with other similar existing regional cooperation initiatives, China’s dominance in South Asia, security concerns, territorial disputes and trade-related logistic issues. However, in recent times, India has shown more interest in developing the economic corridor considering its potential to promote development, security and stability in the Indian Northeast, which would align well with the geostrategic objectives of India’s Act East Policy (AEP). India however needs to better align its AEP with BCIM-EC in order to promote and strengthen the AEP and thereby concurrently build the BCIM-EC to link Southeast Asia and China.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"249 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017732","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44644151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-02DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017719
Agnieszka Kuszewska, Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
This article investigates the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which involves a whole package of multiple cooperative initiatives aimed to accelerate connectivity via land routes and boost Sino-Pakistani collaboration. While channelling Chinese power and interests, this corridor, being a key part of the Belt and Road Initiative, may significantly affect the security landscape in conflict-prone South Asia, and the economic, political and social dynamics within Pakistan. Being a fragile state with multiple domestic challenges and asymmetric position vis-à-vis China, Pakistan is a valuable source for regional power game and China’s aspiration analysis. The comprehensive evaluation of economic corridors’ multidimensional impact on volatile regions with poor socio-economic background, contested political power and high-security risk fills a much-needed gap in contemporary security studies. We contend that CPEC may bring stabilising and destabilising results; yet, if certain conditions are not met, over the long term, the latter are likely to outweigh the former due to the various aspects of internal, bilateral and regional character. To evaluate the corridor’s multifaceted implications, firstly, we conceptualise CPEC within the selected international relations paradigms, and secondly, we empirically refer to our assumptions.
{"title":"Multifaceted Aspects of Economic Corridors in the Context of Regional Security: The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor as a Stabilising and Destabilising Factor","authors":"Agnieszka Kuszewska, Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017719","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which involves a whole package of multiple cooperative initiatives aimed to accelerate connectivity via land routes and boost Sino-Pakistani collaboration. While channelling Chinese power and interests, this corridor, being a key part of the Belt and Road Initiative, may significantly affect the security landscape in conflict-prone South Asia, and the economic, political and social dynamics within Pakistan. Being a fragile state with multiple domestic challenges and asymmetric position vis-à-vis China, Pakistan is a valuable source for regional power game and China’s aspiration analysis. The comprehensive evaluation of economic corridors’ multidimensional impact on volatile regions with poor socio-economic background, contested political power and high-security risk fills a much-needed gap in contemporary security studies. We contend that CPEC may bring stabilising and destabilising results; yet, if certain conditions are not met, over the long term, the latter are likely to outweigh the former due to the various aspects of internal, bilateral and regional character. To evaluate the corridor’s multifaceted implications, firstly, we conceptualise CPEC within the selected international relations paradigms, and secondly, we empirically refer to our assumptions.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"218 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017719","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49259710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-02DOI: 10.1177/23477970211017494
Paweł Paszak
This article aims to highlight security dynamics of the US–China competition in the Indo-Pacific associated with the Malacca Strait and the South China Sea through the prism of Balance of Threat Theory. It is argued that the control over strategic lines of communication is a significant factor in the process of constructing threat perception of East and Southeast Asian states as they remain heavily reliant on maritime transportation of commodities and energy resources. The US navy is the major security provider in the maritime domain which makes China vulnerable to a potential naval blockade. China faces a double dilemma as the status quo is interpreted as potentially detrimental to its interests, but any attempts to undermine it are likely to prompt Asian states to join US balancing efforts. China’s geographical proximity, its rising military power and revisionist tendencies make the US the more desirable security partner to the region.
{"title":"The Malacca Strait, the South China Sea and the Sino-American Competition in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Paweł Paszak","doi":"10.1177/23477970211017494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017494","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to highlight security dynamics of the US–China competition in the Indo-Pacific associated with the Malacca Strait and the South China Sea through the prism of Balance of Threat Theory. It is argued that the control over strategic lines of communication is a significant factor in the process of constructing threat perception of East and Southeast Asian states as they remain heavily reliant on maritime transportation of commodities and energy resources. The US navy is the major security provider in the maritime domain which makes China vulnerable to a potential naval blockade. China faces a double dilemma as the status quo is interpreted as potentially detrimental to its interests, but any attempts to undermine it are likely to prompt Asian states to join US balancing efforts. China’s geographical proximity, its rising military power and revisionist tendencies make the US the more desirable security partner to the region.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"174 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23477970211017494","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49651973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/2347797021992529
P. Jain
The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how the June 2020 border incident may influence India’s strategic rethink, especially in relation to two key nations of the Indo-Pacific, Japan and Australia. The article suggests that forcing a re-evaluation of the strategic challenge posed by China, the June 2020 border confrontation has inspired a more realist edge to India’s security thinking. India is continuing the strategic autonomy with a multi-alignment approach it has favoured, but with a keener sense of realpolitik it is pressing ahead to deepen its defence and strategic alignments with like-minded nations in the Indo-Pacific region. This means that India is not abandoning its relations with traditional partners such as Russia to instead pursue a more formal alliance with one or a group of other powers. Rather, India is further developing strategic partnerships with the United States and its allies, while continuing strong relations with Russia and other long-standing partners to ‘balance’ its national security position. This article identifies India’s approach as ‘hesitant realism’, an explanatory term to explore India’s moves to balance its external relations through growing ties with Japan and Australia—two US allies that are key Indo-Pacific nations.
{"title":"Hesitant Realism: China–India Border Tensions and Delhi’s Deepening Strategic Ties with Tokyo and Canberra","authors":"P. Jain","doi":"10.1177/2347797021992529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992529","url":null,"abstract":"The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how the June 2020 border incident may influence India’s strategic rethink, especially in relation to two key nations of the Indo-Pacific, Japan and Australia. The article suggests that forcing a re-evaluation of the strategic challenge posed by China, the June 2020 border confrontation has inspired a more realist edge to India’s security thinking. India is continuing the strategic autonomy with a multi-alignment approach it has favoured, but with a keener sense of realpolitik it is pressing ahead to deepen its defence and strategic alignments with like-minded nations in the Indo-Pacific region. This means that India is not abandoning its relations with traditional partners such as Russia to instead pursue a more formal alliance with one or a group of other powers. Rather, India is further developing strategic partnerships with the United States and its allies, while continuing strong relations with Russia and other long-standing partners to ‘balance’ its national security position. This article identifies India’s approach as ‘hesitant realism’, an explanatory term to explore India’s moves to balance its external relations through growing ties with Japan and Australia—two US allies that are key Indo-Pacific nations.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":"77 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2347797021992529","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44317855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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