{"title":"Book review: Dhanasree Jayaram, Climate Diplomacy and Emerging Economies: India as a Case Study","authors":"Uday Patil","doi":"10.1177/23477970231152034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231152034","url":null,"abstract":"Dhanasree Jayaram, Climate Diplomacy and Emerging Economies: India as a Case Study. Abington: Routledge, 2021, 154 pp., ISBN 978-0-367-63402-5.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"128 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48269126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.1177/23477970231152008
M. Papageorgiou, Mohammad Eslami, P. Duarte
The recent rapprochement among China, Iran and Russia reveals the emergence of a new, unexpected, regional strategic triangle with the potential to balance the United States’ dominant position. By focusing on the evolution of this strategic triangle in the post-Cold War period, this article investigates the driving forces that bring the three states together, namely the US power and unilateralism as materialised in NATO’s eastward expansion, the sanctions on Russia after the annexation of Crimea and the war in Ukraine, the sanctions against Iran, the US trade war with China and the hostile US posture during the coronavirus disease-2019 pandemic. Drawing on soft balancing theory, this article provides an empirical assessment of China–Iran– Russia strategies in countering the US power. Thus, this article aims to fill a gap in the existing literature by investigating this triangular relationship and its balancing potential under the analytic construct of a strategic triangle. Finally, the analysis demonstrates that the three states have employed soft balancing mechanisms, primarily economic strengthening and entangling diplomacy in international institutions. At the same time, territorial denial was sought on various occasions due to the regional importance of this triangular relationship. In conclusion, the article also offers insights into potential hard-balancing behaviour in the long run.
{"title":"A ‘Soft’ Balancing Ménage à Trois? China, Iran and Russia Strategic Triangle vis-à-vis US Hegemony","authors":"M. Papageorgiou, Mohammad Eslami, P. Duarte","doi":"10.1177/23477970231152008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231152008","url":null,"abstract":"The recent rapprochement among China, Iran and Russia reveals the emergence of a new, unexpected, regional strategic triangle with the potential to balance the United States’ dominant position. By focusing on the evolution of this strategic triangle in the post-Cold War period, this article investigates the driving forces that bring the three states together, namely the US power and unilateralism as materialised in NATO’s eastward expansion, the sanctions on Russia after the annexation of Crimea and the war in Ukraine, the sanctions against Iran, the US trade war with China and the hostile US posture during the coronavirus disease-2019 pandemic. Drawing on soft balancing theory, this article provides an empirical assessment of China–Iran– Russia strategies in countering the US power. Thus, this article aims to fill a gap in the existing literature by investigating this triangular relationship and its balancing potential under the analytic construct of a strategic triangle. Finally, the analysis demonstrates that the three states have employed soft balancing mechanisms, primarily economic strengthening and entangling diplomacy in international institutions. At the same time, territorial denial was sought on various occasions due to the regional importance of this triangular relationship. In conclusion, the article also offers insights into potential hard-balancing behaviour in the long run.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"65 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44928907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-12DOI: 10.1177/23477970231152011
Baiq Wardhani
The South Pacific region has become a top foreign policy priority for Jakarta. This essay explains Indonesia’s utilisation of the cultural approach in its diplomatic engagement with the South Pacific. Cultural dissemination as a tool of international relations is scantly studied even though its use in diplomacy has successfully forged mutual understanding between people of discrete backgrounds. Indonesia uses a cultural approach to catch up diplomatically in its neighbouring, but previously overlooked, region and to address its ‘poor image’ problem that has persisted there for more than three decades. The cultural approach is intended to complement political and economic approaches. This study aims to bridge the gap in the literature vis-à-vis the role of culture in shaping foreign policy goals. Indonesia undertakes this ‘soft diplomacy’ based on its long-term orientation toward its national identity, politico-business and strategic interests. The Indonesian government is optimistic that cultural diplomacy will succeed in enhancing Indonesia’s status in this zone.
{"title":"From Jakarta to Oceania: Indonesia’s Cultural Diplomacy with the South Pacific","authors":"Baiq Wardhani","doi":"10.1177/23477970231152011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231152011","url":null,"abstract":"The South Pacific region has become a top foreign policy priority for Jakarta. This essay explains Indonesia’s utilisation of the cultural approach in its diplomatic engagement with the South Pacific. Cultural dissemination as a tool of international relations is scantly studied even though its use in diplomacy has successfully forged mutual understanding between people of discrete backgrounds. Indonesia uses a cultural approach to catch up diplomatically in its neighbouring, but previously overlooked, region and to address its ‘poor image’ problem that has persisted there for more than three decades. The cultural approach is intended to complement political and economic approaches. This study aims to bridge the gap in the literature vis-à-vis the role of culture in shaping foreign policy goals. Indonesia undertakes this ‘soft diplomacy’ based on its long-term orientation toward its national identity, politico-business and strategic interests. The Indonesian government is optimistic that cultural diplomacy will succeed in enhancing Indonesia’s status in this zone.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"47 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47082231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-26DOI: 10.1177/23477970221129904
Alexey D. Muraviev
The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in mid-2021 did not take the Russian authorities by surprise. For over 20 years, Moscow was observing the strategic rise of the fundamentalist militant ...
{"title":"Russia’s Views on and Initial Responses to the 2021 Strategic Retake of Afghanistan by the Taliban","authors":"Alexey D. Muraviev","doi":"10.1177/23477970221129904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221129904","url":null,"abstract":"The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in mid-2021 did not take the Russian authorities by surprise. For over 20 years, Moscow was observing the strategic rise of the fundamentalist militant ...","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138536346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/23477970221130882
Nilofar Sakhi
After years of prolonged armed conflict and fighting with the United States and NATO, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan on 15 August 2021, by overthrowing a 20-year-old republic system and declaring it an Islamic Emirate. Without a process that legitimised the Taliban’s power and ideological assertions, Afghanistan is now controlled by a militant group that operates out of a totalitarian ideology. A new version of security threats and concerns has been introduced. The question is, what kind of security issues will emerge under such circumstances, and how will these issues impact Afghanistan? This article provides an assessment of Afghanistan’s political and security situation under the current Taliban regime. While the recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan means different things to different people—and depends mainly on their social class within Afghan society or where they are from—the months since the Taliban took power have provided us with evidence of how they are operationalising their belief systems to run the country. It has also demonstrated how this has and will impact the safety and security of individuals, groups and Afghanistan as a whole. This article aims to explain how the Taliban’s fundamental ideology, networks, governance composition and nature will exacerbate the security crisis in Afghanistan and beyond. The article explores the theoretical framework of a totalitarian system to help understand the context of the Taliban’s political system. It then looks specifically at the resistance movement and the growing gender apartheid that the Taliban is reinstating. Finally, it dives into the meaning of security, its complexity, how it’s changing, and the implications it will have for Afghanistan and its people. The evidence for this analysis is based on events that had taken place through March 2022. It is important to emphasise that today’s circumstances and context will likely change and impact analysis for tomorrow. However, one thing has remained constant—the Taliban’s undergirding totalitarian framework and their ability to be tactical and strategic in how they present themselves.
{"title":"The Taliban Takeover in Afghanistan and Security Paradox","authors":"Nilofar Sakhi","doi":"10.1177/23477970221130882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221130882","url":null,"abstract":"After years of prolonged armed conflict and fighting with the United States and NATO, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan on 15 August 2021, by overthrowing a 20-year-old republic system and declaring it an Islamic Emirate. Without a process that legitimised the Taliban’s power and ideological assertions, Afghanistan is now controlled by a militant group that operates out of a totalitarian ideology. A new version of security threats and concerns has been introduced. The question is, what kind of security issues will emerge under such circumstances, and how will these issues impact Afghanistan? This article provides an assessment of Afghanistan’s political and security situation under the current Taliban regime. While the recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan means different things to different people—and depends mainly on their social class within Afghan society or where they are from—the months since the Taliban took power have provided us with evidence of how they are operationalising their belief systems to run the country. It has also demonstrated how this has and will impact the safety and security of individuals, groups and Afghanistan as a whole. This article aims to explain how the Taliban’s fundamental ideology, networks, governance composition and nature will exacerbate the security crisis in Afghanistan and beyond. The article explores the theoretical framework of a totalitarian system to help understand the context of the Taliban’s political system. It then looks specifically at the resistance movement and the growing gender apartheid that the Taliban is reinstating. Finally, it dives into the meaning of security, its complexity, how it’s changing, and the implications it will have for Afghanistan and its people. The evidence for this analysis is based on events that had taken place through March 2022. It is important to emphasise that today’s circumstances and context will likely change and impact analysis for tomorrow. However, one thing has remained constant—the Taliban’s undergirding totalitarian framework and their ability to be tactical and strategic in how they present themselves.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"383 - 401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43831870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/23477970221130546
E. Hussain
Afghanistan remained at the centre stage of regional and global politics owing to its unique geopolitical location in the Cold War period. Afghan jihad of the 1980s impacted not only Afghanistan but also its neighbours particularly Pakistan. In the post-Cold War period, civil war engulfed the war-ravaged and poverty-stricken country which was controlled by the Taliban in 1996. Pakistan recognised the Taliban rule which was ended by the American military might in the wake of 9/11. In the post-Taliban period, the USA-led NATO alliance experimented a Western-style political and economic order in tradition-bound Afghanistan. Paradoxically, after 20 years, different political personalities and presidential terms failed to stabilise the country. Since the Obama years the USA seemed more interested in Indo-Pacific than West Asia. Hence, it opted to withdraw from Afghanistan while doing a deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020. The withdrawal policy was operationalised by the Biden Administration. Since 15 August 2021 Afghanistan has been under the Taliban control for the second time, hence, it is termed Taliban 2.0 by this study. Compared to their first regime, the Taliban 2.0 has not been formally recognised by any country so far. Will the Taliban gain regional, if not, international recognition in the foreseeable future? Will Pakistan aid the Taliban in this respect? To what extent intra-Taliban friction impacts bilateral relations? How does Pakistan view Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and vice versa? And, above all, how will Afghanistan and Pakistan treat each other in the coming months? These are some crucial questions that this study attempts to address underpinned by primary and secondary sources.
{"title":"Taliban 2.0 and Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations","authors":"E. Hussain","doi":"10.1177/23477970221130546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221130546","url":null,"abstract":"Afghanistan remained at the centre stage of regional and global politics owing to its unique geopolitical location in the Cold War period. Afghan jihad of the 1980s impacted not only Afghanistan but also its neighbours particularly Pakistan. In the post-Cold War period, civil war engulfed the war-ravaged and poverty-stricken country which was controlled by the Taliban in 1996. Pakistan recognised the Taliban rule which was ended by the American military might in the wake of 9/11. In the post-Taliban period, the USA-led NATO alliance experimented a Western-style political and economic order in tradition-bound Afghanistan. Paradoxically, after 20 years, different political personalities and presidential terms failed to stabilise the country. Since the Obama years the USA seemed more interested in Indo-Pacific than West Asia. Hence, it opted to withdraw from Afghanistan while doing a deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020. The withdrawal policy was operationalised by the Biden Administration. Since 15 August 2021 Afghanistan has been under the Taliban control for the second time, hence, it is termed Taliban 2.0 by this study. Compared to their first regime, the Taliban 2.0 has not been formally recognised by any country so far. Will the Taliban gain regional, if not, international recognition in the foreseeable future? Will Pakistan aid the Taliban in this respect? To what extent intra-Taliban friction impacts bilateral relations? How does Pakistan view Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and vice versa? And, above all, how will Afghanistan and Pakistan treat each other in the coming months? These are some crucial questions that this study attempts to address underpinned by primary and secondary sources.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"462 - 474"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45829046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/23477970221129905
Joshua Snider
This article examines from the point of view of the US national security policy, the causes and contexts for the US exit from Afghanistan and the factors that will influence the US policy in Afghanistan in the coming decade. It reviews the logic behind post-9/11 US ‘grand strategy’ and the evolution of the US national security policy in this period, which included the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. It examines the evolution of the US deployment and factors which complicated the US strategic objectives in Afghanistan, including the persistent tension in the US national security objectives between counter-terrorism and nation-building objectives. It argues that the US faces limited palatable options regarding its post-withdrawal Afghanistan policy and that moving forward, policy will be constrained by a mix of situational and structural variables. These include US domestic politics, the Taliban regime itself (and its relationship with ISIS-K) and the region’s geopolitical winds, notably the strategic positions of Iran, Pakistan, China and to a lesser extent Russia.
{"title":"Taliban 2.0 and US National Security Policy in Afghanistan","authors":"Joshua Snider","doi":"10.1177/23477970221129905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221129905","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines from the point of view of the US national security policy, the causes and contexts for the US exit from Afghanistan and the factors that will influence the US policy in Afghanistan in the coming decade. It reviews the logic behind post-9/11 US ‘grand strategy’ and the evolution of the US national security policy in this period, which included the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. It examines the evolution of the US deployment and factors which complicated the US strategic objectives in Afghanistan, including the persistent tension in the US national security objectives between counter-terrorism and nation-building objectives. It argues that the US faces limited palatable options regarding its post-withdrawal Afghanistan policy and that moving forward, policy will be constrained by a mix of situational and structural variables. These include US domestic politics, the Taliban regime itself (and its relationship with ISIS-K) and the region’s geopolitical winds, notably the strategic positions of Iran, Pakistan, China and to a lesser extent Russia.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"402 - 423"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45275978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-05DOI: 10.1177/23477970221129907
Gitika Commuri
India is faced with a conundrum—how to engage with an Afghanistan that is once again led by the Taliban. The question is less about whether to engage and more about how to engage. To understand this turn of events that is both surprising and yet seemingly inevitable, this article examines India’s policies vis-à-vis the Taliban since its early rise to power in 1990. It examines this relationship in four phases which correlate with the fortunes of the Taliban as an opposition and a governing regime, contending that these phases are characterised; by a potential discourse of engagement that does not translate into policy outcomes; distancing and opposition; gradual indirect acquiesce to its growing presence; and finally, détente of sorts without formal recognition. These policy transitions are a consequence of regional and global power play as well as domestic preoccupations of India. They span India’s secular and Hindutva-driven domestic narratives of self. The significance of this article lies in casting a broad overview of the existing literature and identifying patterns of engagement.
{"title":"Mulling the Contours of India’s Taliban Policy: Past, Present and Future Prospects","authors":"Gitika Commuri","doi":"10.1177/23477970221129907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221129907","url":null,"abstract":"India is faced with a conundrum—how to engage with an Afghanistan that is once again led by the Taliban. The question is less about whether to engage and more about how to engage. To understand this turn of events that is both surprising and yet seemingly inevitable, this article examines India’s policies vis-à-vis the Taliban since its early rise to power in 1990. It examines this relationship in four phases which correlate with the fortunes of the Taliban as an opposition and a governing regime, contending that these phases are characterised; by a potential discourse of engagement that does not translate into policy outcomes; distancing and opposition; gradual indirect acquiesce to its growing presence; and finally, détente of sorts without formal recognition. These policy transitions are a consequence of regional and global power play as well as domestic preoccupations of India. They span India’s secular and Hindutva-driven domestic narratives of self. The significance of this article lies in casting a broad overview of the existing literature and identifying patterns of engagement.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"475 - 492"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44222994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-05DOI: 10.1177/23477970221129901
Nasir A. Andisha
The sudden and stunning fall of Kabul on 15 August 2021 to the Taliban raised many questions about the immediate and underlying causes of the state’s collapse, the consequences of the US/NATO’s retreat, and what the Taliban’s military victory meant for Afghanistan, the region and beyond. This article focuses on the main causes of the collapse and attempts to offer an uncomplicated yet inclusive picture first by explaining the immediate overriding security and political triggers and then by examining the underlying strategic, structural and historical factors. A ground-level assessment of the situation indicated that the resumption of the Doha talks in late 2018 and its subsequent political, diplomatic and military repercussions building over months contributed to the precipitous collapse. However, a bird’s eye-view analysis revealed that structural flaws in the design, process and implementation of the post 9/11 state-building efforts in Afghanistan such as a top-down, highly centralised and winner takes all system, and a weak public participation and accountability mechanism were among the underlying failure factors.
{"title":"The Collapse of State in Afghanistan: A Repeat of History?","authors":"Nasir A. Andisha","doi":"10.1177/23477970221129901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221129901","url":null,"abstract":"The sudden and stunning fall of Kabul on 15 August 2021 to the Taliban raised many questions about the immediate and underlying causes of the state’s collapse, the consequences of the US/NATO’s retreat, and what the Taliban’s military victory meant for Afghanistan, the region and beyond. This article focuses on the main causes of the collapse and attempts to offer an uncomplicated yet inclusive picture first by explaining the immediate overriding security and political triggers and then by examining the underlying strategic, structural and historical factors. A ground-level assessment of the situation indicated that the resumption of the Doha talks in late 2018 and its subsequent political, diplomatic and military repercussions building over months contributed to the precipitous collapse. However, a bird’s eye-view analysis revealed that structural flaws in the design, process and implementation of the post 9/11 state-building efforts in Afghanistan such as a top-down, highly centralised and winner takes all system, and a weak public participation and accountability mechanism were among the underlying failure factors.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"369 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41555499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-05DOI: 10.1177/23477970221133145
A. Muraviev
The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in mid-2021 has not taken the Russian authorities by surprise. For over 20 years, Moscow was observing the strategic rise of the fundamentalist militant movement with concern, which was largely triggered by domestic security considerations as well as potential challenges to security and stability across the former Soviet Central Asia. However, since the re-establishment of the Taliban’s rule in Kabul, Moscow’s approach underwent a gradual change, from being negative and alarmist to a more cautiously pragmatic one. This article will review the evolution of Russia’s perceptions of the Taliban, highlight Moscow’s principal concerns, identify the initial set of response measures following the country’s takeover in 2021 and entertain several scenarios of the Kremlin’s future approaches vis-a-vis the new rulers in Kabul.
{"title":"Russia’s Views on and Initial Responses to the 2021 Strategic Retake of Afghanistan by the Taliban","authors":"A. Muraviev","doi":"10.1177/23477970221133145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221133145","url":null,"abstract":"The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in mid-2021 has not taken the Russian authorities by surprise. For over 20 years, Moscow was observing the strategic rise of the fundamentalist militant movement with concern, which was largely triggered by domestic security considerations as well as potential challenges to security and stability across the former Soviet Central Asia. However, since the re-establishment of the Taliban’s rule in Kabul, Moscow’s approach underwent a gradual change, from being negative and alarmist to a more cautiously pragmatic one. This article will review the evolution of Russia’s perceptions of the Taliban, highlight Moscow’s principal concerns, identify the initial set of response measures following the country’s takeover in 2021 and entertain several scenarios of the Kremlin’s future approaches vis-a-vis the new rulers in Kabul.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"424 - 445"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42367504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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