Pub Date : 2022-03-14DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076753
Syed Jaleel Hussain
Mark Fitzpatrick, Michael Elleman and Paulina Izewicz. 2019. Uncertain Future: The JCPOA and Iran’s Nuclear and Missile Programmes. Routledge. 168 pp. ISBN: 9780367197056. Dennis C. Jett. 2018. The Iran Nuclear Deal: Bombs, Bureaucrats, and Billionaires. Palgrave Macmillan. 481 pp. ISBN: 9783319598222. Moritz. Pieper. 2018. Hegemony and Resistance around the Iranian Nuclear Programme. Routledge. 190 pp. ISBN: 9780367173807. Farhad Rezaei. 2017. Iran’s Nuclear Program: A Study in Proliferation and Rollback. Palgrave Macmillan. 272 pp. ISBN: 9783319441191. Trita Parsi. 2017. Losing an Enemy: Obama, Iran, and the Triumph of Diplomacy. Yale University Press. 472 pp. ISBN: 9780300218169. This article looks at the competing dilemmas faced by the great powers and the reasons for their eventual cooperation concerning Iran’s nuclear programme. The great powers were divided between those who wanted a total roll back and those who supported meaningful and verifiable limits. Using the levels of analysis framework, the article looks at individual actors, structural factors and the domestic interconnections that sustained the Iranian nuclear crisis and propelled its eventual resolution in the form of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.
Mark Fitzpatrick, Michael Elleman和Paulina Izewicz, 2019。不确定的未来:全面协议与伊朗核与导弹计划。劳特利奇。168页。ISBN: 9780367197056。丹尼斯·c·杰特，2018。伊朗核协议:炸弹、官僚和亿万富翁。帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦，481页，ISBN: 9783319598222。莫里茨。皮珀尔》2018。围绕伊朗核计划的霸权与抵抗。劳特利奇出版社。190页。ISBN: 9780367173807。Farhad Rezaei, 2017。伊朗核计划:扩散与倒退研究。帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦，272页，ISBN: 9783319441191。特里塔·帕西，2017。失去一个敌人:奥巴马、伊朗和外交的胜利。耶鲁大学出版社，472页，ISBN: 9780300218169。本文着眼于大国面临的竞争困境，以及它们最终在伊朗核计划问题上合作的原因。大国分成两派，一派希望全面削减核武器，另一派支持有意义的、可核查的限制。本文运用层次分析框架，考察了维持伊朗核危机并推动其最终以《联合全面行动计划》(Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action)形式得到解决的个体行为者、结构性因素和国内相互联系。
{"title":"To Be or Not to Be: Great Power Dilemmas and the Iranian Nuclear Programme","authors":"Syed Jaleel Hussain","doi":"10.1177/23477970221076753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221076753","url":null,"abstract":"Mark Fitzpatrick, Michael Elleman and Paulina Izewicz. 2019. Uncertain Future: The JCPOA and Iran’s Nuclear and Missile Programmes. Routledge. 168 pp. ISBN: 9780367197056. Dennis C. Jett. 2018. The Iran Nuclear Deal: Bombs, Bureaucrats, and Billionaires. Palgrave Macmillan. 481 pp. ISBN: 9783319598222. Moritz. Pieper. 2018. Hegemony and Resistance around the Iranian Nuclear Programme. Routledge. 190 pp. ISBN: 9780367173807. Farhad Rezaei. 2017. Iran’s Nuclear Program: A Study in Proliferation and Rollback. Palgrave Macmillan. 272 pp. ISBN: 9783319441191. Trita Parsi. 2017. Losing an Enemy: Obama, Iran, and the Triumph of Diplomacy. Yale University Press. 472 pp. ISBN: 9780300218169. This article looks at the competing dilemmas faced by the great powers and the reasons for their eventual cooperation concerning Iran’s nuclear programme. The great powers were divided between those who wanted a total roll back and those who supported meaningful and verifiable limits. Using the levels of analysis framework, the article looks at individual actors, structural factors and the domestic interconnections that sustained the Iranian nuclear crisis and propelled its eventual resolution in the form of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"150 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41905307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-11DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076969
U. Siraj, Najimdeen Bakare
Since making it out as the most powerful nation following the Second World War, Washington has demonstrated and employed two independent yet interlocking policies of Exceptionalism and Containment in its foreign policy. American exceptionalism is ingrained in its pride as the most powerful military and economic power, and a champion of democracy. While Washington sees itself as exceptional, it also believes that the fruition of its national interest and strategic objectives depends on bestowing friendly states with exceptional code. To place the discussion in perspective, we take Iran as a case study and explore the transition of Iran from being a recipient of American exceptional code, a strategic tool of American containment policy, to becoming an object of containment itself. The article applies George Kennan’s exceptionalism and containment strategy on USA–Iran relations in both Shah’s rule and post-revolution era. We conclude that decades of US exceptionalism in the region have multiplied into regional challenges for the USA itself and raised the importance of Iran and increased its security threats.
{"title":"Iran–USA Relations: From Exceptionalism to Containment Policy","authors":"U. Siraj, Najimdeen Bakare","doi":"10.1177/23477970221076969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221076969","url":null,"abstract":"Since making it out as the most powerful nation following the Second World War, Washington has demonstrated and employed two independent yet interlocking policies of Exceptionalism and Containment in its foreign policy. American exceptionalism is ingrained in its pride as the most powerful military and economic power, and a champion of democracy. While Washington sees itself as exceptional, it also believes that the fruition of its national interest and strategic objectives depends on bestowing friendly states with exceptional code. To place the discussion in perspective, we take Iran as a case study and explore the transition of Iran from being a recipient of American exceptional code, a strategic tool of American containment policy, to becoming an object of containment itself. The article applies George Kennan’s exceptionalism and containment strategy on USA–Iran relations in both Shah’s rule and post-revolution era. We conclude that decades of US exceptionalism in the region have multiplied into regional challenges for the USA itself and raised the importance of Iran and increased its security threats.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"99 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48123699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-08DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076715
Shafat Yousuf, Syed Jaleel Hussain
This article proposes a fresh explanation of Iran’s nuclear programme by using the framework of strategic culture. The core argument of this article is that Iran’s strategic restraint in not overtly weaponising its nuclear programme is primarily driven by its strategic culture despite the continuously deteriorating regional security situation and a deeply hostile neighbourhood. This has incentivised a ‘Shia way’ of looking at and practising a strategy that sees nuclear weapons as fundamentally un-Islamic. Instead of weaponisation, Iran has shown remarkable flexibility to accept restrictions on its nuclear programme under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Security-based realist explanations fail to account for such behaviour and can be better explained using a cultural framework. The strategic culture-based framework also explains the reasons behind Iran’s policy of nuclear hedging and its acceptability by major sections of the political elite in Iran.
{"title":"Culture, Religion and Strategy: The ‘Islamic’ Contours of Iran’s Nuclear Thinking","authors":"Shafat Yousuf, Syed Jaleel Hussain","doi":"10.1177/23477970221076715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221076715","url":null,"abstract":"This article proposes a fresh explanation of Iran’s nuclear programme by using the framework of strategic culture. The core argument of this article is that Iran’s strategic restraint in not overtly weaponising its nuclear programme is primarily driven by its strategic culture despite the continuously deteriorating regional security situation and a deeply hostile neighbourhood. This has incentivised a ‘Shia way’ of looking at and practising a strategy that sees nuclear weapons as fundamentally un-Islamic. Instead of weaponisation, Iran has shown remarkable flexibility to accept restrictions on its nuclear programme under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Security-based realist explanations fail to account for such behaviour and can be better explained using a cultural framework. The strategic culture-based framework also explains the reasons behind Iran’s policy of nuclear hedging and its acceptability by major sections of the political elite in Iran.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"72 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49304783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-03DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076746
P. Mallick
Freshwater resource management is one of the important challenges of the twenty-first century. It becomes more complicated when the river crosses a political boundary. A country can implement water resource management policies to promote more sustainable growth and development within its borders. However, it is not easy to enforce policies in the case of a transboundary river. Mekong River basin is crucial for freshwater resources and other activities like fishing, agricultural production, transportation, diverse biodiversity, hydropower generation, and so on. In addition, the basin supports the livelihoods of more than 60 million people. The massive expansion in the development of hydroelectric plants in the upper reaches of the Mekong has had a significant impact on the basin’s ecology during the previous decade. Hydropower dams are trapping the nutrients carrying sediment load and preventing it from reaching the floodplains. China’s increasing hydropower activities is a significant concern for downstream countries. Its policies are not transparent with lower Mekong basin (LMB) nations. To limit China’s influence, the USA is also attempting to engage with the basin countries. In such a situation, effective sub-regional cooperation for the sustainable development of the Mekong basin is crucial, where all stakeholders’ interests are considered.
{"title":"Transboundary River Cooperation in Mekong Basin: A Sub-regional Perspective","authors":"P. Mallick","doi":"10.1177/23477970221076746","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221076746","url":null,"abstract":"Freshwater resource management is one of the important challenges of the twenty-first century. It becomes more complicated when the river crosses a political boundary. A country can implement water resource management policies to promote more sustainable growth and development within its borders. However, it is not easy to enforce policies in the case of a transboundary river. Mekong River basin is crucial for freshwater resources and other activities like fishing, agricultural production, transportation, diverse biodiversity, hydropower generation, and so on. In addition, the basin supports the livelihoods of more than 60 million people. The massive expansion in the development of hydroelectric plants in the upper reaches of the Mekong has had a significant impact on the basin’s ecology during the previous decade. Hydropower dams are trapping the nutrients carrying sediment load and preventing it from reaching the floodplains. China’s increasing hydropower activities is a significant concern for downstream countries. Its policies are not transparent with lower Mekong basin (LMB) nations. To limit China’s influence, the USA is also attempting to engage with the basin countries. In such a situation, effective sub-regional cooperation for the sustainable development of the Mekong basin is crucial, where all stakeholders’ interests are considered.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"50 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47126640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-03DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076646
Ciwan M. Can, A. Chan
Some scholars argue that established great powers tend to launch preventive wars to halt and reverse power transition processes, while others argue that it is the rising great powers that initiate revisionist challenges. Through the application of the preventive war model and the theory of strategic competition, this article argues that we should identify the initiation of a hegemonic war in the agency of established great powers during power transition processes and that hegemonic confrontations, in the age of nuclear weapons, are limited to the diplomatic domain where great powers will compete for relative strategic influence in the world. The argument is then applied for a re-examination of China–USA relations as this provides a novel ground for testing its explanatory power. Based on our findings, the article further argues that the USA has been the instigator of a preventive strategic competition against China aimed to halt and reverse the ongoing power transition process.
{"title":"Preventive or Revisionist Challenge During Power Transition? The Case of China–USA Strategic Competition","authors":"Ciwan M. Can, A. Chan","doi":"10.1177/23477970221076646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221076646","url":null,"abstract":"Some scholars argue that established great powers tend to launch preventive wars to halt and reverse power transition processes, while others argue that it is the rising great powers that initiate revisionist challenges. Through the application of the preventive war model and the theory of strategic competition, this article argues that we should identify the initiation of a hegemonic war in the agency of established great powers during power transition processes and that hegemonic confrontations, in the age of nuclear weapons, are limited to the diplomatic domain where great powers will compete for relative strategic influence in the world. The argument is then applied for a re-examination of China–USA relations as this provides a novel ground for testing its explanatory power. Based on our findings, the article further argues that the USA has been the instigator of a preventive strategic competition against China aimed to halt and reverse the ongoing power transition process.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"7 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42201091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-03DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076754
Ömer Aslan
Turkey’s South Asia policy remains an underexplored area of research in Turkish foreign policy literature despite a rich history of Turkish activism in the region. While bringing to surface Turkey’s perception of South Asia, this article utilises insights from foreign policy analysis literature to make sense of international and domestic drivers behind Turkey’s South Asia policies during and after the Cold War. Using primary resources drawn from Turkish, American, Indian and Australian archives, memoirs by retired Turkish generals and diplomats, and interviews the author conducted with retired Turkish diplomats serving previously as ambassadors to New Delhi and Islamabad, the article argues that Turkey has felt most motivated to be involved in the region when encouraged by and had the ability to coordinate its policies with its western partners. I highlight Turkey’s mediation missions in inter- and intra-state disputes in the region, attempts to shift its South Asia policy and discuss Turkey’s approach to various hot conflicts within and between states in the region. I finally provide the place of South Asia in Turkey’s recent ‘Asia Anew Initiative’ and seek to explain an actor-based evolution of Turkey’s South Asia policy under the AKP governments over the last two decades.
{"title":"The Evolution of Turkey’s ‘South Asia Policy’: Continuities and Ruptures in Outlook, Roles, Actors and Constraints","authors":"Ömer Aslan","doi":"10.1177/23477970221076754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970221076754","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey’s South Asia policy remains an underexplored area of research in Turkish foreign policy literature despite a rich history of Turkish activism in the region. While bringing to surface Turkey’s perception of South Asia, this article utilises insights from foreign policy analysis literature to make sense of international and domestic drivers behind Turkey’s South Asia policies during and after the Cold War. Using primary resources drawn from Turkish, American, Indian and Australian archives, memoirs by retired Turkish generals and diplomats, and interviews the author conducted with retired Turkish diplomats serving previously as ambassadors to New Delhi and Islamabad, the article argues that Turkey has felt most motivated to be involved in the region when encouraged by and had the ability to coordinate its policies with its western partners. I highlight Turkey’s mediation missions in inter- and intra-state disputes in the region, attempts to shift its South Asia policy and discuss Turkey’s approach to various hot conflicts within and between states in the region. I finally provide the place of South Asia in Turkey’s recent ‘Asia Anew Initiative’ and seek to explain an actor-based evolution of Turkey’s South Asia policy under the AKP governments over the last two decades.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"122 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48304786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The wings of terror of ISIS has started since 2014. By 2019, ISIS the terrorist organization, spreading its wings over Syria, Iraq, and many other states around the world causing the death of thousands. The suffering due to acts of terrorism is innumerable. The conflict in Syria has reached a threshold that triggered the application of the Geneva Conventions and its Additional Protocols. ISIS is violating the International Humanitarian Law in every phase of its operation. Though ISIS is not a party to the aforesaid Conventions, the rules of IHL apply to it. This paper has envisaged the conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic and the classification of the armed conflicts. In addition, it has shown the origin of ISIS and their terrorist attacks during the last five years and how the parties in the conflicts including ISIS have responsibilities under the IHL. In doing so, the paper has relied on existing scholarly articles, books, newspaper reports as well as other international instruments.
{"title":"Terrorism and International Humanitarian Law (IHL): Defining the Status of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)","authors":"Zahirul Bashar","doi":"10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44759","url":null,"abstract":"The wings of terror of ISIS has started since 2014. By 2019, ISIS the terrorist organization, spreading its wings over Syria, Iraq, and many other states around the world causing the death of thousands. The suffering due to acts of terrorism is innumerable. The conflict in Syria has reached a threshold that triggered the application of the Geneva Conventions and its Additional Protocols. ISIS is violating the International Humanitarian Law in every phase of its operation. Though ISIS is not a party to the aforesaid Conventions, the rules of IHL apply to it. This paper has envisaged the conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic and the classification of the armed conflicts. In addition, it has shown the origin of ISIS and their terrorist attacks during the last five years and how the parties in the conflicts including ISIS have responsibilities under the IHL. In doing so, the paper has relied on existing scholarly articles, books, newspaper reports as well as other international instruments.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72480789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia’s relations have been historically substantial in the economic, political, strategic, and cultural spheres. Both countries have shared diplomatic platforms at bilateral, regional, and global levels, including the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Saudi Arabia has traditionally been the major exporter of petroleum and a crucial market for Pakistani services and products. The study is an attempt to evaluate the recent trends and the phenomenal changes that have undergone and the dynamics of the new emerging shifts in Saudi-Pakistan relations. The worsening relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan provide an opportunity for India to expand its influence in the Gulf region and counter Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir at different international forums. It has further been assumed that India seeks to materialise new opportunities for the expansion of strategic objectives while trying to reduce Saudi security dependence on Pakistan.
{"title":"The Contours of Saudi Arabia-Pakistan Relations and its Impact on India","authors":"Z. Mir, Reshmi Kazi","doi":"10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44758","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan and Saudi Arabia’s relations have been historically substantial in the economic, political, strategic, and cultural spheres. Both countries have shared diplomatic platforms at bilateral, regional, and global levels, including the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Saudi Arabia has traditionally been the major exporter of petroleum and a crucial market for Pakistani services and products. The study is an attempt to evaluate the recent trends and the phenomenal changes that have undergone and the dynamics of the new emerging shifts in Saudi-Pakistan relations. The worsening relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan provide an opportunity for India to expand its influence in the Gulf region and counter Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir at different international forums. It has further been assumed that India seeks to materialise new opportunities for the expansion of strategic objectives while trying to reduce Saudi security dependence on Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83328485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper seeks to synthesize the scientific issues of the Marxist critique of the State. Taking insights from secondary literature, it discusses the concept and characteristics of the State in general and then specifies the contestations of the Marxist perspective on the nature of the State. The paper illustrates how classical Marxism perceives State as a unilinear product of class struggle and serves the welfare of the dominant class. However, the recent developments in Marxism have raised questions to the realist and structural perspective of the State. The Neo-Marxist and post-Marxist scholars contributed along with the concepts of ideology, changing relations of base-structure, hegemony, State apparatus, and crisis in the purist form of class. This paper concludes that these developments are unavoidable in the present-day Marxist discourse which can be theoretically levelled as multi-realist and post-structural critiques of the State. It is expected that the implication of the paper lies to foster the Marxist critique of the state, primarily in different social science disciplines including political science, international relations, economics, and development studies.
{"title":"Nature of the State: Marxist Critique and its Divergences in Contemporary World","authors":"Mahendra Sapkota","doi":"10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44756","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to synthesize the scientific issues of the Marxist critique of the State. Taking insights from secondary literature, it discusses the concept and characteristics of the State in general and then specifies the contestations of the Marxist perspective on the nature of the State. The paper illustrates how classical Marxism perceives State as a unilinear product of class struggle and serves the welfare of the dominant class. However, the recent developments in Marxism have raised questions to the realist and structural perspective of the State. The Neo-Marxist and post-Marxist scholars contributed along with the concepts of ideology, changing relations of base-structure, hegemony, State apparatus, and crisis in the purist form of class. This paper concludes that these developments are unavoidable in the present-day Marxist discourse which can be theoretically levelled as multi-realist and post-structural critiques of the State. It is expected that the implication of the paper lies to foster the Marxist critique of the state, primarily in different social science disciplines including political science, international relations, economics, and development studies.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89387457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Book on the vitality and complexity of Nepal’s foreign relations by Shambhu Ram Simkhada.
Shambhu Ram Simkhada撰写的关于尼泊尔外交关系的活力和复杂性的书。
{"title":"Book Title: Nepal India China, Relations in the 21st Century","authors":"Purushottam Poudel","doi":"10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44766","url":null,"abstract":"Book on the vitality and complexity of Nepal’s foreign relations by Shambhu Ram Simkhada.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90153071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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