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Authoritarian Rule and the Weaponisation of Natural Disasters: The Case of Myanmar from Cyclone Nargis to the COVID-19 Pandemic (2008–2021) 威权统治与自然灾害武器化:从纳尔吉斯强热带风暴到2019冠状病毒病大流行的缅甸案例(2008-2021)
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221098475
A. Passeri
Myanmar’s 2021 military coup paved the way for a ruthless weaponisation of the COVID-19 pandemic, aimed at crushing opposition groups and ethnic minorities who opposed the army’s power grab. The manipulation of natural disasters for political purposes, however, is nothing new for Burmese praetorian regimes, which employed a similar strategy in the aftermath of the 2008 Cyclone Nargis in order to further marginalise and subjugate their internal enemies. To a large extent, such a callous decision stems from the powerful political implications brought about by natural disasters, which are perceived by authoritarian leaders as exogenous shocks capable of triggering a process of heightened popular contestation and regime change. In the case of Myanmar, this specific fear thus persuaded military rulers to weaponise the impact of natural calamities and health crises as part of a longstanding counterinsurgency playbook, centred on the so-called ‘four cuts’ doctrine. As a result, those who do not conform with the Bamar-Buddhist image of Myanmar professed by the army—or dare to criticise its dominant position in Burmese politics—have been deliberately excluded from post-disaster relief efforts, in what appears as a further testament of the junta’s unwavering resolve in retaining the reins of power. Building upon the existing literature on the political implications of natural hazards in authoritarian settings, the following article sheds light on the drivers and rationale that persuaded Myanmar’s Generals to weaponise humanitarian crisis against ethnic minorities and opposition forces, by looking at the two case-studies provided by Cyclone Nargis and the COVID-19 pandemic.
缅甸2021年的军事政变为无情地将COVID-19大流行武器化铺平了道路,目的是镇压反对军队夺权的反对派团体和少数民族。然而,出于政治目的操纵自然灾害对缅甸的禁卫军政权来说并不是什么新鲜事,2008年纳尔吉斯强热带风暴过后,缅甸政府就采用了类似的策略,以进一步边缘化和征服国内的敌人。在很大程度上,这种无情的决定源于自然灾害带来的强大政治影响,专制领导人认为自然灾害是能够引发民众激烈争论和政权更迭过程的外生冲击。以缅甸为例,这种特殊的恐惧说服了军事统治者将自然灾害和卫生危机的影响武器化,作为长期反叛乱战术的一部分,其核心是所谓的“四削减”原则。结果,那些不符合军方所宣称的缅甸的缅族佛教形象的人,或者敢于批评其在缅甸政治中的主导地位的人,都被故意排除在灾后救援工作之外,这似乎进一步证明了军政府坚定不移地控制权力的决心。本文以威权环境下自然灾害的政治影响的现有文献为基础,通过分析纳尔吉斯强热带风暴和2019冠状病毒病大流行提供的两个案例研究,揭示了说服缅甸将军将人道主义危机作为武器对付少数民族和反对派力量的驱动因素和理由。
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引用次数: 0
Role Conception of the Asia-Pacific Middle Powers: Comparative Analysis of Indonesia, South Korea, Australia and Vietnam 亚太中等大国的角色构想:印尼、韩国、澳大利亚和越南的比较分析
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221098469
M. F. Karim, Rona Nabila
This article examines the variety of roles enacted by Asia-Pacific middle powers in response to the rise of China. This article identifies two factors determining such variety, especially in the security realm: alignment pattern and geopolitical constraints. We argue that the differences in level of alignment with the United States and the risk of geopolitical tension with China affect the role conception taken by the middle powers. We assert that the combination of a high-level of alignment and high geopolitical risk tends to cause them to take a bridging role, a low-level of alignment and low geopolitical risk drive them to take the role of regional leader, a high-level of alignment and low geopolitical risk allow them to become faithful allies, and a low-level of alignment and high geopolitical risk enable them to take an active independent role. We illustrate this framework through the comparative analysis of Indonesia, South Korea, Australia and Vietnam.
本文考察了亚太中等大国在应对中国崛起时所扮演的各种角色。本文确定了决定这种多样性的两个因素,特别是在安全领域:结盟模式和地缘政治约束。我们认为,与美国结盟程度的差异以及与中国地缘政治紧张的风险影响了中等大国所扮演的角色概念。我们认为,高水平的结盟和高地缘政治风险的结合往往使它们发挥桥梁作用,低水平的结盟和低地缘政治风险促使它们发挥区域领导者的作用,高水平的结盟和低地缘政治风险使它们成为忠实的盟友,低水平的结盟和高地缘政治风险使它们发挥积极的独立作用。我们通过对印度尼西亚、韩国、澳大利亚和越南的比较分析来说明这一框架。
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引用次数: 1
An Investigation into North Korea’s ‘Real’ Nuclear Strategy: A Comparison with Pakistan’s Case 对朝鲜“真正”核战略的调查:与巴基斯坦案例的比较
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221098467
H. Park
The purpose of this article is to ascertain North Korea’s ‘real’ nuclear strategy. This article uses the ‘Strategy = Ends + Ways + Means’ construct for the ascertainment, and it makes comparisons to Pakistan’s nuclear strategy. This article found that North Korea’s goal of its nuclear armament was as ideological and aggressive as Pakistan’s, and that its nuclear strategy is closer to the ‘minimal deterrence strategy’ than Pakistan’s. North Korea seems more desperate than Pakistan because of its dire economic situation and the uncertain future of the Kim family dynasty. It could, therefore, try to achieve its goal, the reunification of South Korea, as soon as it has sufficient capabilities for the strategy. The United States and South Korea should be prepared for the worst-case scenario, which is North Korea’s reunification war against South Korea under the threat of nuclear attack on the US mainland and South Korea.
这篇文章的目的是确定朝鲜的“真正”核战略。本文采用“战略=目的+途径+手段”的结构进行确定,并与巴基斯坦的核战略进行了比较。这篇文章发现,朝鲜的核军备目标与巴基斯坦一样具有意识形态和侵略性,其核战略比巴基斯坦更接近“最低威慑战略”。朝鲜似乎比巴基斯坦更绝望,因为其严峻的经济形势和金氏王朝不确定的未来。因此,只要它有足够的战略能力,它就可以努力实现其目标,即韩国的统一。美国和韩国应该为最坏的情况做好准备,即朝鲜在美国本土和韩国受到核攻击的威胁下对韩国进行统一战争。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Chan Young Bang, Transition Beyond Denuclearisation: A Bold Challenge for Kim Jong Un 书评:陈英邦,超越无核化的过渡:金正恩的大胆挑战
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221098502
Hong-Kong T. Nguyen
Chan Young Bang, Transition Beyond Denuclearisation: A Bold Challenge for Kim Jong Un. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, pp. xiii + 169. (ebook). ISBN: 978-981-15-4316-6.
陈永邦:超越无核化的过渡:对金正恩的大胆挑战。中国农业科学,2020,pp. xiii + 169。(电子书)。ISBN: 978-981-15-4316-6。
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引用次数: 0
Analysing Nepal’s Foreign Policy: A Hedging Perspective 分析尼泊尔外交政策:一个对冲的视角
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221098491
Raunak Mainali
Wary of their significant dependence on India, Nepal has pursued a policy of hedging in order to mitigate potential harm. The harmful consequences of this dependence were on display in 2015 when a blockade along the southern border with India resulted in massive economic losses for Nepal at a time when the nation was recovering from an earthquake. To insure themselves against a similar fate in the future, Nepal has chosen to hedge by pursuing closer relations with China. This article analyses and outlines how Nepal has deployed this hedging strategy. It argues that Nepal’s relations with China, albeit improved, is not enough as India still retains a monopoly on Nepal’s economy. The increasingly hostile and polarised nature of Sino-Indian relations also means that hedging is not a sustainable policy, and if the rivalry between the regional powers worsen, Nepal may be forced to pick a side.
由于对印度的严重依赖,尼泊尔采取了一项对冲政策,以减轻潜在的伤害。这种依赖的有害后果在2015年得到了体现,当时尼泊尔正在从地震中恢复,而南部与印度边境的封锁给尼泊尔造成了巨大的经济损失。为了避免重蹈覆辙,尼泊尔选择了与中国建立更密切的关系。本文分析并概述了尼泊尔如何部署这种对冲策略。它认为,尼泊尔与中国的关系虽然有所改善,但还不够,因为印度仍然保持着对尼泊尔经济的垄断。中印关系日益敌对和两极化的本质也意味着两面下注不是一种可持续的政策,如果地区大国之间的竞争恶化,尼泊尔可能被迫选边站。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Bob de Graaff ed., Intelligence Communities and Cultures in Asia and the Middle East: A Comprehensive Reference 书评:Bob de Graaff主编,《亚洲和中东的情报社区与文化:综合参考》
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221098510
A. Parkes
Bob de Graaff ed., Intelligence Communities and Cultures in Asia and the Middle East: A Comprehensive Reference. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2020, 505 pp. (hardback). ISBN: 978-1626378896.
Bob de Graaff主编,《亚洲和中东的情报界和文化:综合参考》。Lynne Rienner出版社,2020,505页(精装本)。ISBN:978-1626378896。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Yoichi Funabashi and G John Ikenberry. 2020. The Crisis of Liberal Internationalism: Japan and the World Order 书评:船桥洋一、约翰·伊肯伯里,2020。自由国际主义的危机:日本与世界秩序
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-27 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076763
Aakriti Sethi
Yoichi Funabashi and G John Ikenberry. 2020. The Crisis of Liberal Internationalism: Japan and the World Order. Brookings Institution Press. 415 pp. (Paperback). ISBN: 9780815737674.
船桥洋一,约翰·伊肯伯里,2020。自由国际主义的危机:日本与世界秩序。布鲁金斯学会出版社,415页(平装本)。ISBN: 9780815737674。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Rory Medcalf. 2020. Contest for the Indo-Pacific: Why China Won’t Map the Future 书评:罗里·梅德卡夫,2020。印太地区之争:中国为何不规划未来
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076773
Uday Patil
Rory Medcalf. 2020. Contest for the Indo-Pacific: Why China Won’t Map the Future. La Trobe University Press. 320 pp. (Paperback). ISBN: 9781760641573.
罗里·梅德卡夫2020年当选。印太地区之争:中国为何不规划未来?拉筹伯大学出版社,320页(平装本)。ISBN: 9781760641573。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Imtiaz Hussain (ed.). 2019. South Asia in Global Power Rivalry: Inside-out Appraisals from Bangladesh 书评:Imtiaz Hussain(编辑)。2019。全球电力竞争中的南亚:来自孟加拉国的由内而外的评估
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076766
Ryan Shaffer
Imtiaz Hussain (ed.). 2019. South Asia in Global Power Rivalry: Inside-out Appraisals from Bangladesh. Palgrave Macmillan. Xiii + 320 pp. (Hardcover). ISBN: 9789811372391.
Imtiaz Hussain(编辑)。2019。全球电力竞争中的南亚:来自孟加拉国的由内而外的评估。Palgrave Macmillan。Xiii+320页(精装本)。ISBN:9789811372391。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the Gaiatsu Model: Japan’s Asia-Pacific Policy and Neoclassical Realism 超越盖津模式:日本的亚太政策与新古典现实主义
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/23477970221076641
L. L. Vidal
Literature has tended to characterise Japanese foreign policy as primarily reactive to US interests, with many analyses focusing on aspects such as the gaiatsu or US pressure on Tokyo. Some analysts go further and depict Japan as a ‘reactive state’ with a foreign policy characterised as passive, risk-avoiding, ineffective and lacking of assertiveness. Accordingly, changes in Japanese diplomacy occur as a response to international stimuli rather than to domestic needs. However, while outside pressure is crucial in accounting for Japan’s foreign policy, approaches based solely on the gaiatsu/‘reactive state thesis’ fail to provide a full explanation of Japan’s behaviour, particularly in the promotion of regional initiatives. This article studies Japan’s post-Cold War Asian regional policy and shows that its Asia-Pacific strategy cannot be explained as merely a reactive policy with a tendency to concede to US pressure. We aim to fill this gap by adopting a neoclassical realist approach that incorporates gaiatsu and their interplay with intervening variables at the individual and domestic levels. We demonstrate that domestic political actors have played a primary role in defining Tokyo’s Asia-Pacific policy choices and argue that Japan has pursued a relatively independent regional strategy vis-à-vis the USA in the post-Cold War period.
文献倾向于将日本的外交政策描述为主要对美国利益的反应,许多分析都集中在日本政府或美国对东京施压等方面。一些分析人士更进一步,将日本描述为一个“被动国家”,其外交政策特点是被动、规避风险、无效和缺乏自信。因此,日本外交的变化是对国际刺激的回应,而不是对国内需求的回应。然而,尽管外部压力在解释日本外交政策方面至关重要,但仅基于gaiatsu/“活跃的国家理论”的方法未能充分解释日本的行为,特别是在促进区域倡议方面。本文研究了冷战后日本的亚洲区域政策,表明其亚太战略不能仅仅被解释为一种倾向于向美国压力让步的反应性政策。我们的目标是通过采用新古典现实主义方法来填补这一空白,该方法结合了gaiatsu及其与个人和国内层面干预变量的相互作用。我们证明,国内政治行为者在确定东京的亚太政策选择方面发挥了主要作用,并认为日本在后冷战时期对美国采取了相对独立的地区战略。
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Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs
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