Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143624
Dhanasree Jayaram
In Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security , Matt McDonald delves into a normative analysis of climate security using a framework that has been less explored in security studies – ‘ ecological security ’ . Built on the foundation of environmental security studies – developed over the past two to three decades – this book adopts a counterintuitive approach towards ‘ security ’ in order to carve out a space for consequential discussion on climate change through an ethically framed ‘ ecological security ’ lens. The author ’ s defence of ecological security hinges on several factors: (1) viewing ‘ ecosystems as the referent object of security ’ ; (2) recognizing ‘ the connectivity and interrelationships between human communities and the so-called natural world ’ and (3) acknowledging ‘ the arrival of the Anthropocene ’ (p. 7). The book does not stop at normative discussion, as it also examines the practical implications of the ‘ ecological security ’ framework, as well as the means of achieving it. McDonald speci fi cally focusses on three principles – dialogue, re fl exivity and humility. He however argues: Taken together, these principles also suggest that the function of ecological security is less a program of action than a sensibility that should inform how we make sense of the world and act in it. But it is a sensibility that clearly encourages signi fi cant changes in the way we view the world, existing institutions and practices, and the nature of ethical responsibility (p. 196). In the following review,
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Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143617
P. Beaumont
Climate change and the ongoing destruction of the earth's ecosystems have increasingly been depicted as a security issue with the noble but not unproblematic goal engendering an urgent response. These climate and environmental security discourses have been extensively critiqued on both empirical and normative grounds. But is there an ethically defensible and even emancipatory alternative to envisioning the relationship between the environment and security? Matt McDonald in his new book - Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security - argues that there is and lays out comprehensive normative framework for doing so. To interrogate McDonald's case for what he calls “Ecological Security”, this forum brings together four leading researchers from Anthropology, Geography, International Relations, and Peace and Sustainability Studies. While all contributors are broadly positive regarding goals of the book, each identifies weaknesses in the approach that move from suggestions on how refine the framework on the one hand to questioning whether the framework risks proving counter-productive on the other.
{"title":"Introduction: Is the time nigh for ecological security?","authors":"P. Beaumont","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221143617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221143617","url":null,"abstract":"Climate change and the ongoing destruction of the earth's ecosystems have increasingly been depicted as a security issue with the noble but not unproblematic goal engendering an urgent response. These climate and environmental security discourses have been extensively critiqued on both empirical and normative grounds. But is there an ethically defensible and even emancipatory alternative to envisioning the relationship between the environment and security? Matt McDonald in his new book - Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security - argues that there is and lays out comprehensive normative framework for doing so. To interrogate McDonald's case for what he calls “Ecological Security”, this forum brings together four leading researchers from Anthropology, Geography, International Relations, and Peace and Sustainability Studies. While all contributors are broadly positive regarding goals of the book, each identifies weaknesses in the approach that move from suggestions on how refine the framework on the one hand to questioning whether the framework risks proving counter-productive on the other.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83292158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143621
E. W. Rowe
vulnerable ecosystems, the livelihoods of local inhabitants and indigenous communities, and the potential exploitation of natural resources. By virtue of their sovereignty, sov-ereign rights and jurisdiction in large areas of the Arctic Ocean the fi ve coastal states are in a unique position to address these possibilities and challenges … The Arctic Ocean is a unique ecosystem, which the
{"title":"Considering ecological security from the perspective of Arctic ecosystemic politics","authors":"E. W. Rowe","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221143621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221143621","url":null,"abstract":"vulnerable ecosystems, the livelihoods of local inhabitants and indigenous communities, and the potential exploitation of natural resources. By virtue of their sovereignty, sov-ereign rights and jurisdiction in large areas of the Arctic Ocean the fi ve coastal states are in a unique position to address these possibilities and challenges … The Arctic Ocean is a unique ecosystem, which the","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89568415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-15DOI: 10.1177/2336825x221136300
Nicholas Michelsen
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Pub Date : 2022-11-11DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221139697
T. A. Benjaminsen
During the last 15–20 years a changing climate has increasingly been seen internationally as a security risk (Brown et al., 2007). This securitisation has in particular taken place within the military, (green) international NGOs and among policy-makers (Selby and Hoffman, 2014). In conferences about climate security, a peculiar mix of actors can be observed among participants of military officers in uniform, climate activists and politicians. Since 2007, the UN Security Council has also discussed the link between climate change and human security several times, and in particular related to the dire security situation in the African Sahel. In March 2021, the African Union’s Peace and Security Council also issued a communiqué dedicated to the effects of climate change on peace, security and stability in Africa. International media have generally been keen to repeat a policy narrative about climate-caused conflicts. Especially the current crisis in the Sahel has drawn international attention to climate change as a possible cause. Just to give two examples – Le Monde reported on 11th April 2019 that conflicts between Fulani herders and Dogon farmers in Mali are caused by resource scarcity following climate change and population growth, whileDeutsche Welle (11th June 2019) concluded that ‘The conflict between Dogon and Fulani ethnic groups over resources in Mali has been exacerbated by climate change, population growth, an absentee state and Islamism’. Indeed, the Sahel is often pointed out as the most typical example of a toxic brew of climate change, poverty, migration and armed insurgency. This view was reflected by the Norwegian Nobel Committee when it awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007 to former US Vice President Al Gore and the IPCC and highlighted farmer-herder conflicts in the Sahel as typical examples of a close link between climate change and conflicts. Academic research, on the other hand, has been more critical to framing climate change as a cause of conflicts or as a threat multiplier, although researchers continue to investigate climate change as a risk factor for violent conflict (Mach et al., 2019). Such risks may occur via possible indirect pathways as for instance through reduced food security or the implementation of adaptation or mitigation measures. Both quantitative peace and conflict studies (e.g. Buhaug 2010; Theisen et al., 2013; Koubi 2019) and case-based political ecology (e.g. Benjaminsen et al., 2012; Abrahams and Carr 2017; Benjaminsen and Ba, 2021) have questioned assumptions about climate change as a driver of violence and insecurity, although there may be indirect pathways under certain contexts. My own positionality in debates about climate security and in these comments on the book discussed in this
在过去的15-20年里，气候变化越来越多地被国际上视为一种安全风险(Brown et al.， 2007)。这种证券化尤其发生在军队、(绿色)国际非政府组织和政策制定者之间(Selby和Hoffman, 2014)。在有关气候安全的会议上，可以观察到一种奇特的行为者组合，参与者中有穿制服的军官、气候活动家和政治家。自2007年以来，联合国安理会也多次讨论了气候变化与人类安全之间的联系，特别是与非洲萨赫勒地区严峻的安全局势有关。2021年3月，非洲联盟和平与安全理事会还发布了一份公报，专门讨论气候变化对非洲和平、安全与稳定的影响。国际媒体通常热衷于重复有关气候引起的冲突的政策叙述。特别是目前萨赫勒地区的危机，引起了国际社会对气候变化的关注，认为气候变化可能是一个原因。举两个例子——《世界报》于2019年4月11日报道，马里富拉尼牧民和多贡农民之间的冲突是由气候变化和人口增长导致的资源短缺造成的，而德国之声(2019年6月11日)得出结论，“气候变化、人口增长、缺位国家和伊斯兰主义加剧了马里多贡族和富拉尼族之间的资源冲突”。事实上，萨赫勒地区经常被认为是气候变化、贫困、移民和武装叛乱等问题交织在一起的最典型例子。挪威诺贝尔委员会在2007年将诺贝尔和平奖授予美国前副总统戈尔和IPCC时反映了这一观点，并强调萨赫勒地区的农牧民冲突是气候变化与冲突之间密切联系的典型例子。另一方面，学术研究对于将气候变化视为冲突的原因或威胁倍增器更为关键，尽管研究人员继续将气候变化作为暴力冲突的风险因素进行调查(Mach等人，2019)。这种风险可能通过可能的间接途径发生，例如通过减少粮食安全或实施适应或缓解措施。定量和平与冲突研究(如Buhaug 2010;Theisen et al.， 2013;Koubi 2019)和基于案例的政治生态学(例如Benjaminsen等人，2012;亚伯拉罕和卡尔2017;Benjaminsen和Ba(2021)对气候变化是暴力和不安全因素驱动因素的假设提出了质疑，尽管在某些情况下可能存在间接途径。我自己在气候安全辩论中的立场以及对这本书的评论
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Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221135448
Sara de Athouguia Filipe
Prince Nikolay Alexeyevich Orlov (1827–1885) was an aristocrat, a war hero and a prominent diplomat of the Russian Empire who enjoyed a prestigious position from a very young age. In his correspondence with Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich in the early 1860s, Prince Orlov expounded his views on Russian politics, putting forward his liberal outlook of what the empire ought to be. His most crucial proposals were (i) revising Russian foreign policy and redefining imperial borders (which included solving the ‘Polish Question’); (ii) adopting federalism with local representative institutions based on a notion of ‘legitimate power’; (iii) introducing bottom-up reforms; (iv) abolishing ‘backwards practices’ (in particular, corporal punishment) and (v) guaranteeing civil rights and equality before the law. Based on letters and other writings that remain vastly under-researched in Russia and practically unknown to English-speaking audiences, I analyse Prince Orlov’s correspondence as illustrative of a broader ideological turn to liberal imperialism and contextualise it from Russian and European perspectives. By positing that Russian liberalism was strongly impacted by the successes and shortcomings of the liberal imperialism of the 1860s, I invite the reader to rethink some ideological and chronological boundaries that are routinely taken for granted in discussions regarding liberalism, imperialism and their interconnectedness.
{"title":"Redefining the Russian Empire: The turn to liberal imperialism through the letters of Prince Nikolay A. Orlov at the height of the Great Reforms","authors":"Sara de Athouguia Filipe","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221135448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221135448","url":null,"abstract":"Prince Nikolay Alexeyevich Orlov (1827–1885) was an aristocrat, a war hero and a prominent diplomat of the Russian Empire who enjoyed a prestigious position from a very young age. In his correspondence with Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich in the early 1860s, Prince Orlov expounded his views on Russian politics, putting forward his liberal outlook of what the empire ought to be. His most crucial proposals were (i) revising Russian foreign policy and redefining imperial borders (which included solving the ‘Polish Question’); (ii) adopting federalism with local representative institutions based on a notion of ‘legitimate power’; (iii) introducing bottom-up reforms; (iv) abolishing ‘backwards practices’ (in particular, corporal punishment) and (v) guaranteeing civil rights and equality before the law. Based on letters and other writings that remain vastly under-researched in Russia and practically unknown to English-speaking audiences, I analyse Prince Orlov’s correspondence as illustrative of a broader ideological turn to liberal imperialism and contextualise it from Russian and European perspectives. By positing that Russian liberalism was strongly impacted by the successes and shortcomings of the liberal imperialism of the 1860s, I invite the reader to rethink some ideological and chronological boundaries that are routinely taken for granted in discussions regarding liberalism, imperialism and their interconnectedness.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85610377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221135127
Francesco Melito
The enormous attention devoted to populism has simplified the framework for analysis of the “illiberal turn” in Central-Eastern Europe. Although a populist aspect is certainly present, reductio ad populismum neglects other interpretations of the current political polarization. The article contributes to the literature on the cultural aspects of illiberalism as it offers an innovative theoretical examination of illiberalism(s) in the region. It proposes the concept of neo-traditionalism as a more comprehensive lens of analysis of the anti-colonial narrative against the “foreign liberal West” to defend the “genuine traditional Europe.” Neo-traditionalism in Central-Eastern Europe captures two criticisms of progressive liberalism. First, it contrasts progressive modernizing values. Emancipation and fluid identities are counterbalanced by a discourse where traditions provide ontological security and culturally defined identities. Second, it denounces the foreign origin of progressivism. The liberal West is described as a colonial power aiming to destroy “our authentic way of life.” Thus, the populist dimension of illiberalism in Central-Eastern Europe could be better grasped if we applied the concept of neo-traditionalism. Not only are the elites isolated from the people. They are also deemed to impose a colonial project to replace and modernize true European values.
{"title":"Anti-colonial neo-traditionalism in Central-Eastern Europe: A theoretical examination","authors":"Francesco Melito","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221135127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221135127","url":null,"abstract":"The enormous attention devoted to populism has simplified the framework for analysis of the “illiberal turn” in Central-Eastern Europe. Although a populist aspect is certainly present, reductio ad populismum neglects other interpretations of the current political polarization. The article contributes to the literature on the cultural aspects of illiberalism as it offers an innovative theoretical examination of illiberalism(s) in the region. It proposes the concept of neo-traditionalism as a more comprehensive lens of analysis of the anti-colonial narrative against the “foreign liberal West” to defend the “genuine traditional Europe.” Neo-traditionalism in Central-Eastern Europe captures two criticisms of progressive liberalism. First, it contrasts progressive modernizing values. Emancipation and fluid identities are counterbalanced by a discourse where traditions provide ontological security and culturally defined identities. Second, it denounces the foreign origin of progressivism. The liberal West is described as a colonial power aiming to destroy “our authentic way of life.” Thus, the populist dimension of illiberalism in Central-Eastern Europe could be better grasped if we applied the concept of neo-traditionalism. Not only are the elites isolated from the people. They are also deemed to impose a colonial project to replace and modernize true European values.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89666803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-14DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221132934
Nicholas Kiersey
This review essay argues that once a fuller genealogy of populism is presented, Hochuli et al.’s rationale for attempting to corral the left into an embrace of nationalism begins to look suspicious. Despite the authors’ claims, the genealogy of American left populism reveals a political project that is not at all aligned with the virtue-hoarding desires of the left flank of the Professional Managerial Class (PMC). To the contrary, it is a political project synonymous with the material struggles of the global working class. Thus, while we should concede that the contemporary Left has been captured to no small degree by PMC sensibilities, a full understanding of today’s ongoing revival in socialism requires further explanation. To this end, this essay argues that we need a proper discussion about the history of left populism in the United States, its meaningful achievements, and its potential as a strategic partner. Admittedly, the term “populism” has very different valences, depending on whether it is used in an American or European context. But it cannot be gainsaid that the term originated in America, and that American populism has hewed more toward working class struggle over the sort of “woke” ideologies, worried about in The End of the End of History.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-13DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221134194
Anna Shimomura
‘Kresy’ [borderlands/outskirts] is a sentimental term used by Poles to denote the lands of today’s Western Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania. The Polish rule in that region has rarely been discussed in terms of colonialism. In this article, I employ the framework of postcolonial theory within the context of Polish rule in ‘Kresy’. The article juxtaposes anthropologist Józef Obrębski’s ethnographic writings about Polesia region (a part of ‘Kresy’ that was polonised in the most extreme manner) with Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad – a Polish-British author born and raised in ‘Kresy’, that during his time was subjugated by Russian Empire. The figure of Conrad, whose ambivalent relationship with colonialism was pointed out by many postcolonial scholars starting with Chinua Achebe, becomes a point of departure to think about what Maria Janion describes as ‘the paradoxical Polish postcolonial mentality’: the ambivalence of being a colonised coloniser. The article is an attempt of contribution to the ongoing debate about identity and dependence in the East Central Europe region.
“Kresy”[边境/郊区]是波兰人用来表示今天西乌克兰，白俄罗斯和立陶宛的土地的情感术语。很少从殖民主义的角度来讨论波兰在该地区的统治。在这篇文章中，我将后殖民理论的框架运用到《Kresy》中波兰统治的语境中。这篇文章将人类学家Józef Obrębski关于波利西亚地区(Kresy的一部分，以最极端的方式被波兰化)的民族志著作与约瑟夫·康拉德(Joseph Conrad)的《黑暗之心》(Heart of Darkness)并列，约瑟夫·康拉德是一位波兰裔英国作家，在“Kresy”出生并长大，在他的时代被俄罗斯帝国征服。从Chinua Achebe开始，许多后殖民学者都指出了康拉德与殖民主义的矛盾关系，康拉德的形象成为思考玛丽亚·贾尼恩所描述的“矛盾的波兰后殖民心态”的出发点:作为一个被殖民的殖民者的矛盾心理。这篇文章试图对正在进行的关于东中欧地区身份和依赖的辩论做出贡献。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-12DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221132930
Alexandre C. Hochuli
That the End of History is over is no longer in dispute, but drift and decay, rather than a restarting of History proper, is the order of the day. In this article, critical discussions of The End of the End of History by Daniel Zamora, Anton Jäger, Nicholas Kiersey and Richard Sakwa are responded to. Zamora’s focus on the displacement of social conflict outside the workplace is discussed as a feature of political disintermediation, creating a boundless sort of politics. An alternative to Jäger’s proposed term, ‘hyperpolitics’, is then advanced, as a means of leaving open the possibility of greater politicisation in the future. A defence of the way left-populist movements are cast as essentially ‘anti-political’ is then ventured, in opposition to Kiersey. Sakwa’s criticisms of our historicism are then turned on their head, before we consider the impact that the Ukraine war may have on History’s putative return. By way of conclusion, the dichotomies of resignation versus autonomy, and compliance versus social purpose, are discussed as the pivots on which History’s return will be decided.
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