Pub Date : 2022-04-20DOI: 10.1177/2336825x221089195
Emilian Kavalski
In the late summer of 2018, like many of her students, friends and admirers, I was very glad to see that L.H.M. Ling’s health was improving. In mid-September, we were having exchanges about the publication of a special issue to which both of us were contributing. It felt like it was possible to plan new intellectual journeys together and I asked Lily whether she might be interested to take part in a panel on the ‘yogurt roads’ of Eurasia for the 2019 EISA conference in Sofia (Bulgaria). Her response was prompt and positive. Knowing that I come from the country, Lily also used the opportunity provided by this exchange to ask me whether there is something personal about my interest in the topic of relationality. Unfortunately, in the following week or so, work and family commitments prevented me from writing back. At the same time, Lily’s brief question appeared to have stirred something that kept her question constantly at the back of my mind and finding it difficult to come up with a meaningful answer. In the end, even though I had no clear idea what I am going to say, I turned on my computer with the firm decision to respond to her message before doing anything else that day. Yet, the first email in my inbox bore the shocking and unbelievable news of Lily’s sudden passing. The following is a belated answer to her question, attempting to draw on her inspiring work melding fiction, experiences and narrative into stories of IR. I truly wish she could have read this.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-29DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211065569
A. Doja
In this paper, I show how some strands of contemporary Western scholarship in Albanian studies reproduce substantive empirical and methodological flaws and perpetuate imperial attitudes and othering stereotypes. In particular, I level a number of criticisms at what I refer to as the New German-speaking School of Balkankompetenzen that has colonized Albanian and more generally Southeastern European issues. I argue that disregard and patronizing of local scholars, and occasionally over-reliance on essentialized, insufficient or misinterpreted research outcomes, can be shown in the writings of various scholars that are representative of strategic othering, methodological essentialism, dubious deconstructionism and outright misinterpretation of Albanian foundational myths, national history, social structures, and cultural behavior. Arguably, this methodological imperialism reproduces a discourse of Western superiority that serves to legitimate Western political, economic and social control.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-13DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211061488
Judas Everett
There has been much debate surrounding the classification of the kind of regime which developed in Russia following the collapse of communism and this has only intensified during the Putin era. This article considers whether the concept of bureaucratic-authoritarianism is really applicable in the case of Russia. Lilia Shevtsova was the first to tentatively state that Russia is a case of bureaucratic-authoritarianism. However, to provide more assured acceptance or rejection of the concept, this article returns to the paradigm’s roots. The concept of bureaucratic-authoritarianism was developed by Guillermo O’Donnell and thus the characteristics he outlined are applied to the case of Russia in the Putin era. Doing so allows for a level of precision and depth in concluding that bureaucratic-authoritarianism is a relevant paradigm. Confirmatory evidence for all seven of the characteristics enumerated by O’Donnell is found, suggesting that Russia in the Putin era can be considered a case of bureaucratic-authoritarianism.
关于俄罗斯在共产主义崩溃后发展的政权类型的分类一直存在很多争论，这种争论在普京时代只会加剧。本文探讨了官僚-威权主义的概念是否真的适用于俄罗斯的情况。莉莉娅·舍夫佐娃(Lilia Shevtsova)是第一个试探性地指出俄罗斯是官僚专制主义国家的人。然而，为了提供对这个概念的更确定的接受或拒绝，本文回到了范式的根源。官僚威权主义的概念是由Guillermo O 'Donnell提出的，因此他概述的特征适用于普京时代的俄罗斯。这样做可以在一定程度上精确和深入地得出官僚专制主义是一种相关范式的结论。奥唐纳列举的所有七个特征都有确凿的证据，表明普京时代的俄罗斯可以被认为是官僚专制主义的一个例子。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-03DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211065909
A. Etkind
Russian leaders first tried to poison him, then unlawfully imprisoned him, and now are publicly torturing him. His enemies see him as an illegitimate pretender to the Russian throne. His fans are captivated by his ability to survive assassinations and withstand torture. I was among those who nominated Alexey Navalny for the Nobel Peace Prize. Though he has not received it, this failure exposes meaningful though underappreciated truths about Russia and about the world. My story will leap back and forward between Navalny’s individual actions, the peculiarities of Putinism, and global issues of neoliberal governance.
{"title":"Alexey Navalny: A hero of the new time","authors":"A. Etkind","doi":"10.1177/2336825X211065909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211065909","url":null,"abstract":"Russian leaders first tried to poison him, then unlawfully imprisoned him, and now are publicly torturing him. His enemies see him as an illegitimate pretender to the Russian throne. His fans are captivated by his ability to survive assassinations and withstand torture. I was among those who nominated Alexey Navalny for the Nobel Peace Prize. Though he has not received it, this failure exposes meaningful though underappreciated truths about Russia and about the world. My story will leap back and forward between Navalny’s individual actions, the peculiarities of Putinism, and global issues of neoliberal governance.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"1 1","pages":"19 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88403443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211066449
Ostap Kushnir
The article uses Eric Voegelin’s ontology to address domestic processes in contemporary Ukraine. It explains how interpretations of experiences of history and transcendence evoke political order and justice. It also outlines the nature of political symbols deriving from these experiences. The article argues that Ukraine’s social architecture is constructed according to a set of arrangements that are generally regarded as moral and functional under given circumstances. As a result, it provides political elites a platform from which to build a plan of action and gain legitimacy. The article not only shows how Voegelin’s ontology can be used to explain Zelensky’s 2019 presidential election victory but also highlights its interpretative advantages over competing analytical approaches from within the frameworks of institutionalism and behaviorism.
{"title":"The great dichotomy: How experiences of history and transcendence explain Ukraine’s political life","authors":"Ostap Kushnir","doi":"10.1177/2336825X211066449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211066449","url":null,"abstract":"The article uses Eric Voegelin’s ontology to address domestic processes in contemporary Ukraine. It explains how interpretations of experiences of history and transcendence evoke political order and justice. It also outlines the nature of political symbols deriving from these experiences. The article argues that Ukraine’s social architecture is constructed according to a set of arrangements that are generally regarded as moral and functional under given circumstances. As a result, it provides political elites a platform from which to build a plan of action and gain legitimacy. The article not only shows how Voegelin’s ontology can be used to explain Zelensky’s 2019 presidential election victory but also highlights its interpretative advantages over competing analytical approaches from within the frameworks of institutionalism and behaviorism.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"482 1","pages":"119 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77789904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211066448
M. Lipman
The post-Soviet decades have brought about significant changes of the Russian social landscape. A countless number of civic initiatives engaged in charitable operation, legal assistance, education, environment, arts and culture, etc. have emerged across Russia. Self-help communities and effective crowd-funding for all kinds of purposes are evidence of public solidarity inconceivable in the Soviet state. The second half of the 2010s were marked by a rise in investigative reporting based on state-of-the-art data journalism and the rapid progress in social media. Apparently, the impressive rise in civil society has become a matter of growing concern for the Russian government, and in the past year, the Kremlin has stepped up persecutions of political activists and investigative media. This repressive surge is reminiscent of the events some four decades ago when the Soviet government undertook to radically eliminate the dissident movement. The activists of today may be different from the Soviet dissidents, but for now, they are just as defenseless vis-à-vis the state as the dissidents were.
{"title":"Dissent, its Persecutors, and the New Russia","authors":"M. Lipman","doi":"10.1177/2336825X211066448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211066448","url":null,"abstract":"The post-Soviet decades have brought about significant changes of the Russian social landscape. A countless number of civic initiatives engaged in charitable operation, legal assistance, education, environment, arts and culture, etc. have emerged across Russia. Self-help communities and effective crowd-funding for all kinds of purposes are evidence of public solidarity inconceivable in the Soviet state. The second half of the 2010s were marked by a rise in investigative reporting based on state-of-the-art data journalism and the rapid progress in social media. Apparently, the impressive rise in civil society has become a matter of growing concern for the Russian government, and in the past year, the Kremlin has stepped up persecutions of political activists and investigative media. This repressive surge is reminiscent of the events some four decades ago when the Soviet government undertook to radically eliminate the dissident movement. The activists of today may be different from the Soviet dissidents, but for now, they are just as defenseless vis-à-vis the state as the dissidents were.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"38 1","pages":"6 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82268543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211064760
Brad Evans, J. Reid
This essay makes a critical defence of free expression through the spirit of outrageousness. Drawing upon the ideas of Oscar Wilde, along with artists such as Frida Kahlo, Francis Bacon, Gilbert and George and Jake and Dinos Chapman, it looks beyond the current attempts to reduce the question of freedom to quintessential liberal tropes. In doing so, the paper both offers a critique of the moral absolutism that’s taken over certain sectors of the so-called ‘radical left’, while demanding more political appreciation for creatives and those with the abilities to reimagine the human subject. Such a critique not only suggests the need to rethink the meaning for freedom beyond the play of libertarians, but it also calls forth a new political subjectivity who appears timely and yet timeless – the much maligned and theoretically ignored figure of the infidel, who allows us to break free from moral entrapments.
{"title":"Outrageous: Defending the art of free expression","authors":"Brad Evans, J. Reid","doi":"10.1177/2336825X211064760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211064760","url":null,"abstract":"This essay makes a critical defence of free expression through the spirit of outrageousness. Drawing upon the ideas of Oscar Wilde, along with artists such as Frida Kahlo, Francis Bacon, Gilbert and George and Jake and Dinos Chapman, it looks beyond the current attempts to reduce the question of freedom to quintessential liberal tropes. In doing so, the paper both offers a critique of the moral absolutism that’s taken over certain sectors of the so-called ‘radical left’, while demanding more political appreciation for creatives and those with the abilities to reimagine the human subject. Such a critique not only suggests the need to rethink the meaning for freedom beyond the play of libertarians, but it also calls forth a new political subjectivity who appears timely and yet timeless – the much maligned and theoretically ignored figure of the infidel, who allows us to break free from moral entrapments.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"108 1","pages":"68 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78084393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211067405
J. Surman, Ella Rossman
The essay is devoted to the specifics of the contemporary Russian opposition and civil society. We describe the characteristics of contemporary ‘intellectual activism’ and the growing network of small civil and political groups in today’s Russia. We show that Russian civil society remains fragile and fragmented; the public discussion is not focused on strategies of resistance to arbitrariness but on constructing moral categories such as the wide and vague concept of ‘new ethics’. We also show how outsiders appear among contemporary Russian dissidents, who are not supported by most independent leaders and intellectuals – these are young ‘new leftists’ and feminist activist groups. These political activists find themselves under pressure from both the siloviki and the authorities, and in the focus of criticism of opposition leaders, becoming, in fact, dissidents among dissidents in contemporary Russia.
{"title":"New dissidence in contemporary Russia: Students, feminism and new ethics","authors":"J. Surman, Ella Rossman","doi":"10.1177/2336825X211067405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211067405","url":null,"abstract":"The essay is devoted to the specifics of the contemporary Russian opposition and civil society. We describe the characteristics of contemporary ‘intellectual activism’ and the growing network of small civil and political groups in today’s Russia. We show that Russian civil society remains fragile and fragmented; the public discussion is not focused on strategies of resistance to arbitrariness but on constructing moral categories such as the wide and vague concept of ‘new ethics’. We also show how outsiders appear among contemporary Russian dissidents, who are not supported by most independent leaders and intellectuals – these are young ‘new leftists’ and feminist activist groups. These political activists find themselves under pressure from both the siloviki and the authorities, and in the focus of criticism of opposition leaders, becoming, in fact, dissidents among dissidents in contemporary Russia.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"80 2 1","pages":"27 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78661343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-07DOI: 10.1177/2336825X211052967
Eve Gianoncelli
When we spoke of the ‘New Right’ in the late 1970s, we were referring to two distinct configurations. Firstly, a political one based on an Anglo-American axis, and represented by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. Secondly, an intellectual one born in France, and embodied by thinkers such as Alain de Benoist and Guillaume Faye, which extensively spread in Europe. Although sharing a label, these two formations had pretty much nothing in common. The political New Right claimed social Conservatism and the market economy; the intellectual New Right combined anti-liberalism, anti-Americanism and an opposition to Judeo-Christianity. The expansion of the French New Right led some of his members as well as academics working on it to speak about a European New Right (Bar On, 2007; Milza, 2002). Recent studies have been dedicated to the global dimension of the New Right (de Orellana and Michelsen, 2019; Drolet and Williams, 2018). The emergence of the ‘alt-right’ which played an active part in the campaign and election of Donald Trump and which was influenced by the French New Right also mattered in such a process. The current intellectual and political convergence which allows us to speak of the New Right as a singular phenomenon would have been unthinkable 50 years ago. The forms that it may take today suggest the radicalization of the right, or to put it otherwise, a growing porosity between the right and the far right on a global level. But, this does not mean homogeneity. It is this plurality, and the new connections that have been made possible in particular since the 2010s, that I would like to examine here. To do so, I focus on an object which is omnipresent in conservative and more broadly reactionary discourses: Europe. The arguments of the political New Right as embodied, for example, by Margaret Thatcher had often consisted in claiming a lack of common values and European identity so as to criticize the legitimacy of EU authority (Coman and Leconte, 2019). More globally in reactionary rhetoric, Europe has been made a common target and presented as the cradle of liberalism, abstract human rights and bureaucracy, destructive of traditional social bonds. But, on the side of what was then the intellectual New Right, Europe has also been appropriated. At the crossroads of these two perspectives, since the 2010s, Central Europe governments and intellectuals have contested Europe by promoting another idea of Europeanness. At the core of this redefinition lies the historical opposition between Conservatives and Progressives in the context of what Hunter (1991) has defined
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