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The relevance of the open society to Hong Kong’s fight against moral and institutional decay: Lessons for Central and Eastern Europe 开放社会与香港对抗道德和制度衰败的相关性:中欧和东欧的经验教训
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221113226
K. Chan
The situation in Hong Kong today is not dissimilar to the moral predicaments that Central and Eastern Europe had endured during the Communist era. Then, as now, state oppression and intimidation aim not only at generating a pervasive sense of learned helplessness in society but also incentivising political opportunism. This paper begins with a thorough examination of the relevance of the open society against the background of the regime’s all-out attacks on the pro-democracy opposition and the civil society in the name national security following unprecedented protests in 2019. Civil society organisations are in retreat under the pressure of autocratic rule, but the normative appeal of the open society as a custodian for the city’s distinctive values and identity is expected to grow against the backdrop of the moral and institutional decay of the official, ‘Orwellian’, realm. It then seeks to explain why the barriers against norm entrepreneurship – individual and collective actions resisting moral decline and decay – are not insurmountable as they first appeared. Three decades after the end of Communism in Europe, the moral commitment to the open society serves as rallying point against the rise of illiberal democracies or electoral authoritarianism. In any case, autocrats are not invincible and there is nothing inevitable about the authoritarian backlash.
今天香港的情况与共产主义时代中欧和东欧所经历的道德困境并无不同。当时,就像现在一样,国家压迫和恐吓的目的不仅是在社会上产生一种普遍的习得性无助感,而且还会刺激政治机会主义。本文首先全面考察了在2019年前所未有的抗议活动之后,政权以国家安全的名义全面攻击民主反对派和公民社会的背景下,开放社会的相关性。在专制统治的压力下,公民社会组织正在退却,但开放社会作为城市独特价值观和身份的保管人的规范性吸引力,有望在官方“奥威尔式”领域的道德和制度衰退的背景下增长。然后,它试图解释为什么规范企业家精神的障碍——抵制道德衰退和腐朽的个人和集体行动——并非像最初出现时那样不可逾越。在欧洲共产主义结束30年后,对开放社会的道德承诺成为反对非自由民主国家或选举威权主义崛起的集结点。在任何情况下,独裁者都不是不可战胜的,专制主义的反弹也不是不可避免的。
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引用次数: 0
Security, history and the boundaries of European identity after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后的安全、历史和欧洲认同的边界
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221117493
Ruth Deyermond
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was a rupture point in European politics of a kind not seen since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The effects on the human, military, energy and environmental security of Central and Eastern Europe have been dramatic, but ideational factors are proving to be as significant as material ones. Conflicting understandings of shared history are shaping the course of the war in Ukraine and its effects on the rest of Europe, underscoring the status of Russia as the other against which European societies construct their identity. As a result, in the rest of Europe as well as in Ukraine itself, Ukrainian identity is now increasingly seen as European, and European identity is understood to include Ukraine. At the same time, a collective focus on this reshaping of identity is muting some of the most urgent questions about the limits of European liberalism and democracy.
俄罗斯在2022年2月入侵乌克兰,是自1991年苏联解体以来欧洲政治从未出现过的一个断裂点。对中欧和东欧的人类、军事、能源和环境安全的影响是巨大的,但事实证明,思想因素与物质因素同样重要。对共同历史的相互矛盾的理解正在塑造乌克兰战争的进程及其对欧洲其他国家的影响,突显了俄罗斯作为欧洲社会构建自身认同的另一个对手的地位。因此,在欧洲其他国家以及乌克兰本身,乌克兰身份现在越来越被视为欧洲身份,而欧洲身份被理解为包括乌克兰。与此同时,对这种身份重塑的集体关注,正在淡化有关欧洲自由主义和民主的局限性的一些最紧迫的问题。
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引用次数: 1
New perspectives on open society 开放社会的新视角
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221115888
Christof Royer, Nicholas Michelsen
This issue of New Perspectives examines the concept of Open Societies. The issue and introduction has been guest edited by Christof Royer of the Central European University, who leads the Open Society Research Platform, with each individual submission independently peer reviewed. In this introduction, we set out the relevance of the concept of open societies for New Perspectives Journal, and why this tangled idea deserves more than the limited interrogation it sometimes receives. Today, it has become a commonplace to point out that we live in an ‘ age of crisis ’ (Tooze 2021; Saad-Filho, 2021). Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine has captured the headlines, overtaking the COVID-19 pandemic which has kept the world in suspense since its outbreak in 2019. Populist movements around the world claim to defend ‘ the people ’ against ‘ elites ’ while, at the same time, challenging pillars of liberal democracy. The rapid development of modern technologies challenges our ideas of human autonomy and personal responsibility. It is surely wrong to look at these phenomena in isolation. Not only because geopolitical, economic and political crises are (and always have been) interlinked (Thompson 2022), but also, as Katalin Fabian argues in her article, because they reveal deeper con fl icts about fundamental values – of the superiority of the individual over the collective, the meaning(s) of justice and human rights, or the signi fi cance of (but also the tensions between) freedom and equality. The society part an
本期《新观点》探讨了开放社会的概念。本期和导言由中欧大学的克里斯托弗·罗耶客座编辑,他是开放社会研究平台的负责人,每篇文章都经过独立的同行评审。在这篇引言中,我们为《新视角杂志》(New Perspectives Journal)阐述了开放社会概念的相关性,以及为什么这个纠结的想法值得更多的关注,而不是有时受到的有限质疑。今天,指出我们生活在一个“危机时代”已经成为一种老生常谈(Tooze 2021;Saad-Filho, 2021)。自2019年新冠肺炎疫情爆发以来,全世界都在担心俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的问题。世界各地的民粹主义运动声称捍卫“人民”反对“精英”,同时挑战自由民主的支柱。现代技术的快速发展挑战了我们关于人类自主和个人责任的观念。孤立地看待这些现象肯定是错误的。不仅因为地缘政治、经济和政治危机是(而且一直是)相互关联的(Thompson 2022),而且,正如Katalin Fabian在她的文章中所指出的那样,因为它们揭示了关于基本价值观的更深层次的冲突——个人优于集体,正义和人权的意义,或者自由和平等的重要性(以及两者之间的紧张关系)。社会部分
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引用次数: 0
Boon or bane? Open society and polarisation 是福还是祸?开放社会和两极分化
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221113230
Christof Royer
Is polarisation a fundamental threat to the open society? Are the divisions that run through societies and separate them into two (or more) more or less hostile groups problems to be solved? Or are they the corollaries of a vibrant democratic system that might legitimately be called an ‘open society’? These are the questions I seek to explore in this contribution to the special issue. My argument unfolds through a reinterpretation of Karl Popper’s conception of open society as a democratic idea, characterised by an appreciation of genuine human plurality and diversity that make ‘critical encounters with the other side’ possible (and desirable); this conception of open society also recognises the progressive potential of social and political conflicts. For that reason, political polarisation cannot be regarded as a lethal threat to open societies. By contrast, ‘belief polarisation’, with its Manichean orientation and anti-political tendencies, is a much more serious threat. It follows that advocates of open society should avoid the temptation to solve the ‘problem’ of political polarisation – they should accept it as the price to be paid for the ‘imperfect ideal’ of open society. However, they should take steps to reduce belief polarisation through the active creation of spaces of critical encounters with the other side. The overarching aim of the article, then, is to make a contribution to both the literature on open society and polarisation. To that end, I will bring the concept of open society and the phenomenon of polarisation into a relationship of reciprocal elucidation: through the engagement with open society, I will shine some light on polarisation, and through the analysis of polarisation, I will put flesh on the concept of open society.
两极分化是对开放社会的根本威胁吗?那些贯穿整个社会并将他们分成两个(或更多)或多或少敌对的群体的分裂是需要解决的问题吗?或者它们是一个充满活力的民主制度的必然结果,可以合理地称为“开放社会”?这些都是我在本期特刊中试图探讨的问题。我的论点是通过对卡尔·波普尔的开放社会概念的重新解释来展开的,开放社会是一种民主理念,其特征是对真正的人类多元性和多样性的欣赏,这使得“与另一方的批判性接触”成为可能(也是可取的);这种开放社会的概念也承认社会和政治冲突的进步潜力。因此,政治两极分化不能被视为对开放社会的致命威胁。相比之下,带有摩尼教倾向和反政治倾向的“信仰两极分化”是一个更严重的威胁。因此,开放社会的倡导者应该避免解决政治两极分化“问题”的诱惑——他们应该接受这是为开放社会的“不完美理想”付出的代价。然而,他们应该采取措施,通过积极创造与对方进行批判性接触的空间来减少信仰两极分化。因此,本文的总体目标是对开放社会和两极分化的文献做出贡献。为此,我将把开放社会的概念和两极分化的现象带入一种相互阐明的关系:通过与开放社会的接触,我将对两极分化进行一些阐释,通过对两极分化的分析,我将使开放社会的概念具体化。
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引用次数: 0
The unwrapping of various understandings of statelessness in Latvian media discourse 拉脱维亚媒体话语中对无国籍状态的各种理解的展开
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221111662
Anna Gromilova, Mats Braun
There is a substantial literature in the tradition of constructivism and sociological new institutionalism that suggests the existence of shared EU norms. Yet, the issue of how EU norms are adopted and/or contested in EU member states remains underexamined. In the paper, we therefore study the public discourse on citizenship in Latvia and examine how the discourse relates to EU norms on citizenship, minority rights and in the broader sense human rights. The analysis takes its empirical starting point in the period after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and focuses on how the issue of statelessness was discussed in the Latvian online media. Looking at how the contested term (‘statelessness’) achieves different meanings in the Latvian discourse, and how the domestic actors try to reformulate the EU norms in question, we aim at a better understanding of the diffusion of norms within the context of a regional organization. The conclusion indicates that apart from the EU human rights norm, there are several different articulations of statelessness (i.e. othering, security and instrumental) that are present in the discourse. This has enabled Latvian governments to stress their commitment to human rights promotion, while simultaneously facing criticism regarding the country’s stateless inhabitants.
在建构主义和社会学新制度主义的传统中,有大量文献表明存在共同的欧盟规范。然而,欧盟成员国如何采用和/或质疑欧盟规范的问题仍未得到充分研究。因此,在本文中,我们研究了拉脱维亚关于公民身份的公共话语,并研究了这些话语与欧盟关于公民身份、少数民族权利和更广泛意义上的人权的规范之间的关系。该分析以2014年俄罗斯吞并克里米亚后的时期为实证起点,重点关注拉脱维亚网络媒体如何讨论无国籍问题。看看有争议的术语(“无国籍”)如何在拉脱维亚话语中实现不同的含义,以及国内行动者如何试图重新制定有关的欧盟规范,我们的目标是更好地理解区域组织背景下规范的传播。结论表明,除了欧盟人权规范之外,话语中还存在几种不同的无国籍表述(即他者,安全和工具)。这使拉脱维亚政府能够强调他们对促进人权的承诺,同时面对对该国无国籍居民的批评。
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引用次数: 0
Relationality in Central and Eastern Europe 中欧和东欧的关系
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221093413
Nicholas Michelsen
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引用次数: 0
Seeing the ecosystem in the international: Ecological thinking as relational thinking 从国际视野看生态系统:作为关系思维的生态思维
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221089199
C. Epstein
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引用次数: 0
Working on relationalism 研究关系主义
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x221089202
P. Jackson, Sujin Heo
In this essay, we elucidate the insufficiency of a simple binary choice between substantialism and relationalism or between dualist and nondual/incarnational sensibilities. We highlight the ways that all translations of these sensibilities into the scholarly form of life encounter characteristic problems and challenges precisely because the very practice of scholarly writing is always and already inclined towards a more dualist way of going on.
在这篇文章中,我们阐明了在实体主义和关系主义之间,或者在二元主义和非二元/化身的情感之间进行简单的二元选择的不足。我们强调,所有将这些情感翻译成学术生活形式的方式都遇到了特有的问题和挑战,正是因为学术写作的实践总是并且已经倾向于一种更二元论的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Water governance 水治理
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221089189
Amaya Querejazu
This essay is about water governance and relationality. It reflects on the questions that articulate this forum on relational International Relations (IR): what do relational theories of IR offer to the field and add to the debate about IR? What are the promises or limits of relational approaches, and how can or should discussion proceed? I narrate my personal story about exploring and experiencing relationality to offer some reflections and thoughts on these questions which are relevant not only for IR, but to the ways we engage reality. I illustrate the potential of relationality by referring to three dimensions where relationality provides with alternative thinking: the problem of ontological difference; the pluralization and diversification of ways of thinking and being and the engagement with the other than other-than-human. These aspects are some among many others, but they announce opportunities, challenges, tensions, contradictions and possibilities. In the end, the essay reveals not only a transformative experience but a very different approach to water governance providing the reader a general understanding of the alternative thinking derived from relational standpoints and the possibilities it opens to theorize IR and beyond.
这篇文章是关于水的治理和关系。它反映了关系国际关系(IR)论坛的问题:IR的关系理论为该领域提供了什么,并增加了关于IR的辩论?关系方法的承诺和限制是什么?讨论应该如何进行?我将讲述我探索和体验关系的个人故事,以提供对这些问题的一些反思和思考,这些问题不仅与IR有关,而且与我们参与现实的方式有关。我通过引用关系提供替代思维的三个维度来说明关系的潜力:本体论差异问题;思维方式和存在方式的多元化和多样化以及与他人的交往。这些相位只是众多相位中的一部分,但它们预示着机遇、挑战、紧张、矛盾和可能性。最后,这篇文章不仅揭示了一种变革的经验,而且揭示了一种非常不同的水治理方法,为读者提供了从关系立场出发的替代思维的一般理解,以及它为理论化IR和其他方面打开的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Traversing webs: Reflections on relational theory and international relations 穿越网络:关于关系理论与国际关系的思考
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x221089191
M. Kurki
Relational theories challenge, in a multitude of ways, how we understand and work with relations in International Relations (IR) scholarship. It invites engagement with thought and practice of relationality from different parts of the world and invites a rethinking of the boundaries between states and individuals but also between humans and non-humans. This essay considers the role of relational theory in and around IR by way of a series of short inter-related reflections, drawing on ‘IR’ but also author’s experiences of relational shifts in everyday life. The experiences of ‘traversing the webs’ of relationality at home and at work, with humans and non-humans, in IR scholarship and beyond it, demonstrate the ways in which relational thought and practice is much more than ‘theory’, travels well beyond ‘IR’, and yet also poses important questions to how we think and do IR.
关系理论以多种方式挑战我们如何理解和处理国际关系(IR)奖学金中的关系。它邀请来自世界不同地区的思想和关系实践的参与,并邀请重新思考国家和个人之间的界限,以及人类和非人类之间的界限。本文通过一系列简短的相互关联的反思,利用“IR”以及作者在日常生活中关系转变的经验,考虑了关系理论在IR中及其周围的作用。在家庭和工作中“穿越关系网络”的经历,与人类和非人类,在IR学术和超越它,展示了关系思想和实践远远超过“理论”的方式,远远超出了“IR”,但也提出了我们如何思考和做IR的重要问题。
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引用次数: 0
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