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Editorial: Communication, power and creolization 社论:交流、权力与克里奥尔化
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231208270
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引用次数: 0
Perspectives on Creolizing the Modern 克里奥尔化现代的观点
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231208060
Laura Doyle
Restricted accessAbstractFirst published online November 9, 2023Perspectives on Creolizing the ModernLaura DoyleView all authors and affiliationsOnlineFirsthttps://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231208060
限制访问abstract首次在线发表于2023年11月9日《现代克里奥尔化透视》劳拉·多伊尔查看所有作者和从属关系sonlinefirst://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231208060
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引用次数: 0
Predictors of illiberalism in Romania: A case study during the Russian invasion in Ukraine 罗马尼亚非自由主义的预测因素:以俄罗斯入侵乌克兰为例
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231206977
Alina Bârgăoanu, Flavia Durach, Oana Ştefăniţă
Illiberalism emphasizes traditional values and national sovereignty over liberal democratic ideals, which can lead to the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. Against this background, the paper investigates the relationship between illiberalism and various political and social factors in Romania, taking into account a particular context (the Russian invasion in Ukraine). Romania has experienced a rise in illiberal attitudes and the spread of populist and nationalist rhetoric, which is particularly concerning given its strategic location as a member of the European Union and NATO, and its proximity to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This study aims to investigate the associations between various attitudes, news consumption habits, and perceived exposure to misinformation, and how these factors relate to levels of illiberalism in Romanian society. Given the increasing prominence of illiberal and populist ideologies globally, a nuanced understanding of these relationships is critical. The study employs a quantitative approach, leveraging an online survey to collect data from a sample of 1000 Romanian citizens. Soft quotas were used to ensure a diverse representation across age, gender, and education levels. Data collection was carried out by Dynata, a globally recognized market research firm, between March 1–9, 2022. Our analysis, informed by multiple regression models, uncovers complex relationships between trust in institutions, attitudes towards Russia and Ukraine, news consumption habits, perceived misinformation, and demographic factors in shaping illiberal perspectives. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the contributing factors, this study aims to inform public discourse and policy-making processes on how to address illiberal tendencies in society.
非自由主义强调传统价值观和国家主权,而不是自由民主理想,这可能导致民主规范和制度的侵蚀。在此背景下,本文考察了罗马尼亚的非自由主义与各种政治和社会因素之间的关系,并考虑到一个特定的背景(俄罗斯入侵乌克兰)。罗马尼亚的反自由主义态度上升,民粹主义和民族主义言论蔓延,考虑到其作为欧盟和北约成员国的战略位置,以及靠近正在发生的乌克兰冲突,这一点尤其令人担忧。本研究旨在调查各种态度、新闻消费习惯和感知到的错误信息暴露之间的联系,以及这些因素如何与罗马尼亚社会的非自由主义水平相关。鉴于非自由主义和民粹主义意识形态在全球日益突出,对这些关系的细致理解至关重要。这项研究采用了定量方法,利用在线调查从1000名罗马尼亚公民中收集数据。软配额是为了确保年龄、性别和教育水平的多元化代表。数据收集由全球知名市场研究公司Dynata在2022年3月1日至9日之间进行。通过多元回归模型,我们的分析揭示了对机构的信任、对俄罗斯和乌克兰的态度、新闻消费习惯、感知到的错误信息以及形成非自由观点的人口因素之间的复杂关系。本研究旨在透过提供对影响因素的全面了解,为如何处理社会中的非自由倾向的公共话语和政策制定过程提供资讯。
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引用次数: 0
China’s pandemic-time public diplomacy in the Balkans and the challenge to the EU’s regional leadership 大流行时期中国在巴尔干地区的公共外交以及对欧盟地区领导地位的挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231206724
Mare Ushkovska
This paper explores how China’s assistance to countries in the Western Balkans during the pandemic boosted their reputation in the region, through the case studies of Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania. The COVID-19 crisis has tested EU’s reputation of solidarity and partnership to the Western Balkans, with Balkan political leaders accusing the bloc of selfishness due to its decision in 2020 to restrict exports of medical equipment to candidate states and the perceived neglect of the region during the vaccine distribution in early 2021. Simultaniously, China sent planes containing tonnes of medical supplies, respirators, medical personnel, and later vaccines, that would be received with great pomp and live media coverage, in a powerful public diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy offensive. This paper argues that this helped improve public opinion and reshape narratives on China in the Western Balkans. Still, attitudes vary between states, with Serbians having the most favourable views on China as a foreign partner. On the other hand, while public perceptions on China have seen a positive shift in Macedonia and Albania, this has not translated in a change in their pro-EU stance.
本文通过对塞尔维亚、马其顿和阿尔巴尼亚的案例研究,探讨了中国在疫情期间对西巴尔干国家的援助如何提升了这些国家在该地区的声誉。2019冠状病毒病危机考验了欧盟对西巴尔干地区的团结和伙伴关系的声誉,巴尔干政治领导人指责欧盟自私,因为欧盟在2020年决定限制向候选国出口医疗设备,并在2021年初的疫苗分发期间忽视了该地区。与此同时,中国派出了装有数吨医疗用品、呼吸器、医务人员和后来的疫苗的飞机,这些飞机将以盛大的仪式和现场媒体报道受到欢迎,这是一场强有力的公共外交和疫苗外交攻势。本文认为,这有助于改善西巴尔干地区关于中国的舆论和叙事。尽管如此,各国对中国的态度各不相同,塞尔维亚人对中国作为外国合作伙伴的看法最为有利。另一方面,虽然公众对中国的看法在马其顿和阿尔巴尼亚出现了积极的转变,但这并没有转化为他们亲欧盟立场的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Crowddoing and crowdfunding democracy: Innovative strategies for countering foreign disinformation in central and Eastern Europe 众筹民主:中欧和东欧打击外国虚假信息的创新策略
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231206718
Shane Markowitz
Central and Eastern Europe has become a ripe target for disinformation and malign narratives propagated by foreign actors. A deluge of propaganda deployed by hostile states is aimed at polarizing societies, undermining the decision-making capabilities of governments, and influencing public policy. Against the backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the stakes are enormous. Heeding research on debunking and pre-bunking strategies recognizing the limitations and potential of these approaches in inoculating populations against disinformation, this paper examines how several tactics deployed in the CEE region can both speak to and draw from this literature. While certain segments of CEE populations may be vulnerable to disinformation, the region also boasts civically engaged publics that want to take an active part in fostering societal resilience. The rise of digital elves (volunteer information warriors taking the fight to online trolls), the outsourcing of counter-disinformation activities to popular public institutions (like the police and military), and the use of crowdfunding to support news literacy education and independent media outlets present compelling alternative strategies towards responding to foreign influence. These activities show promise in overcoming obstacles faced by conventional approaches to disinformation and addressing CEE-specific issues related to media distrust and state capture of the media.
中欧和东欧已成为外国行动者传播虚假信息和恶意叙述的成熟目标。敌对国家部署的大量宣传旨在使社会两极分化,削弱政府的决策能力,并影响公共政策。在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的背景下,赌注是巨大的。注意到关于揭穿和预掩藏策略的研究,认识到这些方法在为人群接种虚假信息方面的局限性和潜力,本文研究了在中东欧地区部署的几种策略如何与这些文献对话并从中吸取教训。虽然中东欧人口的某些部分可能容易受到虚假信息的影响,但该地区也拥有希望积极参与促进社会复原力的公民参与公众。数字精灵(志愿信息战士与网络巨魔作战)的兴起,反虚假信息活动外包给受欢迎的公共机构(如警察和军队),以及使用众筹来支持新闻素养教育和独立媒体机构,这些都是应对外国影响的令人信服的替代策略。这些活动有望克服传统的虚假信息处理方法所面临的障碍,并解决与媒体不信任和国家控制媒体有关的中欧国家特有问题。
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引用次数: 0
Debating academic boycotts and the war in Ukraine 辩论学术抵制和乌克兰战争
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231190440
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引用次数: 0
Leader trait analysis of Vladimir Putin: A translation studies approach to personality scores in translated English to Russian speech 普京的领导特质分析:英译俄语演讲个性得分的翻译研究方法
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231187272
Katherine Hallin
The study of how political leader personalities affect the foreign policy of their states is a long-standing query in foreign policy analysis, within which the use of leaders’ speech, or verbal statements, to explain how leaders behave is a methodologically productive subfield. One of the more prominent and reliable methodologies used to assess leader personality through leader speech is Leader Trait Analysis (LTA), developed by Margaret Hermann. However, because LTA was developed using English language vocabulary and grammar, its accuracy using Russian language speeches to discern leader personality traits has relied on translation. Translation is both inefficient and may not accurately transfer the semantics of speech upon which LTA’s results depend. Responding to this issue, this paper applies Mona Baker’s translation studies criteria to qualitatively compare the semantic equivalence, or maintenance of a text’s original meaning, between English translations used to create an LTA profile for Vladimir Putin and Putin’s original Russian speeches. The research identifies the preponderance of grammatical differences between English and Russian in limiting how well English translations of Russian speech maintain semantic equivalence relevant to assessing leader personality. It is concluded that an accurate understanding of Russian leaders’ personalities requires Russian language specific LTA profiling.
研究政治领导人的个性如何影响其国家的外交政策是外交政策分析中一个长期存在的问题,在外交政策分析中,使用领导人的演讲或口头陈述来解释领导人的行为是一个方法论上富有成效的子领域。通过领导者演讲来评估领导者个性的一个比较突出和可靠的方法是由玛格丽特·赫尔曼(Margaret Hermann)开发的领导者特质分析(LTA)。然而,由于LTA是使用英语词汇和语法开发的,因此其使用俄语演讲来识别领导者人格特征的准确性依赖于翻译。翻译不仅效率低下,而且可能无法准确地传递语音分析结果所依赖的语音语义。针对这一问题,本文运用莫娜·贝克(Mona Baker)的翻译研究标准,对普京的LTA档案英译本与普京的俄语原版演讲在语义对等或维持文本原意方面进行了定性比较。该研究发现,英语和俄语之间的语法差异的优势,限制了俄语演讲的英语翻译在评估领导人性格方面保持语义对等的程度。结论是,要准确理解俄罗斯领导人的性格特征,就需要针对俄语的LTA分析。
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引用次数: 0
Debating academic boycotts and cooperation in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine 在俄罗斯对乌克兰战争的背景下,辩论学术抵制与合作
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231187331
Anni Kangas, Sirke Mäkinen, Dmitri Dubrovskiy, J. Pallot, S. Shenderova, G. Yarovoy, O. Zabolotna
This forum is a contribution to debates over the (im)possibility of cooperating with the Russian academic community while Russia’s war against Ukraine continues. After briefly reviewing previous studies on the effectiveness and morality of academic sanctions, the forum continues to assess the politics and effectiveness of the academic boycott in changing the belligerent behaviour of the Russian regime. For this purpose, it introduces the idea of ontological (in)security and moves on to discuss, from different perspectives, whether sanctions and boycotts may lead to policy change by way of destabilizing the ontological security of Russia, or whether the academic boycott contributes to strengthening the ruling authoritarian regime.
在俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争仍在继续的情况下,这个论坛有助于讨论与俄罗斯学术界合作的可能性。在简要回顾了先前关于学术制裁的有效性和道德性的研究之后,论坛继续评估学术抵制在改变俄罗斯政权好战行为方面的政治和有效性。为此,本文引入了本体论安全的概念,并从不同的角度讨论了制裁和抵制是否会通过破坏俄罗斯本体论安全的方式导致政策变化,或者学术抵制是否有助于加强执政的专制政权。
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引用次数: 0
New Polish Right – politeness and radicalism. A corpus analysis of Krzysztof Bosak’s (de)legitimation strategies on twitter 新波兰右派——礼貌和激进主义。博萨克在推特上的(非)正当化策略的语料库分析
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231187278
M. Kosman
The article discusses (de)legitimation strategies of Krzysztof Bosak, one of the leaders of the Confederation Liberty and Independence, a Polish coalition of right-wing movements. The success of the formation appears to be in line with that of other European (far) right-wing parties, which have become politically relevant in recent decades. Despite the Confederation’s growing position in European politics, there is a paucity of research devoted to the party. The present paper attempts to bridge the gap by focusing on Bosak’s 2020 presidential campaign and the politician’s use of Twitter. In order to investigate Bosak’s discourse in detail, corpus linguistic methods were used. As they allow the researcher to work on large samples of data, Bosak’s tweets were investigated at both qualitative and quantitative levels. The results suggest that the candidate focused on legitimizing Catholicism and conservative ideas. At the same time, he delegitimised the left and LGBT communities, framing the presidential campaign as a clash between the conservative order.
本文讨论了波兰右翼运动联盟“自由与独立联盟”的领导人之一克日什托夫·博萨克(krzysztofbosak)的合法化策略。该组织的成功似乎与其他欧洲(极右翼)政党一致,这些政党在近几十年来已成为政治相关。尽管联邦在欧洲政治中的地位越来越高,但对该党的研究却很少。本文试图通过关注博萨克2020年的总统竞选和这位政治家对Twitter的使用来弥合这一差距。为了对博萨克语篇进行详细的研究,我们采用了语料库语言学的方法。由于他们允许研究人员对大量数据样本进行研究,因此对博萨克的推文进行了定性和定量两方面的调查。结果显示,他的竞选重点是天主教和保守思想的合法化。与此同时,他使左翼和LGBT群体失去了合法性,将总统竞选定性为保守秩序之间的冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Challenges for democracy in Central and Eastern Europe 中欧和东欧民主面临的挑战
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231180295
Nicholas Michelsen
The Editorial Team welcomes you to Issue Two of New Perspectives 2023. 21st century turbulence has had particularly sharp impacts for democratic states in Europe. A loss of faith in the guaranteed future of a liberal democratic world order and in the resilience of democratic political systems has become widespread. The War in Ukraine has established a sense that as the world of unipolarity moves towards more complex multi-polarity, a new disorder is rising. In the face of reactionary challenges to national boundaries in Europe, pessimism has been one response (see Stevens and Michelsen, 2019). For others, the War in Ukraine offers the potential for a new idealism to take shape, pushing towards a reinvigorated or more muscular democratic vision of world order (Tallis, 2023)
编辑团队欢迎您光临《新视角2023》第二期。21世纪的动荡对欧洲民主国家的影响尤为尖锐。人们普遍对自由民主世界秩序有保障的未来失去信心,对民主政治制度的弹性失去信心。乌克兰战争让人们意识到,随着世界从单极走向更加复杂的多极,一种新的混乱正在崛起。面对欧洲国家边界的反动挑战,悲观主义一直是一种回应(见史蒂文斯和迈克尔森,2019)。对另一些人来说,乌克兰战争为一种新的理想主义的形成提供了可能性,推动了一种重新焕发活力或更强大的世界秩序民主愿景(Tallis, 2023)。
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引用次数: 0
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