Pub Date : 2023-07-17DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231187272
Katherine Hallin
The study of how political leader personalities affect the foreign policy of their states is a long-standing query in foreign policy analysis, within which the use of leaders’ speech, or verbal statements, to explain how leaders behave is a methodologically productive subfield. One of the more prominent and reliable methodologies used to assess leader personality through leader speech is Leader Trait Analysis (LTA), developed by Margaret Hermann. However, because LTA was developed using English language vocabulary and grammar, its accuracy using Russian language speeches to discern leader personality traits has relied on translation. Translation is both inefficient and may not accurately transfer the semantics of speech upon which LTA’s results depend. Responding to this issue, this paper applies Mona Baker’s translation studies criteria to qualitatively compare the semantic equivalence, or maintenance of a text’s original meaning, between English translations used to create an LTA profile for Vladimir Putin and Putin’s original Russian speeches. The research identifies the preponderance of grammatical differences between English and Russian in limiting how well English translations of Russian speech maintain semantic equivalence relevant to assessing leader personality. It is concluded that an accurate understanding of Russian leaders’ personalities requires Russian language specific LTA profiling.
{"title":"Leader trait analysis of Vladimir Putin: A translation studies approach to personality scores in translated English to Russian speech","authors":"Katherine Hallin","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231187272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231187272","url":null,"abstract":"The study of how political leader personalities affect the foreign policy of their states is a long-standing query in foreign policy analysis, within which the use of leaders’ speech, or verbal statements, to explain how leaders behave is a methodologically productive subfield. One of the more prominent and reliable methodologies used to assess leader personality through leader speech is Leader Trait Analysis (LTA), developed by Margaret Hermann. However, because LTA was developed using English language vocabulary and grammar, its accuracy using Russian language speeches to discern leader personality traits has relied on translation. Translation is both inefficient and may not accurately transfer the semantics of speech upon which LTA’s results depend. Responding to this issue, this paper applies Mona Baker’s translation studies criteria to qualitatively compare the semantic equivalence, or maintenance of a text’s original meaning, between English translations used to create an LTA profile for Vladimir Putin and Putin’s original Russian speeches. The research identifies the preponderance of grammatical differences between English and Russian in limiting how well English translations of Russian speech maintain semantic equivalence relevant to assessing leader personality. It is concluded that an accurate understanding of Russian leaders’ personalities requires Russian language specific LTA profiling.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"21 1","pages":"223 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75035672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231187331
Anni Kangas, Sirke Mäkinen, Dmitri Dubrovskiy, J. Pallot, S. Shenderova, G. Yarovoy, O. Zabolotna
This forum is a contribution to debates over the (im)possibility of cooperating with the Russian academic community while Russia’s war against Ukraine continues. After briefly reviewing previous studies on the effectiveness and morality of academic sanctions, the forum continues to assess the politics and effectiveness of the academic boycott in changing the belligerent behaviour of the Russian regime. For this purpose, it introduces the idea of ontological (in)security and moves on to discuss, from different perspectives, whether sanctions and boycotts may lead to policy change by way of destabilizing the ontological security of Russia, or whether the academic boycott contributes to strengthening the ruling authoritarian regime.
{"title":"Debating academic boycotts and cooperation in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine","authors":"Anni Kangas, Sirke Mäkinen, Dmitri Dubrovskiy, J. Pallot, S. Shenderova, G. Yarovoy, O. Zabolotna","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231187331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231187331","url":null,"abstract":"This forum is a contribution to debates over the (im)possibility of cooperating with the Russian academic community while Russia’s war against Ukraine continues. After briefly reviewing previous studies on the effectiveness and morality of academic sanctions, the forum continues to assess the politics and effectiveness of the academic boycott in changing the belligerent behaviour of the Russian regime. For this purpose, it introduces the idea of ontological (in)security and moves on to discuss, from different perspectives, whether sanctions and boycotts may lead to policy change by way of destabilizing the ontological security of Russia, or whether the academic boycott contributes to strengthening the ruling authoritarian regime.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"31 1","pages":"250 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78720177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-29DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231187278
M. Kosman
The article discusses (de)legitimation strategies of Krzysztof Bosak, one of the leaders of the Confederation Liberty and Independence, a Polish coalition of right-wing movements. The success of the formation appears to be in line with that of other European (far) right-wing parties, which have become politically relevant in recent decades. Despite the Confederation’s growing position in European politics, there is a paucity of research devoted to the party. The present paper attempts to bridge the gap by focusing on Bosak’s 2020 presidential campaign and the politician’s use of Twitter. In order to investigate Bosak’s discourse in detail, corpus linguistic methods were used. As they allow the researcher to work on large samples of data, Bosak’s tweets were investigated at both qualitative and quantitative levels. The results suggest that the candidate focused on legitimizing Catholicism and conservative ideas. At the same time, he delegitimised the left and LGBT communities, framing the presidential campaign as a clash between the conservative order.
{"title":"New Polish Right – politeness and radicalism. A corpus analysis of Krzysztof Bosak’s (de)legitimation strategies on twitter","authors":"M. Kosman","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231187278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231187278","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses (de)legitimation strategies of Krzysztof Bosak, one of the leaders of the Confederation Liberty and Independence, a Polish coalition of right-wing movements. The success of the formation appears to be in line with that of other European (far) right-wing parties, which have become politically relevant in recent decades. Despite the Confederation’s growing position in European politics, there is a paucity of research devoted to the party. The present paper attempts to bridge the gap by focusing on Bosak’s 2020 presidential campaign and the politician’s use of Twitter. In order to investigate Bosak’s discourse in detail, corpus linguistic methods were used. As they allow the researcher to work on large samples of data, Bosak’s tweets were investigated at both qualitative and quantitative levels. The results suggest that the candidate focused on legitimizing Catholicism and conservative ideas. At the same time, he delegitimised the left and LGBT communities, framing the presidential campaign as a clash between the conservative order.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"8 1","pages":"200 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74362721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231180295
Nicholas Michelsen
The Editorial Team welcomes you to Issue Two of New Perspectives 2023. 21st century turbulence has had particularly sharp impacts for democratic states in Europe. A loss of faith in the guaranteed future of a liberal democratic world order and in the resilience of democratic political systems has become widespread. The War in Ukraine has established a sense that as the world of unipolarity moves towards more complex multi-polarity, a new disorder is rising. In the face of reactionary challenges to national boundaries in Europe, pessimism has been one response (see Stevens and Michelsen, 2019). For others, the War in Ukraine offers the potential for a new idealism to take shape, pushing towards a reinvigorated or more muscular democratic vision of world order (Tallis, 2023)
{"title":"Challenges for democracy in Central and Eastern Europe","authors":"Nicholas Michelsen","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231180295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231180295","url":null,"abstract":"The Editorial Team welcomes you to Issue Two of New Perspectives 2023. 21st century turbulence has had particularly sharp impacts for democratic states in Europe. A loss of faith in the guaranteed future of a liberal democratic world order and in the resilience of democratic political systems has become widespread. The War in Ukraine has established a sense that as the world of unipolarity moves towards more complex multi-polarity, a new disorder is rising. In the face of reactionary challenges to national boundaries in Europe, pessimism has been one response (see Stevens and Michelsen, 2019). For others, the War in Ukraine offers the potential for a new idealism to take shape, pushing towards a reinvigorated or more muscular democratic vision of world order (Tallis, 2023)","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"1 1","pages":"47 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78716161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-17DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231169476
Anni Roth Hjermann
This article investigates the role of discourses in processes of deepening authoritarianism and war. By bringing Jacques Rancière’s works on politics and depoliticisation into dialogue with poststructuralist discourse analysis, the article argues that discursive depoliticisation contributes towards authoritarian consolidation and shows how authoritarianism deepens in a co-dependent nexus of domestic and international politics. Focusing in particular on Rancière’s concept of gaps, the article argues that the core mechanism of depoliticisation is to neutralise the gap constitutive of politics proper and that this neutralisation unfolds in discourse, through the logics of archipolitics, parapolitics, metapolitics and ultrapolitics. The article (1) develops a framework for unpacking discursive depoliticisation empirically by conceptualising Rancière’s logics as ideal-typical depoliticising discourses and (2) applies that framework in an analysis of Russian official discourse in recent years (2015–2023). The article thereby explains how discursive constructions have strengthened Russian autocracy: entrenched depoliticising discourses, produced and reinforced in a co-constitutive internal/external sphere, made possible authoritarian consolidation in Russia under Putin and its war on Ukraine. The article puts forward the concept of discursive depoliticisation as a novel perspective on ‘hybrid’ and authoritarian regimes, as well as Russia’s intensified war on Ukraine and full-on autocracy from 2022 onwards.
{"title":"Depoliticising democracy through discourse: Reading Russia’s descent into autocracy and war with Jacques Rancière’s political theory","authors":"Anni Roth Hjermann","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231169476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231169476","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the role of discourses in processes of deepening authoritarianism and war. By bringing Jacques Rancière’s works on politics and depoliticisation into dialogue with poststructuralist discourse analysis, the article argues that discursive depoliticisation contributes towards authoritarian consolidation and shows how authoritarianism deepens in a co-dependent nexus of domestic and international politics. Focusing in particular on Rancière’s concept of gaps, the article argues that the core mechanism of depoliticisation is to neutralise the gap constitutive of politics proper and that this neutralisation unfolds in discourse, through the logics of archipolitics, parapolitics, metapolitics and ultrapolitics. The article (1) develops a framework for unpacking discursive depoliticisation empirically by conceptualising Rancière’s logics as ideal-typical depoliticising discourses and (2) applies that framework in an analysis of Russian official discourse in recent years (2015–2023). The article thereby explains how discursive constructions have strengthened Russian autocracy: entrenched depoliticising discourses, produced and reinforced in a co-constitutive internal/external sphere, made possible authoritarian consolidation in Russia under Putin and its war on Ukraine. The article puts forward the concept of discursive depoliticisation as a novel perspective on ‘hybrid’ and authoritarian regimes, as well as Russia’s intensified war on Ukraine and full-on autocracy from 2022 onwards.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"4 1","pages":"49 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78642069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-10DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164309
Piotr Sula, Kamil Błaszczyński, M. Madej
Linkages between political parties and society have been considered weak from the very beginning of the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, including in Poland. One result has been the employment of clientelistic strategies by political parties across the region. Clientelism in Polish politics has been present for three decades, however, the way it manifests itself today varies significantly from how it appeared in the past in terms of its scale but also because it has “thickened” by incorporating Catholic, national, and patriotic symbols. Furthermore, the number of contracting parties is not limited to the patron (PiS) and their clients (voters); a crucial role seems to be played by the organisations supported financially by the PiS government whose task may be to entice citizens to vote for the party. It can be argued that the financial standing of these organisations was built with support from the state budget and that their operations are highly dependent on these resources. We conclude that PiS has created a clientelistic machine formed by populist, nationalist, and religious ideological discourses.
{"title":"Law and Justice and its allies: Clientelistic links in Poland after 2015","authors":"Piotr Sula, Kamil Błaszczyński, M. Madej","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231164309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231164309","url":null,"abstract":"Linkages between political parties and society have been considered weak from the very beginning of the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, including in Poland. One result has been the employment of clientelistic strategies by political parties across the region. Clientelism in Polish politics has been present for three decades, however, the way it manifests itself today varies significantly from how it appeared in the past in terms of its scale but also because it has “thickened” by incorporating Catholic, national, and patriotic symbols. Furthermore, the number of contracting parties is not limited to the patron (PiS) and their clients (voters); a crucial role seems to be played by the organisations supported financially by the PiS government whose task may be to entice citizens to vote for the party. It can be argued that the financial standing of these organisations was built with support from the state budget and that their operations are highly dependent on these resources. We conclude that PiS has created a clientelistic machine formed by populist, nationalist, and religious ideological discourses.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"170 1","pages":"130 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73482200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-04DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231168366
{"title":"Corrigendum to “Redefining the Russian Empire: The turn to liberal imperialism through the letters of Prince Nikolay A. Orlov at the height of the Great Reforms”","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/2336825x231168366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825x231168366","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136187251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164559
Branislav Mičko
This paper analyses how a state produces new internal borders. It selected 1668 newspaper articles on the COVID-19 internal bordering case in Slovakia to answer this question. These articles were then analysed using the thematic trajectory analysis (TTA) through the conceptual prism of structurationism. The results suggest states apply methods during the production of internal borders similar to those used during the (re-)production of an international border. In particular, it shows the application of a military-testing nexus and economic tools to ensure compliance with the new border. Results also revealed that such a border is heavily dependent on popular support for the government and open to re-negotiations by relevant societal groups. From the border production perspective, this study offers a preliminary step into the area of internal borders imposed on a generally homogenous population, especially regarding the borders produced under COVID-19 conditions.
{"title":"COVID-19 and New internal bordering: The case of Slovakia","authors":"Branislav Mičko","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231164559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231164559","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses how a state produces new internal borders. It selected 1668 newspaper articles on the COVID-19 internal bordering case in Slovakia to answer this question. These articles were then analysed using the thematic trajectory analysis (TTA) through the conceptual prism of structurationism. The results suggest states apply methods during the production of internal borders similar to those used during the (re-)production of an international border. In particular, it shows the application of a military-testing nexus and economic tools to ensure compliance with the new border. Results also revealed that such a border is heavily dependent on popular support for the government and open to re-negotiations by relevant societal groups. From the border production perspective, this study offers a preliminary step into the area of internal borders imposed on a generally homogenous population, especially regarding the borders produced under COVID-19 conditions.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"10 1","pages":"149 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82597467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231165469
Judas Everett
This article addresses the contradictory behaviour of the Russian Federation in reacting to the events of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. The Russian response saw significant aggression, but also seemingly involving inaction or even restraint in other areas. The question is what are some plausible explanations for this contradictory behaviour. In order to answer this question, relevant terminology is defined, then the subnational level is focused on and Most Similar System Design is utilised. Then cases involving significant aggression are considered, before moving on to those seemingly involving inaction or even restraint. Finally, these two elements are reconciled, producing a clear picture of the overall similarities, the inconsistencies and the crucial differences. The article finds the crucial differences to be the level of loyalty to the Kremlin and willingness to engage in collaboration or cooperation. The focus on loyalty to the Kremlin and the issue of willingness to collaborate is revealing.
{"title":"The contradictory behaviour of Russia in response to the 2014 Ukrainian revolution","authors":"Judas Everett","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231165469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231165469","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the contradictory behaviour of the Russian Federation in reacting to the events of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. The Russian response saw significant aggression, but also seemingly involving inaction or even restraint in other areas. The question is what are some plausible explanations for this contradictory behaviour. In order to answer this question, relevant terminology is defined, then the subnational level is focused on and Most Similar System Design is utilised. Then cases involving significant aggression are considered, before moving on to those seemingly involving inaction or even restraint. Finally, these two elements are reconciled, producing a clear picture of the overall similarities, the inconsistencies and the crucial differences. The article finds the crucial differences to be the level of loyalty to the Kremlin and willingness to engage in collaboration or cooperation. The focus on loyalty to the Kremlin and the issue of willingness to collaborate is revealing.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"170 1","pages":"179 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77253188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164313
Uroš Lazić
Methodological uniformity and the relatively small number of studies concerning election turnout in Serbia strikingly detract from the social importance of the topic. The goal was to reduce this disparity by studying turnout in the 21st century under a statistically atypical approach that uses objective, publicly available data at the municipalities/cities level. Beginning in 2012, the trend of a worrying, almost linear decrease in turnout was found. Canonical correlation analysis showed that socio-demographic-economic variables are highly predictive of voter turnout. Six pairs of statistically significant canonical factors were isolated from the space of socio-demographic-economic characteristics and corresponding variables of electoral participation. It was indirectly established that the analytically extracted types of environments whose inhabitants exhibit specific electoral-participative behavior also show specific constellations of electoral preferences. The findings were then discussed in light of the regression to Vučić’s hybrid regime.
{"title":"Turnout in Serbian parliamentary elections during the two decades after the end of Milošević’s rule","authors":"Uroš Lazić","doi":"10.1177/2336825X231164313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231164313","url":null,"abstract":"Methodological uniformity and the relatively small number of studies concerning election turnout in Serbia strikingly detract from the social importance of the topic. The goal was to reduce this disparity by studying turnout in the 21st century under a statistically atypical approach that uses objective, publicly available data at the municipalities/cities level. Beginning in 2012, the trend of a worrying, almost linear decrease in turnout was found. Canonical correlation analysis showed that socio-demographic-economic variables are highly predictive of voter turnout. Six pairs of statistically significant canonical factors were isolated from the space of socio-demographic-economic characteristics and corresponding variables of electoral participation. It was indirectly established that the analytically extracted types of environments whose inhabitants exhibit specific electoral-participative behavior also show specific constellations of electoral preferences. The findings were then discussed in light of the regression to Vučić’s hybrid regime.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"27 1","pages":"77 - 103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85499337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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