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“Here, the Hungarian people will decide how to raise our children”: Populist rhetoric and social categorization in Viktor Orbán’s anti-LGBTQ campaign in Hungary “在这里,匈牙利人民将决定如何抚养我们的孩子”:Viktor Orbán匈牙利反lgbtq运动中的民粹主义言论和社会分类
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164311
Marton Gera
This paper analyzes how the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán uses social categorization and populist rhetoric in an anti-LGBTQ campaign. Drawing on social identity theory and the scholarship on populist rhetoric and anti-LGBTQ politics, the article examines 46 interviews, press statements, public speeches, and op-eds by Orbán. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Wodak’s discourse-historical approach, it shows how the prime minister frames LGBTQ communities as an out-group that poses a threat to Hungarian values and way of living. Similar to the issue of immigration and existing anti-LGBTQ frames in other countries, Orbán presents LGBTQ groups within his well-established anti-Western narrative. In addition, he connects LGBTQ communities to other out-groups that have been portrayed as a threat for a long time. The study sheds new light on the linguistic strategies of Orbán and shows how populist rhetoric and social categorization complement each other in a political campaign.
本文分析了匈牙利总理维克多Orbán在反lgbtq运动中如何使用社会分类和民粹主义修辞。本文借鉴了社会认同理论以及民粹主义修辞和反lgbtq政治方面的学术研究,考察了Orbán的46个采访、新闻声明、公开演讲和专栏文章。利用批评性话语分析(CDA)和Wodak的话语历史方法,它展示了总理如何将LGBTQ社区视为对匈牙利价值观和生活方式构成威胁的外群体。与移民问题和其他国家现有的反LGBTQ框架类似,Orbán在他的反西方叙事中呈现了LGBTQ群体。此外,他还将LGBTQ社区与其他长期以来被描绘成威胁的外群体联系起来。这项研究为Orbán的语言策略提供了新的视角,并展示了民粹主义修辞和社会分类在政治竞选中是如何相互补充的。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: Debating ecological security in new perspectives 社论:从新的角度讨论生态安全
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231151251
Nicholas Michelsen
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引用次数: 0
Responsibility and agency in securitizing climate change in the Anthropocene 人类世气候变化证券化的责任和机构
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143625
Dahlia Simangan
Based on the premise that security discourses are constructed along political and ethical contes-tations, Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security traces the contours of ecological security — a normatively defensible and politically plausible approach to climate change. Matt McDonald (2021) eloquently weaves together security, ecology, and ethics in de fi ning ecological security ’ s commitment to the resilience of ecosystems and the rights and needs of vulnerable beings, including future generations and nonhuman nature. At a glance, a security discourse that includes all living beings, at present and in the future, is nothing more than a utopic vision given the state-centric and anthropocentric institutions, norms, and practices dominating the discussions on climate security. However, the book carefully laid the sociological groundwork on how these discourses are contested and constructed, and therefore can be challenged and changed by possibilities that are not just critical, but also emancipatory. Security is constructed through negotiation and contestation; it is also political because it rests on who drives the negotiation and who gives meaning to contestation, and it draws on ethical conceptions and commitments. Such grounding convinces the readers that not only is ecological security possible, it is also desirable and ethical given growing uncertainties and cascading risks due to climate change. It is this uncertainty about the future that makes McDonald ’ s proposal to integrate dialogue, re fl exivity, and humility into ecological security compelling in the context of the Anthropocene.
基于安全话语是沿着政治和伦理争论构建的前提,《生态安全:气候变化与安全的构建》追溯了生态安全的轮廓——一种规范上可辩护的、政治上合理的应对气候变化的方法。马特·麦克唐纳(2021)在定义生态安全对生态系统恢复力和弱势生物(包括后代和非人类)的权利和需求的承诺时,雄辩地将安全、生态和伦理交织在一起。乍一看,考虑到以国家为中心和以人类为中心的制度、规范和实践主导着气候安全的讨论,包括当前和未来所有生物的安全话语只不过是一种乌托邦式的愿景。然而,这本书仔细地奠定了社会学基础,说明这些话语是如何被质疑和构建的,因此,这些话语可以被挑战和改变,不仅是批判性的,而且是解放性的。安全是通过协商和争论来构建的;它也是政治性的,因为它取决于谁推动谈判,谁赋予争论意义,它利用伦理观念和承诺。这样的基础使读者相信,生态安全不仅是可能的,而且在气候变化带来的不确定性和连锁风险日益增加的情况下,这也是可取的和合乎道德的。正是这种对未来的不确定性,使得麦当劳将对话、反思和谦逊融入生态安全的提议在人类世的背景下引人注目。
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引用次数: 0
In defence of ecological security 维护生态安全
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143620
M. McDonald
There’s always a sense of relief as an author when written work years in the making has been read by anyone. This extends to something closer to joy when colleagues whose work you respect and have drawn on engage seriously with that work, and I am so grateful to contributors to this forum for doing just that. I almost certainly won’t do justice to the many important points they raise in the below response. I’ve organized my response to their analysis of Ecological Security along the line of what I see to be key themes of engagement and points necessitating some degree of clarification and response. These concern clarification of the aims of the book, a discussion of the important role of agency, and the application of the themes of the book to particular empirical contexts.
当一个作家多年来写的作品被别人读到时,他总会有一种如释重负的感觉。当你尊重和借鉴的同事认真地从事他们的工作时,这更接近于一种快乐,我非常感谢这个论坛的贡献者们所做的一切。我几乎肯定不会公正地对待他们在下面的回应中提出的许多重要观点。对于他们对生态安全的分析,我的回应是按照我所认为的参与的关键主题和需要某种程度的澄清和回应的要点来组织的。这些涉及澄清本书的目的,讨论代理的重要作用,以及将本书的主题应用于特定的经验背景。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Is the time nigh for ecological security? 导读:生态安全的时代到了吗?
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143617
P. Beaumont
Climate change and the ongoing destruction of the earth's ecosystems have increasingly been depicted as a security issue with the noble but not unproblematic goal engendering an urgent response. These climate and environmental security discourses have been extensively critiqued on both empirical and normative grounds. But is there an ethically defensible and even emancipatory alternative to envisioning the relationship between the environment and security? Matt McDonald in his new book - Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security - argues that there is and lays out comprehensive normative framework for doing so. To interrogate McDonald's case for what he calls “Ecological Security”, this forum brings together four leading researchers from Anthropology, Geography, International Relations, and Peace and Sustainability Studies. While all contributors are broadly positive regarding goals of the book, each identifies weaknesses in the approach that move from suggestions on how refine the framework on the one hand to questioning whether the framework risks proving counter-productive on the other.
气候变化和对地球生态系统的持续破坏越来越多地被描述为一个安全问题,其目标崇高但并非毫无问题,需要紧急应对。这些气候和环境安全的论述在经验和规范的基础上都受到了广泛的批评。但是,在设想环境与安全之间的关系时,是否存在一种道德上站得住、甚至是解放的替代方案呢?马特·麦克唐纳在他的新书《生态安全:气候变化和安全的构建》中认为,存在并提出了这样做的全面规范框架。为了探讨麦当劳所谓的“生态安全”,本次论坛汇集了来自人类学、地理学、国际关系、和平与可持续发展研究的四位顶尖研究人员。虽然所有的贡献者都对本书的目标持积极态度,但每个人都指出了方法中的弱点,从一方面建议如何完善框架到另一方面质疑框架是否有适得其反的风险。
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引用次数: 0
A global south perspective on ‘ecological security’ “生态安全”的全球南方视角
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143624
Dhanasree Jayaram
In Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security , Matt McDonald delves into a normative analysis of climate security using a framework that has been less explored in security studies – ‘ ecological security ’ . Built on the foundation of environmental security studies – developed over the past two to three decades – this book adopts a counterintuitive approach towards ‘ security ’ in order to carve out a space for consequential discussion on climate change through an ethically framed ‘ ecological security ’ lens. The author ’ s defence of ecological security hinges on several factors: (1) viewing ‘ ecosystems as the referent object of security ’ ; (2) recognizing ‘ the connectivity and interrelationships between human communities and the so-called natural world ’ and (3) acknowledging ‘ the arrival of the Anthropocene ’ (p. 7). The book does not stop at normative discussion, as it also examines the practical implications of the ‘ ecological security ’ framework, as well as the means of achieving it. McDonald speci fi cally focusses on three principles – dialogue, re fl exivity and humility. He however argues: Taken together, these principles also suggest that the function of ecological security is less a program of action than a sensibility that should inform how we make sense of the world and act in it. But it is a sensibility that clearly encourages signi fi cant changes in the way we view the world, existing institutions and practices, and the nature of ethical responsibility (p. 196). In the following review,
在《生态安全:气候变化与安全的构建》一书中,马特·麦克唐纳使用了一个在安全研究中较少探索的框架——“生态安全”,深入研究了气候安全的规范性分析。这本书建立在过去二三十年发展起来的环境安全研究的基础上,采用了一种违反直觉的“安全”方法,以便通过伦理框架的“生态安全”镜头为气候变化的后续讨论开辟空间。作者对生态安全的辩护基于以下几个因素:(1)将“生态系统视为安全的指涉对象”;(2)认识到“人类社区与所谓的自然世界之间的连通性和相互关系”;(3)承认“人类世的到来”(第7页)。这本书并没有停留在规范的讨论上,因为它还考察了“生态安全”框架的实际含义,以及实现它的手段。麦当劳特别注重三个原则——对话、反思和谦逊。然而,他认为:总的来说,这些原则也表明,生态安全的功能与其说是一个行动计划,不如说是一种感性,它应该告诉我们如何理解世界并在其中采取行动。但是,这种感性显然鼓励我们在看待世界的方式、现有的制度和实践以及道德责任的本质上发生重大的变化。在接下来的回顾中,
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引用次数: 0
Considering ecological security from the perspective of Arctic ecosystemic politics 从北极生态系统政治的视角看生态安全
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143621
E. W. Rowe
vulnerable ecosystems, the livelihoods of local inhabitants and indigenous communities, and the potential exploitation of natural resources. By virtue of their sovereignty, sov-ereign rights and jurisdiction in large areas of the Arctic Ocean the fi ve coastal states are in a unique position to address these possibilities and challenges … The Arctic Ocean is a unique ecosystem, which the
脆弱的生态系统、当地居民和土著社区的生计以及自然资源的潜在开发。由于五个沿海国家对北冰洋大片地区拥有主权、主权权利和管辖权,它们在应对这些可能性和挑战方面处于独特的地位……北冰洋是一个独特的生态系统
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引用次数: 0
Imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe after the end of history 帝国主义在中欧和东欧结束后的历史
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x221136300
Nicholas Michelsen
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引用次数: 0
The risks of ecological security 生态安全风险
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221139697
T. A. Benjaminsen
During the last 15–20 years a changing climate has increasingly been seen internationally as a security risk (Brown et al., 2007). This securitisation has in particular taken place within the military, (green) international NGOs and among policy-makers (Selby and Hoffman, 2014). In conferences about climate security, a peculiar mix of actors can be observed among participants of military officers in uniform, climate activists and politicians. Since 2007, the UN Security Council has also discussed the link between climate change and human security several times, and in particular related to the dire security situation in the African Sahel. In March 2021, the African Union’s Peace and Security Council also issued a communiqué dedicated to the effects of climate change on peace, security and stability in Africa. International media have generally been keen to repeat a policy narrative about climate-caused conflicts. Especially the current crisis in the Sahel has drawn international attention to climate change as a possible cause. Just to give two examples – Le Monde reported on 11th April 2019 that conflicts between Fulani herders and Dogon farmers in Mali are caused by resource scarcity following climate change and population growth, whileDeutsche Welle (11th June 2019) concluded that ‘The conflict between Dogon and Fulani ethnic groups over resources in Mali has been exacerbated by climate change, population growth, an absentee state and Islamism’. Indeed, the Sahel is often pointed out as the most typical example of a toxic brew of climate change, poverty, migration and armed insurgency. This view was reflected by the Norwegian Nobel Committee when it awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007 to former US Vice President Al Gore and the IPCC and highlighted farmer-herder conflicts in the Sahel as typical examples of a close link between climate change and conflicts. Academic research, on the other hand, has been more critical to framing climate change as a cause of conflicts or as a threat multiplier, although researchers continue to investigate climate change as a risk factor for violent conflict (Mach et al., 2019). Such risks may occur via possible indirect pathways as for instance through reduced food security or the implementation of adaptation or mitigation measures. Both quantitative peace and conflict studies (e.g. Buhaug 2010; Theisen et al., 2013; Koubi 2019) and case-based political ecology (e.g. Benjaminsen et al., 2012; Abrahams and Carr 2017; Benjaminsen and Ba, 2021) have questioned assumptions about climate change as a driver of violence and insecurity, although there may be indirect pathways under certain contexts. My own positionality in debates about climate security and in these comments on the book discussed in this
在过去的15-20年里,气候变化越来越多地被国际上视为一种安全风险(Brown et al., 2007)。这种证券化尤其发生在军队、(绿色)国际非政府组织和政策制定者之间(Selby和Hoffman, 2014)。在有关气候安全的会议上,可以观察到一种奇特的行为者组合,参与者中有穿制服的军官、气候活动家和政治家。自2007年以来,联合国安理会也多次讨论了气候变化与人类安全之间的联系,特别是与非洲萨赫勒地区严峻的安全局势有关。2021年3月,非洲联盟和平与安全理事会还发布了一份公报,专门讨论气候变化对非洲和平、安全与稳定的影响。国际媒体通常热衷于重复有关气候引起的冲突的政策叙述。特别是目前萨赫勒地区的危机,引起了国际社会对气候变化的关注,认为气候变化可能是一个原因。举两个例子——《世界报》于2019年4月11日报道,马里富拉尼牧民和多贡农民之间的冲突是由气候变化和人口增长导致的资源短缺造成的,而德国之声(2019年6月11日)得出结论,“气候变化、人口增长、缺位国家和伊斯兰主义加剧了马里多贡族和富拉尼族之间的资源冲突”。事实上,萨赫勒地区经常被认为是气候变化、贫困、移民和武装叛乱等问题交织在一起的最典型例子。挪威诺贝尔委员会在2007年将诺贝尔和平奖授予美国前副总统戈尔和IPCC时反映了这一观点,并强调萨赫勒地区的农牧民冲突是气候变化与冲突之间密切联系的典型例子。另一方面,学术研究对于将气候变化视为冲突的原因或威胁倍增器更为关键,尽管研究人员继续将气候变化作为暴力冲突的风险因素进行调查(Mach等人,2019)。这种风险可能通过可能的间接途径发生,例如通过减少粮食安全或实施适应或缓解措施。定量和平与冲突研究(如Buhaug 2010;Theisen et al., 2013;Koubi 2019)和基于案例的政治生态学(例如Benjaminsen等人,2012;亚伯拉罕和卡尔2017;Benjaminsen和Ba(2021)对气候变化是暴力和不安全因素驱动因素的假设提出了质疑,尽管在某些情况下可能存在间接途径。我自己在气候安全辩论中的立场以及对这本书的评论
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引用次数: 1
Redefining the Russian Empire: The turn to liberal imperialism through the letters of Prince Nikolay A. Orlov at the height of the Great Reforms 重新定义俄罗斯帝国:通过尼古拉·a·奥尔洛夫亲王在大改革高峰时期的信件转向自由帝国主义
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-04 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221135448
Sara de Athouguia Filipe
Prince Nikolay Alexeyevich Orlov (1827–1885) was an aristocrat, a war hero and a prominent diplomat of the Russian Empire who enjoyed a prestigious position from a very young age. In his correspondence with Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich in the early 1860s, Prince Orlov expounded his views on Russian politics, putting forward his liberal outlook of what the empire ought to be. His most crucial proposals were (i) revising Russian foreign policy and redefining imperial borders (which included solving the ‘Polish Question’); (ii) adopting federalism with local representative institutions based on a notion of ‘legitimate power’; (iii) introducing bottom-up reforms; (iv) abolishing ‘backwards practices’ (in particular, corporal punishment) and (v) guaranteeing civil rights and equality before the law. Based on letters and other writings that remain vastly under-researched in Russia and practically unknown to English-speaking audiences, I analyse Prince Orlov’s correspondence as illustrative of a broader ideological turn to liberal imperialism and contextualise it from Russian and European perspectives. By positing that Russian liberalism was strongly impacted by the successes and shortcomings of the liberal imperialism of the 1860s, I invite the reader to rethink some ideological and chronological boundaries that are routinely taken for granted in discussions regarding liberalism, imperialism and their interconnectedness.
尼古拉·阿列克谢耶维奇·奥尔洛夫王子(1827-1885)是俄罗斯帝国的贵族,战争英雄和杰出的外交官,从小就享有声望。在19世纪60年代初与尼古拉·亚历山德罗维奇大公的通信中,奥尔洛夫王子阐述了他对俄罗斯政治的看法,提出了他对帝国应该是什么样子的自由主义观点。他最重要的建议是:(1)修改俄罗斯外交政策,重新划定帝国边界(其中包括解决“波兰问题”);(ii)在“合法权力”概念的基础上,与地方代表机构实行联邦制;(三)实行自下而上的改革;(iv)废除“落后的做法”(特别是体罚)和(v)保障公民权利和法律面前人人平等。基于在俄罗斯仍未得到充分研究、英语读者几乎一无所知的信件和其他作品,我分析了奥尔洛夫亲王的信件,认为它说明了一种更广泛的意识形态转向自由帝国主义,并从俄罗斯和欧洲的角度将其置于背景下。通过假定俄国自由主义受到19世纪60年代自由帝国主义的成功和缺点的强烈影响,我邀请读者重新思考一些意识形态和时间上的界限,这些界限在讨论自由主义、帝国主义及其相互联系时通常被视为理所当然。
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New Perspectives
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