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Depoliticising democracy through discourse: Reading Russia’s descent into autocracy and war with Jacques Rancière’s political theory 通过话语去政治化民主:用雅克·朗西瓦尔的政治理论解读俄罗斯陷入专制和战争
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231169476
Anni Roth Hjermann
This article investigates the role of discourses in processes of deepening authoritarianism and war. By bringing Jacques Rancière’s works on politics and depoliticisation into dialogue with poststructuralist discourse analysis, the article argues that discursive depoliticisation contributes towards authoritarian consolidation and shows how authoritarianism deepens in a co-dependent nexus of domestic and international politics. Focusing in particular on Rancière’s concept of gaps, the article argues that the core mechanism of depoliticisation is to neutralise the gap constitutive of politics proper and that this neutralisation unfolds in discourse, through the logics of archipolitics, parapolitics, metapolitics and ultrapolitics. The article (1) develops a framework for unpacking discursive depoliticisation empirically by conceptualising Rancière’s logics as ideal-typical depoliticising discourses and (2) applies that framework in an analysis of Russian official discourse in recent years (2015–2023). The article thereby explains how discursive constructions have strengthened Russian autocracy: entrenched depoliticising discourses, produced and reinforced in a co-constitutive internal/external sphere, made possible authoritarian consolidation in Russia under Putin and its war on Ukraine. The article puts forward the concept of discursive depoliticisation as a novel perspective on ‘hybrid’ and authoritarian regimes, as well as Russia’s intensified war on Ukraine and full-on autocracy from 2022 onwards.
本文探讨了话语在威权主义和战争深化过程中的作用。通过将Jacques ranci关于政治和去政治化的著作与后结构主义话语分析进行对话,本文认为,话语去政治化有助于威权主义的巩固,并展示了威权主义如何在国内和国际政治的相互依存关系中加深。本文特别关注ranci关于差距的概念,认为去政治化的核心机制是中和构成政治本身的差距,这种中和通过档案政治、准政治、元政治和超政治的逻辑在话语中展开。本文(1)通过将ranci的逻辑概念化为理想典型的去政治化话语,开发了一个从经验上解开话语去政治化的框架,(2)将该框架应用于对近年来(2015-2023)俄罗斯官方话语的分析。因此,本文解释了话语建构如何加强了俄罗斯的专制:根深蒂固的非政治化话语,在共同构成的内部/外部领域中产生和加强,使普京领导下的俄罗斯及其对乌克兰的战争的威权巩固成为可能。本文提出了话语去政治化的概念,作为对“混合”和专制政权,以及俄罗斯对乌克兰加剧的战争和从2022年开始的全面独裁的新视角。
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引用次数: 0
Law and Justice and its allies: Clientelistic links in Poland after 2015 法律与正义及其盟友:2015年后波兰的裙带关系
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164309
Piotr Sula, Kamil Błaszczyński, M. Madej
Linkages between political parties and society have been considered weak from the very beginning of the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, including in Poland. One result has been the employment of clientelistic strategies by political parties across the region. Clientelism in Polish politics has been present for three decades, however, the way it manifests itself today varies significantly from how it appeared in the past in terms of its scale but also because it has “thickened” by incorporating Catholic, national, and patriotic symbols. Furthermore, the number of contracting parties is not limited to the patron (PiS) and their clients (voters); a crucial role seems to be played by the organisations supported financially by the PiS government whose task may be to entice citizens to vote for the party. It can be argued that the financial standing of these organisations was built with support from the state budget and that their operations are highly dependent on these resources. We conclude that PiS has created a clientelistic machine formed by populist, nationalist, and religious ideological discourses.
在中欧和东欧,包括波兰,政党和社会之间的联系从一开始就被认为是薄弱的。其结果之一就是该地区各政党采用裙带主义策略。波兰政治中的庇护主义已经存在了三十年,然而,就其规模而言,它今天的表现方式与过去的表现方式有很大不同,但也因为它通过融入天主教、民族和爱国的象征而“变厚”了。此外,缔约方的数量不限于赞助人(PiS)及其客户(选民);由PiS政府提供财政支持的组织似乎扮演了一个关键的角色,它们的任务可能是吸引公民投票给PiS。可以说,这些组织的财务状况是在国家预算的支持下建立起来的,它们的运作高度依赖于这些资源。我们的结论是,法律正义党创造了一个由民粹主义、民族主义和宗教意识形态话语组成的庇护主义机器。
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引用次数: 0
Corrigendum to “Redefining the Russian Empire: The turn to liberal imperialism through the letters of Prince Nikolay A. Orlov at the height of the Great Reforms” “重新定义俄罗斯帝国:通过尼古拉·a·奥尔洛夫亲王在大改革高潮时期的信件转向自由帝国主义”的勘误表
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231168366
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 and New internal bordering: The case of Slovakia COVID-19和新的内部边界:斯洛伐克的案例
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164559
Branislav Mičko
This paper analyses how a state produces new internal borders. It selected 1668 newspaper articles on the COVID-19 internal bordering case in Slovakia to answer this question. These articles were then analysed using the thematic trajectory analysis (TTA) through the conceptual prism of structurationism. The results suggest states apply methods during the production of internal borders similar to those used during the (re-)production of an international border. In particular, it shows the application of a military-testing nexus and economic tools to ensure compliance with the new border. Results also revealed that such a border is heavily dependent on popular support for the government and open to re-negotiations by relevant societal groups. From the border production perspective, this study offers a preliminary step into the area of internal borders imposed on a generally homogenous population, especially regarding the borders produced under COVID-19 conditions.
本文分析了一个国家如何产生新的内部边界。为了回答这个问题,我们选择了1668篇关于斯洛伐克新冠肺炎内部边境病例的报纸文章。然后,通过结构主义的概念棱镜,使用主题轨迹分析(TTA)对这些文章进行分析。结果表明,各国在生产内部边界时采用的方法与在(重新)生产国际边界时使用的方法相似。特别是,它显示了军事测试关系和经济工具的应用,以确保遵守新的边界。结果还显示,这样的边界在很大程度上取决于民众对政府的支持,并对相关社会团体的重新谈判持开放态度。从边界产生的角度来看,本研究为研究一般同质人口的内部边界领域,特别是在COVID-19条件下产生的边界提供了初步步骤。
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引用次数: 0
The contradictory behaviour of Russia in response to the 2014 Ukrainian revolution 俄罗斯在回应2014年乌克兰革命时的矛盾行为
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231165469
Judas Everett
This article addresses the contradictory behaviour of the Russian Federation in reacting to the events of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. The Russian response saw significant aggression, but also seemingly involving inaction or even restraint in other areas. The question is what are some plausible explanations for this contradictory behaviour. In order to answer this question, relevant terminology is defined, then the subnational level is focused on and Most Similar System Design is utilised. Then cases involving significant aggression are considered, before moving on to those seemingly involving inaction or even restraint. Finally, these two elements are reconciled, producing a clear picture of the overall similarities, the inconsistencies and the crucial differences. The article finds the crucial differences to be the level of loyalty to the Kremlin and willingness to engage in collaboration or cooperation. The focus on loyalty to the Kremlin and the issue of willingness to collaborate is revealing.
本文探讨了俄罗斯联邦在应对2014年乌克兰革命事件时的矛盾行为。俄罗斯的反应是明显的侵略,但在其他领域似乎也无所作为,甚至有所克制。问题是,对于这种相互矛盾的行为,有什么合理的解释?为了回答这个问题,定义了相关术语,然后重点关注次国家层面,并使用了最相似的系统设计。然后考虑涉及严重侵犯的情况,然后再讨论那些看似不作为甚至克制的情况。最后,这两个元素被调和,产生了一个清晰的图像,整体上的相似,不一致和关键的差异。文章发现,关键的区别在于对克里姆林宫的忠诚程度,以及参与合作或合作的意愿。关注对克里姆林宫的忠诚和合作意愿的问题很能说明问题。
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引用次数: 1
Turnout in Serbian parliamentary elections during the two decades after the end of Milošević’s rule 在Milošević统治结束后的二十年里,塞尔维亚议会选举的投票率
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164313
Uroš Lazić
Methodological uniformity and the relatively small number of studies concerning election turnout in Serbia strikingly detract from the social importance of the topic. The goal was to reduce this disparity by studying turnout in the 21st century under a statistically atypical approach that uses objective, publicly available data at the municipalities/cities level. Beginning in 2012, the trend of a worrying, almost linear decrease in turnout was found. Canonical correlation analysis showed that socio-demographic-economic variables are highly predictive of voter turnout. Six pairs of statistically significant canonical factors were isolated from the space of socio-demographic-economic characteristics and corresponding variables of electoral participation. It was indirectly established that the analytically extracted types of environments whose inhabitants exhibit specific electoral-participative behavior also show specific constellations of electoral preferences. The findings were then discussed in light of the regression to Vučić’s hybrid regime.
方法的一致性和关于塞尔维亚选举投票率的研究数量相对较少,明显减损了这一专题的社会重要性。其目标是通过采用非典型统计方法研究21世纪的投票率,即使用客观的、公开的市/市一级数据,从而缩小这种差距。从2012年开始,人们发现投票率出现了令人担忧的几乎呈线性下降的趋势。典型相关分析表明,社会-人口-经济变量对投票率有较高的预测作用。从社会人口经济特征和选举参与的相应变量的空间中分离出六对统计上显著的典型因素。通过分析提取的环境类型,其居民表现出特定的选举参与行为,也显示出特定的选举偏好。然后根据回归vu伊奇的杂交制度讨论了这些发现。
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引用次数: 0
“Here, the Hungarian people will decide how to raise our children”: Populist rhetoric and social categorization in Viktor Orbán’s anti-LGBTQ campaign in Hungary “在这里,匈牙利人民将决定如何抚养我们的孩子”:Viktor Orbán匈牙利反lgbtq运动中的民粹主义言论和社会分类
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231164311
Marton Gera
This paper analyzes how the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán uses social categorization and populist rhetoric in an anti-LGBTQ campaign. Drawing on social identity theory and the scholarship on populist rhetoric and anti-LGBTQ politics, the article examines 46 interviews, press statements, public speeches, and op-eds by Orbán. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Wodak’s discourse-historical approach, it shows how the prime minister frames LGBTQ communities as an out-group that poses a threat to Hungarian values and way of living. Similar to the issue of immigration and existing anti-LGBTQ frames in other countries, Orbán presents LGBTQ groups within his well-established anti-Western narrative. In addition, he connects LGBTQ communities to other out-groups that have been portrayed as a threat for a long time. The study sheds new light on the linguistic strategies of Orbán and shows how populist rhetoric and social categorization complement each other in a political campaign.
本文分析了匈牙利总理维克多Orbán在反lgbtq运动中如何使用社会分类和民粹主义修辞。本文借鉴了社会认同理论以及民粹主义修辞和反lgbtq政治方面的学术研究,考察了Orbán的46个采访、新闻声明、公开演讲和专栏文章。利用批评性话语分析(CDA)和Wodak的话语历史方法,它展示了总理如何将LGBTQ社区视为对匈牙利价值观和生活方式构成威胁的外群体。与移民问题和其他国家现有的反LGBTQ框架类似,Orbán在他的反西方叙事中呈现了LGBTQ群体。此外,他还将LGBTQ社区与其他长期以来被描绘成威胁的外群体联系起来。这项研究为Orbán的语言策略提供了新的视角,并展示了民粹主义修辞和社会分类在政治竞选中是如何相互补充的。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: Debating ecological security in new perspectives 社论:从新的角度讨论生态安全
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231151251
Nicholas Michelsen
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引用次数: 0
Responsibility and agency in securitizing climate change in the Anthropocene 人类世气候变化证券化的责任和机构
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143625
Dahlia Simangan
Based on the premise that security discourses are constructed along political and ethical contes-tations, Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security traces the contours of ecological security — a normatively defensible and politically plausible approach to climate change. Matt McDonald (2021) eloquently weaves together security, ecology, and ethics in de fi ning ecological security ’ s commitment to the resilience of ecosystems and the rights and needs of vulnerable beings, including future generations and nonhuman nature. At a glance, a security discourse that includes all living beings, at present and in the future, is nothing more than a utopic vision given the state-centric and anthropocentric institutions, norms, and practices dominating the discussions on climate security. However, the book carefully laid the sociological groundwork on how these discourses are contested and constructed, and therefore can be challenged and changed by possibilities that are not just critical, but also emancipatory. Security is constructed through negotiation and contestation; it is also political because it rests on who drives the negotiation and who gives meaning to contestation, and it draws on ethical conceptions and commitments. Such grounding convinces the readers that not only is ecological security possible, it is also desirable and ethical given growing uncertainties and cascading risks due to climate change. It is this uncertainty about the future that makes McDonald ’ s proposal to integrate dialogue, re fl exivity, and humility into ecological security compelling in the context of the Anthropocene.
基于安全话语是沿着政治和伦理争论构建的前提,《生态安全:气候变化与安全的构建》追溯了生态安全的轮廓——一种规范上可辩护的、政治上合理的应对气候变化的方法。马特·麦克唐纳(2021)在定义生态安全对生态系统恢复力和弱势生物(包括后代和非人类)的权利和需求的承诺时,雄辩地将安全、生态和伦理交织在一起。乍一看,考虑到以国家为中心和以人类为中心的制度、规范和实践主导着气候安全的讨论,包括当前和未来所有生物的安全话语只不过是一种乌托邦式的愿景。然而,这本书仔细地奠定了社会学基础,说明这些话语是如何被质疑和构建的,因此,这些话语可以被挑战和改变,不仅是批判性的,而且是解放性的。安全是通过协商和争论来构建的;它也是政治性的,因为它取决于谁推动谈判,谁赋予争论意义,它利用伦理观念和承诺。这样的基础使读者相信,生态安全不仅是可能的,而且在气候变化带来的不确定性和连锁风险日益增加的情况下,这也是可取的和合乎道德的。正是这种对未来的不确定性,使得麦当劳将对话、反思和谦逊融入生态安全的提议在人类世的背景下引人注目。
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引用次数: 0
In defence of ecological security 维护生态安全
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X221143620
M. McDonald
There’s always a sense of relief as an author when written work years in the making has been read by anyone. This extends to something closer to joy when colleagues whose work you respect and have drawn on engage seriously with that work, and I am so grateful to contributors to this forum for doing just that. I almost certainly won’t do justice to the many important points they raise in the below response. I’ve organized my response to their analysis of Ecological Security along the line of what I see to be key themes of engagement and points necessitating some degree of clarification and response. These concern clarification of the aims of the book, a discussion of the important role of agency, and the application of the themes of the book to particular empirical contexts.
当一个作家多年来写的作品被别人读到时,他总会有一种如释重负的感觉。当你尊重和借鉴的同事认真地从事他们的工作时,这更接近于一种快乐,我非常感谢这个论坛的贡献者们所做的一切。我几乎肯定不会公正地对待他们在下面的回应中提出的许多重要观点。对于他们对生态安全的分析,我的回应是按照我所认为的参与的关键主题和需要某种程度的澄清和回应的要点来组织的。这些涉及澄清本书的目的,讨论代理的重要作用,以及将本书的主题应用于特定的经验背景。
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引用次数: 0
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New Perspectives
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