RÉSUMÉ:Avant 1870, Montréal ne possède pas de service de collecte des déchets. C'est donc aux citoyens eux-mêmes qu'incombe la disposition de leurs rebuts aux endroits désignés, et ce, à leurs frais. Or, plusieurs préfèrent jeter leurs déchets sur la voie publique et dans les cours d'eau. Alors que la population montréalaise augmente rapidement au gré de l'industrialisation, ces pratiques menacent la santé publique. Ces solutions individuelles ne permettant plus de garder la ville dans un état sanitaire acceptable, les autorités instaurent un système contractuel de ramassage des ordures, toutefois peu efficace à ses débuts. En effet, les entrepreneurs sous-estiment les capitaux, le matériel et les employés requis pour nettoyer une ville de la taille de Montréal. Cette période d'instabilité prend fin avec l'entrée en scène de l'entrepreneur William Mann, dont la longévité de l'entente avec la Ville de Montréal, qui s'étend de 1877 à 1893, tranche par rapport à la brièveté des contrats précédents. Mais si Mann est le seul entrepreneur capable de prendre en charge l'ensemble du cycle de gestion des ordures, il enfreint ouvertement plusieurs clauses de son contrat, au grand dam de la population. Les critiques portées envers le système contractuel par des citoyens, des journalistes, et certains élus poussent les pouvoirs publics à municipaliser le service de gestion des déchets en 1893. Si la Ville dessert les citadins d'une manière jugée plus satisfaisante, elle a tout de même de la difficulté à s'affranchir des défis géographiques, démographiques, et financiers inhérents à la gestion des ordures.ABSTRACT:Before 1870, Montreal did not have a waste management service. It was therefore the responsibility of the citizens themselves to dispose of their garbage in designated areas, at their own expense. Many preferred to throw their waste on public roads and in waterways. As Montreal's population grew rapidly with industrialization, such practices became a threat to public health. Because individual solutions no longer allowed the city to maintain an acceptable sanitary condition, the authorities introduced a contractual system of garbage collection. But it was not very effective at the beginning, as entrepreneurs underestimated the capital, equipment, and number of employees required to clean up a city the size of Montreal. This period of instability ended when entrepreneur William Mann entered the game, the longevity of his agreement with the City of Montreal, which lasted from 1877 to 1893, contrasting with the brevity of previous contracts. But while Mann was the only contractor capable of taking charge of the entire waste management cycle, he openly violated several clauses of his contract, to the detriment of the population. Criticism of the contractual system by citizens, journalists and some elected officials led the public authorities to municipalize the waste management service in 1893. While the City then served urban dwellers in a manner deeme
{"title":"Cachez ce déchet que je ne saurais voir : la création et la municipalisation d'un service de gestion des ordures dans une ville de Montréal en mutation, 1868–1920","authors":"C. Richard","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2022-0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2022-0018","url":null,"abstract":"RÉSUMÉ:Avant 1870, Montréal ne possède pas de service de collecte des déchets. C'est donc aux citoyens eux-mêmes qu'incombe la disposition de leurs rebuts aux endroits désignés, et ce, à leurs frais. Or, plusieurs préfèrent jeter leurs déchets sur la voie publique et dans les cours d'eau. Alors que la population montréalaise augmente rapidement au gré de l'industrialisation, ces pratiques menacent la santé publique. Ces solutions individuelles ne permettant plus de garder la ville dans un état sanitaire acceptable, les autorités instaurent un système contractuel de ramassage des ordures, toutefois peu efficace à ses débuts. En effet, les entrepreneurs sous-estiment les capitaux, le matériel et les employés requis pour nettoyer une ville de la taille de Montréal. Cette période d'instabilité prend fin avec l'entrée en scène de l'entrepreneur William Mann, dont la longévité de l'entente avec la Ville de Montréal, qui s'étend de 1877 à 1893, tranche par rapport à la brièveté des contrats précédents. Mais si Mann est le seul entrepreneur capable de prendre en charge l'ensemble du cycle de gestion des ordures, il enfreint ouvertement plusieurs clauses de son contrat, au grand dam de la population. Les critiques portées envers le système contractuel par des citoyens, des journalistes, et certains élus poussent les pouvoirs publics à municipaliser le service de gestion des déchets en 1893. Si la Ville dessert les citadins d'une manière jugée plus satisfaisante, elle a tout de même de la difficulté à s'affranchir des défis géographiques, démographiques, et financiers inhérents à la gestion des ordures.ABSTRACT:Before 1870, Montreal did not have a waste management service. It was therefore the responsibility of the citizens themselves to dispose of their garbage in designated areas, at their own expense. Many preferred to throw their waste on public roads and in waterways. As Montreal's population grew rapidly with industrialization, such practices became a threat to public health. Because individual solutions no longer allowed the city to maintain an acceptable sanitary condition, the authorities introduced a contractual system of garbage collection. But it was not very effective at the beginning, as entrepreneurs underestimated the capital, equipment, and number of employees required to clean up a city the size of Montreal. This period of instability ended when entrepreneur William Mann entered the game, the longevity of his agreement with the City of Montreal, which lasted from 1877 to 1893, contrasting with the brevity of previous contracts. But while Mann was the only contractor capable of taking charge of the entire waste management cycle, he openly violated several clauses of his contract, to the detriment of the population. Criticism of the contractual system by citizens, journalists and some elected officials led the public authorities to municipalize the waste management service in 1893. While the City then served urban dwellers in a manner deeme","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":"51 1","pages":"116 - 75"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44489801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Terry Copp, with Alexander Maavara. Montreal at War: 1914–1918","authors":"E. Kirkland","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2023-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2023-0005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47861482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lorne Huston and Marie-Thérèse Lefebvre. George M. Brewer et le milieu culturel anglophone montréalais, 1900–1950","authors":"Lorraine O’Donnell","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2022-0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2022-0025","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48835932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:The group Save Montreal was founded in immediate reaction to the demolition of the William Van Horne mansion in September 1973. This article argues that while the group's formation is frequently cited as the birth of Montreal's heritage preservation movement, this label fails to fully encapsulate the group's motivations. Central to Save Montreal's activism were demands for community housing and public participation in the city's planning process. These appeals stemmed from the fact that Mayor Jean Drapeau's administration pursued a vision for the city based on modernist planning principles, namely automobility and the construction of megastructures. Such measures entailed the mass demolition of residences and businesses. In response, Save Montreal's membership pressured government actors and the private sector to abandon these policies in favour of the creation of housing co-operatives, community-oriented zonings and public consultations. These efforts reveal that, beyond architectural and historical considerations, democratic planning and housing were central to Montreal's urban conservation movement.RÉSUMÉ:Le groupe Sauvons Montréal a été créé en septembre 1973, en réaction directe à la démolition de la maison William-Van Horne. Cet article soutient que, bien que la formation de ce groupe soit souvent associée à la naissance du mouvement de conservation du patrimoine montréalais, c'est une étiquette qui ne rend pas justice à l'ensemble de ses motivations. Au coeur des démarches militantes de Sauvons Montréal figuraient en effet le logement communautaire et la participation du public au processus d'aménagement de la ville. Ces demandes étaient provoquées par le fait que l'administration du maire Jean Drapeau avait pour la ville une vision du développement basée sur les principes de la planification moderniste, essentiellement l'automobilité et la construction de mégastructures. Or ces mesures impliquaient la démolition massive de résidences et de commerces. En réaction, les membres de Sauvons Montréal ont fait pression sur les gouvernements et le secteur privé, exigeant l'abandon de ces politiques en faveur de la création de coopératives d'habitation, de zonages communautaires et de consultations publiques. Ces efforts révèlent qu'au-delà des considérations architecturales et historiques, l'aménagement et le logement urbains démocratiques étaient au centre des préoccupations de ce mouvement de conservation de la ville.
摘要:1973年9月，William Van Horne公馆被拆除后，“拯救蒙特利尔”组织应运而生。本文认为，虽然该组织的成立经常被认为是蒙特利尔遗产保护运动的诞生，但这个标签并不能完全概括该组织的动机。拯救蒙特利尔行动主义的核心是要求社区住房和公众参与城市规划过程。这些呼吁源于市长Jean Drapeau的政府追求基于现代主义规划原则的城市愿景，即汽车和大型建筑的建设。这些措施需要大量拆除住宅和企业。作为回应，“拯救蒙特利尔”的会员向政府行为者和私营部门施压，要求他们放弃这些政策，转而支持创建住房合作社、以社区为导向的分区和公众咨询。这些努力表明，除了建筑和历史方面的考虑，民主规划和住房是蒙特利尔城市保护运动的核心。RÉSUMÉ: 1973年9月，威廉-范·霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-范·霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-范·霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-范·霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-霍恩公司的直接与蒙塔姆-霍恩公司的。根据第1条的规定，如果一个组织成立了，那么它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织，它就成立了一个组织。在社会管理和社会参与过程中，在社会管理和社会参与过程中，在社会管理和社会参与过程中，在社会管理和社会参与过程中。这就要求:“前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人。前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人，前程远大的人。”这些措施不足以解决大规模的经济和商业问题。反应,les进行de Sauvons蒙特利尔做了压力苏尔les政府等le secteur prive exigeant l 'abandon de ces En faveur de la创造政治de合作社d 'habitation de分带施行et de publiques磋商。他说:“我的努力使我的前程变得更加辉煌。我的努力使我的前程变得更加辉煌。我的努力使我的前程变得更加辉煌。”
{"title":"\"Whose city is it?\": Save Montreal and the Fight for Democratic City Planning","authors":"Eliot Perrin","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2021-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2021-0008","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The group Save Montreal was founded in immediate reaction to the demolition of the William Van Horne mansion in September 1973. This article argues that while the group's formation is frequently cited as the birth of Montreal's heritage preservation movement, this label fails to fully encapsulate the group's motivations. Central to Save Montreal's activism were demands for community housing and public participation in the city's planning process. These appeals stemmed from the fact that Mayor Jean Drapeau's administration pursued a vision for the city based on modernist planning principles, namely automobility and the construction of megastructures. Such measures entailed the mass demolition of residences and businesses. In response, Save Montreal's membership pressured government actors and the private sector to abandon these policies in favour of the creation of housing co-operatives, community-oriented zonings and public consultations. These efforts reveal that, beyond architectural and historical considerations, democratic planning and housing were central to Montreal's urban conservation movement.RÉSUMÉ:Le groupe Sauvons Montréal a été créé en septembre 1973, en réaction directe à la démolition de la maison William-Van Horne. Cet article soutient que, bien que la formation de ce groupe soit souvent associée à la naissance du mouvement de conservation du patrimoine montréalais, c'est une étiquette qui ne rend pas justice à l'ensemble de ses motivations. Au coeur des démarches militantes de Sauvons Montréal figuraient en effet le logement communautaire et la participation du public au processus d'aménagement de la ville. Ces demandes étaient provoquées par le fait que l'administration du maire Jean Drapeau avait pour la ville une vision du développement basée sur les principes de la planification moderniste, essentiellement l'automobilité et la construction de mégastructures. Or ces mesures impliquaient la démolition massive de résidences et de commerces. En réaction, les membres de Sauvons Montréal ont fait pression sur les gouvernements et le secteur privé, exigeant l'abandon de ces politiques en faveur de la création de coopératives d'habitation, de zonages communautaires et de consultations publiques. Ces efforts révèlent qu'au-delà des considérations architecturales et historiques, l'aménagement et le logement urbains démocratiques étaient au centre des préoccupations de ce mouvement de conservation de la ville.","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":"51 1","pages":"117 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46827678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Steven High. Deindustrializing Montreal: Entangled Histories of Race, Residence, and Class","authors":"Tracy Neumann","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2022-0023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2022-0023","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43657927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Serge Dupuis et Sophie Blais. Les Dubreuil et le bois: Une histoire de Dubreuilville","authors":"Eliot Perrin","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2023-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2023-0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41653551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Philippe Girard. Leonard Cohen : Sur un fil","authors":"Nicolas Kenny","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2022-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2022-0010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42878383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It the library of anyone interested in suburban history the history of David Schley’s rigorous, carefully researched book is a critical analysis of how the Baltimore and Ohio (B & O) Railroad, founded in 1828 as an urban development project rooted in the specificities of the city of Baltimore and funded by municipal coffers, became a private corporation that traversed state borders, opted for the payment of dividends to stakeholders rather than infrastructural improvements in its home city, and called upon federal troops to put down labour unrest. A scholarly contribution to the new history of capitalism, Steam City insists upon the urban origins of this railway company, initially designed to respond to the particularities of its home city, but which, over time, shed its local character and became a corporation with national ambitions. This book is also a reflection on the powers bestowed on private enterprise by governments and, in this sense, constitutes a warning about the dangers we face today in this second “Gilded Age,” when companies unmoored from local constraints, untouched by municipal regulation, and unresponsive to local needs criss-cross the globe in search of profits. Steam City consists of eight closely argued chapters, organized according to a structure that is both chronological and thematic. Readers of the Urban History Review/ Revue d’histoire urbaine will probably find most compelling the detailed portrait of Baltimore streets and neighbourhoods to be found in Chapter 2, entitled “Tracks in the Streets,” and in Chapter 5, entitled “The Smoking, Puffing Locomotive.” Here we see local conflicts between carters, draymen, hackmen, and pedestrians, on the one hand, and railways, on the other. Schley describes in detail the horses startled and the residents kept awake by hissing steam whistles and clanging railway bells, the accidents involving young boys hitching rides on railway cars, and the pedestrians tripping over the iron tracks newly embedded in the thoroughfares that they had used for decades.
这是任何对郊区历史感兴趣的人的图书馆——大卫·施利（David Schley）严谨、仔细研究的书的历史，是对巴尔的摩和俄亥俄州铁路（B&O）的批判性分析，该铁路成立于1828年，是一个植根于巴尔的摩市特殊性的城市发展项目，由市政金库资助，选择向利益相关者支付股息，而不是改善其家乡的基础设施，并呼吁联邦军队平息劳工骚乱。作为对资本主义新历史的学术贡献，Steam City坚持这家铁路公司的城市起源，最初是为了回应其家乡的特殊性，但随着时间的推移，它摆脱了当地特色，成为了一家具有国家野心的公司。这本书也是对政府赋予私营企业权力的反思，从这个意义上说，它对我们今天在第二个“镀金时代”所面临的危险发出了警告，当时，不受地方限制、不受市政监管、对地方需求反应迟钝的公司在全球各地寻找利润。《蒸汽城》由八个争论不休的章节组成，按照时间和主题的结构进行组织。《城市历史评论》（Urban History Review）/《城市历史》（Revue d'histoire urbaine，另一方面是铁路。Schley详细描述了马被嘶嘶作响的汽笛声和叮当作响的铁路铃声吓了一跳，居民们保持清醒，年轻男孩搭火车的事故，以及行人被他们使用了几十年的大道上新嵌入的铁轨绊倒。
{"title":"Kyle Riismandel. Neighborhood of Fear: The Suburban Crisis in American Culture, 1975–2001","authors":"B. Bradley","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2022-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2022-0012","url":null,"abstract":"It the library of anyone interested in suburban history the history of David Schley’s rigorous, carefully researched book is a critical analysis of how the Baltimore and Ohio (B & O) Railroad, founded in 1828 as an urban development project rooted in the specificities of the city of Baltimore and funded by municipal coffers, became a private corporation that traversed state borders, opted for the payment of dividends to stakeholders rather than infrastructural improvements in its home city, and called upon federal troops to put down labour unrest. A scholarly contribution to the new history of capitalism, Steam City insists upon the urban origins of this railway company, initially designed to respond to the particularities of its home city, but which, over time, shed its local character and became a corporation with national ambitions. This book is also a reflection on the powers bestowed on private enterprise by governments and, in this sense, constitutes a warning about the dangers we face today in this second “Gilded Age,” when companies unmoored from local constraints, untouched by municipal regulation, and unresponsive to local needs criss-cross the globe in search of profits. Steam City consists of eight closely argued chapters, organized according to a structure that is both chronological and thematic. Readers of the Urban History Review/ Revue d’histoire urbaine will probably find most compelling the detailed portrait of Baltimore streets and neighbourhoods to be found in Chapter 2, entitled “Tracks in the Streets,” and in Chapter 5, entitled “The Smoking, Puffing Locomotive.” Here we see local conflicts between carters, draymen, hackmen, and pedestrians, on the one hand, and railways, on the other. Schley describes in detail the horses startled and the residents kept awake by hissing steam whistles and clanging railway bells, the accidents involving young boys hitching rides on railway cars, and the pedestrians tripping over the iron tracks newly embedded in the thoroughfares that they had used for decades.","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49269386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Collectively, the commentaries included in this special issue, along with Basecamp discussions and Zoom meetings, have produced a rich and varied portrait of urban history in Canada. In my survey, I focused narrowly on the work of those historical researchers who saw themselves as having primarily “urban” interests. Framed that way, the assessment and prognosis was gloomy. Most of the other contributors threw away the blinkers and reached a more optimistic conclusion. The exception was Phil Mackintosh, who, speaking about the state of historical geography in Canada, could find little comfort, within or beyond city limits. Out of the divergent views and debates, two important points of agreement emerged. The first was that, even narrowly defined, the state of urban historical research is better than I suggested. It may be true that it has always lacked an institutional base and that a national conference has not been held for many years, but the rise of the internet and social media supports connections, networks, and forums in ways once unthinkable. Similarly, as Jennifer Bonnell, Sean Kheraj, and Michèle Dagenais made clear in conversation, if the subfield has a limited presence at the University of Toronto, McGill, and the University of British Columbia, there are centres of activity elsewhere, notably York University and the Université de Québec à Montréal. Dagenais, and the Urban History Review’s co-editor, Harold Bérubé, also indicated that the general state of urban history in Québec is rather good, albeit heavily centred on Montreal. In conversation, Bérubé also suggested that the Review is doing better than merely surviving. Its editors receive a small but steady stream of sound, scholarly papers. And, the day before finalizing this essay, I finished reading Daniel Ross’s fine case study set in Toronto, which exemplifies an urban way of thinking.1 There is life in our subfield yet. The second conclusion is that, when a wider view is taken, a good deal of significant research is indeed being undertaken, and published, on the history of Canadian cities. Social historians, including those interested in gender issues, continue to play a role, while, as Mathieu Caron pointed out, they have expanded the scope of their enquiries to include previously neglected topics, including the gay community and sex workers. Caron also notes the growing interest in the history of Indigenous peoples. Many, of course, were displaced when white colonizers first established urban settlements, and in that sense made peripheral to urban life. Because their movements were constrained, only a few remained in, or moved to, urban places before World War II. In recent decades, however, they have become a significant urban presence, notably in the western provinces. Here, too, Concluding Comments
{"title":"Concluding Comments","authors":"Richard M. Harris","doi":"10.3138/uhr-2022-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr-2022-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Collectively, the commentaries included in this special issue, along with Basecamp discussions and Zoom meetings, have produced a rich and varied portrait of urban history in Canada. In my survey, I focused narrowly on the work of those historical researchers who saw themselves as having primarily “urban” interests. Framed that way, the assessment and prognosis was gloomy. Most of the other contributors threw away the blinkers and reached a more optimistic conclusion. The exception was Phil Mackintosh, who, speaking about the state of historical geography in Canada, could find little comfort, within or beyond city limits. Out of the divergent views and debates, two important points of agreement emerged. The first was that, even narrowly defined, the state of urban historical research is better than I suggested. It may be true that it has always lacked an institutional base and that a national conference has not been held for many years, but the rise of the internet and social media supports connections, networks, and forums in ways once unthinkable. Similarly, as Jennifer Bonnell, Sean Kheraj, and Michèle Dagenais made clear in conversation, if the subfield has a limited presence at the University of Toronto, McGill, and the University of British Columbia, there are centres of activity elsewhere, notably York University and the Université de Québec à Montréal. Dagenais, and the Urban History Review’s co-editor, Harold Bérubé, also indicated that the general state of urban history in Québec is rather good, albeit heavily centred on Montreal. In conversation, Bérubé also suggested that the Review is doing better than merely surviving. Its editors receive a small but steady stream of sound, scholarly papers. And, the day before finalizing this essay, I finished reading Daniel Ross’s fine case study set in Toronto, which exemplifies an urban way of thinking.1 There is life in our subfield yet. The second conclusion is that, when a wider view is taken, a good deal of significant research is indeed being undertaken, and published, on the history of Canadian cities. Social historians, including those interested in gender issues, continue to play a role, while, as Mathieu Caron pointed out, they have expanded the scope of their enquiries to include previously neglected topics, including the gay community and sex workers. Caron also notes the growing interest in the history of Indigenous peoples. Many, of course, were displaced when white colonizers first established urban settlements, and in that sense made peripheral to urban life. Because their movements were constrained, only a few remained in, or moved to, urban places before World War II. In recent decades, however, they have become a significant urban presence, notably in the western provinces. Here, too, Concluding Comments","PeriodicalId":42574,"journal":{"name":"URBAN HISTORY REVIEW-REVUE D HISTOIRE URBAINE","volume":"50 1","pages":"82 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42231739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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