Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1642980
Tahereh Rahimkhani, H. Sabori
ABSTRACT In 2014–2015 we combined questionnaires with direct observation to study the architectural transition of a remote Iranian village in order to assess the relationship between the layout and architecture of the settlement and the cemetery, and to assess the ways the characteristics of the settlement were or were not reflected in the cemetery. The architecture of the settlement site in Makhunik has undergone considerable transformation from its inception to the present and this is still visible in the current architecture; however, changes in the cemetery are limited.
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Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1642592
Amy V. Margaris
{"title":"A tale of three villages: Indigenous-colonial interactions in southwestern Alaska, 1740–1950","authors":"Amy V. Margaris","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1642592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1642592","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90165381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1642511
Kathryn A. Kamp, J. Whittaker
{"title":"Editorial Reflections: Anthropology, the Fundamental Human Activity","authors":"Kathryn A. Kamp, J. Whittaker","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1642511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1642511","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81686519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573286
Jason Nesbitt, Rachel K. Johnson, R. Horowitz
ABSTRACT Obsidian flake tools are an important component of Early Horizon (ca. 800–400 B.C.) lithic assemblages in highland Peru. However, the functions of these tools have not been ascertained. In this paper, we present the results of an experimental project that tests the hypothesis that flake tools were used for shearing domesticated camelids (alpacas and llamas). A collection of 10 replicated flake tools were used to shear an alpaca over different amounts of time. Our results indicate that these implements provide an efficient means of shearing camelids, though their efficiency declines after prolonged use. Following the shearing experiment, optical light microscope (OLM) and scanning electron microscope (SEM) analyses were undertaken to determine what kinds of use-wear were present on the tools. We tentatively conclude that shearing does leave recognizable edge-wear, including micro-chipping, faint striations, and residues, which we believe could be visible in Peruvian archaeological lithic assemblages.
{"title":"Was Obsidian Used for Camelid Shearing in Ancient Peru? An Experimental and Use-Wear Study","authors":"Jason Nesbitt, Rachel K. Johnson, R. Horowitz","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1573286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1573286","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Obsidian flake tools are an important component of Early Horizon (ca. 800–400 B.C.) lithic assemblages in highland Peru. However, the functions of these tools have not been ascertained. In this paper, we present the results of an experimental project that tests the hypothesis that flake tools were used for shearing domesticated camelids (alpacas and llamas). A collection of 10 replicated flake tools were used to shear an alpaca over different amounts of time. Our results indicate that these implements provide an efficient means of shearing camelids, though their efficiency declines after prolonged use. Following the shearing experiment, optical light microscope (OLM) and scanning electron microscope (SEM) analyses were undertaken to determine what kinds of use-wear were present on the tools. We tentatively conclude that shearing does leave recognizable edge-wear, including micro-chipping, faint striations, and residues, which we believe could be visible in Peruvian archaeological lithic assemblages.","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88374502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573289
Kathryn A. Kamp, J. Whittaker
In an era of fake news and alternative facts, archaeologists need to think carefully about what it takes to make an effective argument and how best to train students to do so. While the unfettered enthusiasm for positivism and science evinced by some in the 1960s and 70s is rare in the wake of post-processual critiques, archaeological interpretations of the past are and must still be evidence-based. Interpretations of the past originate in the archaeological evidence, but the meaning of the material remains requires interpretation. Ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology provide the two most important pillars for interpreting archaeology’s material evidence and the best prepared archaeologists should be able to both consume and produce ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology. Understanding what percentages of macro-botanical remains actually mean depends upon a knowledge of differential preservation. Asserting that a tool was used for scraping hide demands an understanding of how hides are scraped and how patterns of use-wear result. Arguing from fingerprints that children made a figurine can only be done based on a knowledge of fingerprint metrics and the way they change over a life course. The basic research for all of these interpretations is experimental archaeology. Estimating population sizes from architectural remains requires an understanding of the relationship between architectural spaces and their occupants and how this may vary with context. Making a case for increasing stratification using grave goods demands arguments about the relationship between personal identity and funerary ceremony among other things. These kinds of complex cultural interpretations require an understanding of the way human behaviors and culture affect the material world and are ideally based on the research of ethnoarchaeologists. Doing first-rate research in either ethnoarchaeology or experimental archaeology requires a grounding in archaeology, but perspectives and skills from other disciplines as well. Since most ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology is done by archaeologists, graduate schools should be providing students not just with the theory and method of archaeology, but also with the tools needed to do first-rate ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology and to use the results in their research. In his commentary on Edwin Wilmson’s retrospective, David Killick (this issue) notes that the kind of 4-field training that Wilmsen received in the 1960s as a University of Arizona graduate student has largely disappeared. Today some graduate schools do not demand broad accountability in even one field, much less four. This change from broad to specialized training may well be logical in light of the increasing literature accumulating in every area of study and the pressure to have students finish their degrees in a reasonable amount of time, but it is a distinct loss for archaeology. This is particularly true when archaeologists are n
{"title":"Training Ethnoarchaeologists and Experimental Archaeologists","authors":"Kathryn A. Kamp, J. Whittaker","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1573289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1573289","url":null,"abstract":"In an era of fake news and alternative facts, archaeologists need to think carefully about what it takes to make an effective argument and how best to train students to do so. While the unfettered enthusiasm for positivism and science evinced by some in the 1960s and 70s is rare in the wake of post-processual critiques, archaeological interpretations of the past are and must still be evidence-based. Interpretations of the past originate in the archaeological evidence, but the meaning of the material remains requires interpretation. Ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology provide the two most important pillars for interpreting archaeology’s material evidence and the best prepared archaeologists should be able to both consume and produce ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology. Understanding what percentages of macro-botanical remains actually mean depends upon a knowledge of differential preservation. Asserting that a tool was used for scraping hide demands an understanding of how hides are scraped and how patterns of use-wear result. Arguing from fingerprints that children made a figurine can only be done based on a knowledge of fingerprint metrics and the way they change over a life course. The basic research for all of these interpretations is experimental archaeology. Estimating population sizes from architectural remains requires an understanding of the relationship between architectural spaces and their occupants and how this may vary with context. Making a case for increasing stratification using grave goods demands arguments about the relationship between personal identity and funerary ceremony among other things. These kinds of complex cultural interpretations require an understanding of the way human behaviors and culture affect the material world and are ideally based on the research of ethnoarchaeologists. Doing first-rate research in either ethnoarchaeology or experimental archaeology requires a grounding in archaeology, but perspectives and skills from other disciplines as well. Since most ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology is done by archaeologists, graduate schools should be providing students not just with the theory and method of archaeology, but also with the tools needed to do first-rate ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology and to use the results in their research. In his commentary on Edwin Wilmson’s retrospective, David Killick (this issue) notes that the kind of 4-field training that Wilmsen received in the 1960s as a University of Arizona graduate student has largely disappeared. Today some graduate schools do not demand broad accountability in even one field, much less four. This change from broad to specialized training may well be logical in light of the increasing literature accumulating in every area of study and the pressure to have students finish their degrees in a reasonable amount of time, but it is a distinct loss for archaeology. This is particularly true when archaeologists are n","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86258933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573287
E. Wilmsen
I must begin in the seeming past. At the age of 14 my maternal grandfather left his village near Bremen in Germany to sign on as cabin boy on a ship bound for China. He remained there, rising to Ca...
{"title":"Someday … Maybe: A Personal Retrospective","authors":"E. Wilmsen","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1573287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1573287","url":null,"abstract":"I must begin in the seeming past. At the age of 14 my maternal grandfather left his village near Bremen in Germany to sign on as cabin boy on a ship bound for China. He remained there, rising to Ca...","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19442890.2019.1573287","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72472968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573290
T. Tsegaye
ABSTRACT In northwestern Ethiopia, hide working is a skilled practice that involves turning raw hides into processed leather products using iron blades in wooden hafts for scraping and hammer stones with plant oils for hair removal, softening, and coloring the hides. This study among Amhara hide workers living in the East Gojjam Zone focuses on the specialized use of iron scrapers, which establishes a strong relationship between hide workers and ironsmiths who are the sole suppliers of the tool. Forging iron is a declining skill preserved among the smiths which is observed during scraper manufacturing. The study of this new context helps to examine variation in persistence of the different tools used, time variation and labor costs in accomplishing similar tasks among groups using different technology.
{"title":"An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Hide Working with Iron Scrapers in East Gojjam, Northwestern Ethiopia","authors":"T. Tsegaye","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1573290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1573290","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In northwestern Ethiopia, hide working is a skilled practice that involves turning raw hides into processed leather products using iron blades in wooden hafts for scraping and hammer stones with plant oils for hair removal, softening, and coloring the hides. This study among Amhara hide workers living in the East Gojjam Zone focuses on the specialized use of iron scrapers, which establishes a strong relationship between hide workers and ironsmiths who are the sole suppliers of the tool. Forging iron is a declining skill preserved among the smiths which is observed during scraper manufacturing. The study of this new context helps to examine variation in persistence of the different tools used, time variation and labor costs in accomplishing similar tasks among groups using different technology.","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88281914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573288
D. Killick
Although Ed Wilmsen has made crucial contributions to ethoarchaeology, he does not identify himself as an ethnoarchaeologist, and so his important work in this field is often overlooked. He is not mentioned, for example, in the monumental history of ethnoarchaeology by David and Kramer (2000). When I recorded an on-camera interview with him in 2015, he described himself as a four-field anthropologist. The traditional “four fields” of Anthropology in the USA and Canada are Cultural (or Social) Anthropology, Archaeology, Biological Anthropology and Linguistic Anthropology. In the mid1960s Ed Wilmsen and his fellow PhD students in the University of Arizona’s Anthropology Department were required to take rigorous qualifying examinations in all four of these fields. His work on hunter-gatherers in the Kalahari made good use of all of this training and ranged far beyond it into colonial archives, and into the translation and editing of the journals of nineteenth-century European travelers through the Kalahari. As he notes in this essay, when he traveled in 1973 to CaeCae (/Khae/Khae in other publications) for a six-month field season, he shared the then-widespread view that Kalahari hunter-gatherers were among the last living representatives of that evolutionary stage, and that ethnoarchaeological studies of them might be used to infer behavior and social structures of prehistoric hunter-gatherers far distant in time and space from the Kalahari. He anticipated that this would be his only trip to Africa and that he would thereafter be applying the insights gathered from this field season to interpretation of Paleoindian archaeology back in the USA. He never did return to Paleoindian archaeology and has spent the last forty-five years working in Botswana. Between 1973 and 1980 he spent more than three years in the field with Zhu foragers, employing all aspects of his training in four-field anthropology. He learned their language, he studied their subsistence strategies and kinship system, nutrition and fertility, he drew blood for nutritional, endocrine and mt-DNA studies, and he undertook archaeological excavations at CaeCae (Wilmsen 1978). Some of the leading linguists studying Khoisan languages are German, and Ed’s fluency in that language enabled him to delve more deeply into Khoisan historical linguistics than most other anthropologists working with Kalahari hunter-gatherers. All of these lines of inquiry were also being pursued by various members of Lee and DeVore’s research group, but Wilmsen was able to spend more time in the field during the 1970s than any one of them, thanks to three large grants from the US National Science Foundation. He was also commissioned by the government of Botswana, which had become an independent nation only in 1966, to write a lengthy summary of the current status of foraging peoples within its borders.
虽然Ed Wilmsen对民族考古学做出了重要贡献，但他并不认为自己是一个民族考古学家，因此他在这个领域的重要工作经常被忽视。例如，在大卫和克莱默(David and Kramer, 2000)撰写的不朽的民族考古学历史中，他就没有被提及。当我在2015年录制对他的镜头采访时，他称自己是一个四领域的人类学家。美国和加拿大传统的人类学“四大领域”是文化(或社会)人类学、考古学、生物人类学和语言人类学。在20世纪60年代中期，Ed Wilmsen和他在亚利桑那大学人类学系的博士生们被要求在这四个领域都参加严格的资格考试。他对喀拉哈里沙漠狩猎采集者的研究很好地利用了所有这些训练，并且远远超出了殖民档案的范围，还翻译和编辑了19世纪穿越喀拉哈里沙漠的欧洲旅行者的日志。正如他在这篇文章中所指出的，当他在1973年前往CaeCae (/Khae/Khae在其他出版物中)进行为期六个月的实地考察时，他同意了当时普遍的观点，即喀拉哈里狩猎采集者是该进化阶段最后活着的代表之一，对他们的民族考古学研究可能被用来推断史前狩猎采集者的行为和社会结构，这些狩猎采集者在时间和空间上都与喀拉哈里遥远。他预计这将是他唯一一次非洲之行，此后他将把从这个实地季节收集到的见解应用到美国的古印第安考古解释中。他再也没有回到古印第安考古领域，在博茨瓦纳工作了45年。1973年至1980年间，他花了三年多的时间在朱族采集者的田野里，运用了他在四个领域的人类学训练的各个方面。他学习了他们的语言，研究了他们的生存策略和亲属制度、营养和生育能力，他为营养、内分泌和mt-DNA研究抽血，并在CaeCae进行了考古发掘(Wilmsen 1978)。研究科伊桑语言的一些主要语言学家是德国人，而埃德流利的德语使他能够比其他大多数研究喀拉哈里沙漠狩猎采集者的人类学家更深入地研究科伊桑历史语言学。所有这些研究方向也被李和德沃尔研究小组的不同成员所追求，但在20世纪70年代，威尔姆森比他们中的任何一个人都花了更多的时间在这个领域，这要归功于美国国家科学基金会的三笔大笔资助。1966年刚刚成为独立国家的博茨瓦纳政府还委托他撰写一篇关于其境内觅食民族现状的长篇摘要。
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Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573291
M. Horowitz
{"title":"Ancient Cookware from the Levant: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective","authors":"M. Horowitz","doi":"10.1080/19442890.2019.1573291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19442890.2019.1573291","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42668,"journal":{"name":"Ethnoarchaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84759724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/19442890.2019.1573283
A. Batmaz
ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to cast light on how the red glossy slipped pottery of the Urartian Kingdom (9th–6th century BC) was manufactured. Ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology, as well as more traditional archaeological research methods, are used to discern the processes involved. First, the pottery was categorized based on surface treatment. Next, ethnoarchaeological research was carried out in the village of Bardakçı in the province of Van (Eastern Turkey) to gain a more detailed understanding of ancient ceramic production techniques. This approach and subsequent experiments provided important insights into the technology that was used during the production of ancient Urartian pottery. The findings of the ethnoarchaeological work indicate that the practices of modern potters living in villages near Urartian settlements are similar, in terms of materials and methods, to the practices of the past.
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