{"title":"State Building, States, and State Transformation in Africa: Introduction","authors":"Njoku Carol Ijeoma, M. Dmitri","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47450844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the first years of independence, United National Independence Party (UNIP) and President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda, realizing that Zambia as a young multi-ethnic state can develop only assuming normal relations between its 73 ethnic groups, proclaimed the slogan ‘One Zambia is One People’ as the basic principle of nation-building. The formation of a young nation should also be facilitated by the introduction of the principle of regional and ethnic balancing – quotas for various ethnic groups for representation in government bodies. Under the conditions of political pluralism since 1991, power in Zambia was transferred peacefully, including after the victory of the opposition in the elections in 2011. Zambia is often called a successful example of achieving ethno-political consolidation in a multi-ethnic African state, which can be regarded as a certain success in the formation of a national state. The new president Edgar Lungu re-elected in September 2016 declares that the policy of his government and of the PF party will be firmly based on the inviolability of the principle ‘One Zambia – One Nation’.
{"title":"The principle ‘One Zambia, One nation’: fifty years later","authors":"L. Prokopenko","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.04","url":null,"abstract":"In the first years of independence, United National Independence Party (UNIP) and President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda, realizing that Zambia as a young multi-ethnic state can develop only assuming normal relations between its 73 ethnic groups, proclaimed the slogan ‘One Zambia is One People’ as the basic principle of nation-building. The formation of a young nation should also be facilitated by the introduction of the principle of regional and ethnic balancing – quotas for various ethnic groups for representation in government bodies. Under the conditions of political pluralism since 1991, power in Zambia was transferred peacefully, including after the victory of the opposition in the elections in 2011. Zambia is often called a successful example of achieving ethno-political consolidation in a multi-ethnic African state, which can be regarded as a certain success in the formation of a national state. The new president Edgar Lungu re-elected in September 2016 declares that the policy of his government and of the PF party will be firmly based on the inviolability of the principle ‘One Zambia – One Nation’.","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49540845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the very beginning of the twenty-first century, the sovereignty and near supremacy of the state are being challenged. Barely half a century ago, some scholars envisaged an inevitable or direct historical path to more consolidated and larger polities: a world government, possibly a planetary state, at the very least a concert of nation-states (Carneiro 1978; Hart 1948). Now this appears to have been a flight of fancy. Even in the face of a revolution in telecommunications and a powerful process of economic globalisation, it has become evident that there has been no linear progression in political development or centralisation. Political philosophers may find the prospect of an unstoppable march towards homogeneous polities desirable or immoral. Social scientists simply register the forces which go against it and, indeed, which may well pose dangers to the nation-state as it evolved during the last two centuries. Globalisation, the quest for democracy, as well as new processes of collective identification, have enabled people to become
{"title":"Beyond States and Empires: Chiefdoms and Informal Politics","authors":"P. Chabal, G. Feinman, P. Skalník","doi":"10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.14","url":null,"abstract":"At the very beginning of the twenty-first century, the sovereignty and near supremacy of the state are being challenged. Barely half a century ago, some scholars envisaged an inevitable or direct historical path to more consolidated and larger polities: a world government, possibly a planetary state, at the very least a concert of nation-states (Carneiro 1978; Hart 1948). Now this appears to have been a flight of fancy. Even in the face of a revolution in telecommunications and a powerful process of economic globalisation, it has become evident that there has been no linear progression in political development or centralisation. Political philosophers may find the prospect of an unstoppable march towards homogeneous polities desirable or immoral. Social scientists simply register the forces which go against it and, indeed, which may well pose dangers to the nation-state as it evolved during the last two centuries. Globalisation, the quest for democracy, as well as new processes of collective identification, have enabled people to become","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41419822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.4324/9781315063362-32
J. Henri
In this article the emergence of the Pristine State will be considered. First, I will present an overview of the applied method. Then seven cases of – probable – Pristine States are described. This makes a comparative research possible. As the case studies have been described with the help of the Complex Interaction Model, the comparative part is also based upon this approach. From the comparisons it appeared that all cases developed in a situation of relative wealth. They were not a consequence of hunger or population pressure. Nor could the often mentioned role of war be established as crucial in the formation of these states. War, as far as it occurred, was rather a consequence than a condition of state formation. 1. PRELIMINARY REMARKS In 1967, Morton H. Fried introduced the concept of the pristine state in The Evolution of Political Society, stating that ‘all contemporary states, even those that seem to be lineally descended from the states of high antiquity, like China, are really secondary states; the pristine states perished long ago’ (Fried 1967: 231). The pristine states were those that ‘emerged from stratified societies and experienced the slow, autochthonous growth of specialized formal instruments of social control out of their own needs for these institutions’ (Ibid.). The institutions grew and a leader – a priest, a warrior, a manager, or a charismatic person – came to the fore, and started to use his power. Gradually the organization of such a polity developed into an incipient early state (term in Claessen 1978, 2014). Fried suggests that the ‘stratified-society-going-pristine-state’ was (probably) surrounded by other societies, developing in tandem, so that Social Evolution & History / March 2016 4 competition, trade, war, and communication played a role in its further development; as an early form of ‘peer polity interaction’ (Renfrew and Cherry 1986). Fried also suggests that such pristine states could overrun less well-organized neighbours and incorporate them within its own system as an inferior social stratum (Fried 1967: 232). Fried suggests Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, and the Yellow River Valley as possible sources of pristine states. He does not exclude the possibility that once, in an unknown past, pristine states developed also in Africa, but which completely disappeared since. Interestingly, he does not include an American case in his list. The concept of the pristine state – and implied with that the origin of the state – received considerable attention. To mention a few of the scholars involved: Robert L. Carneiro stated that the origin of the state was caused by circumscription and war. Julian H. Steward carefully analyzed the theocratic character of pristine states (Steward 1955: 182–185). In his analysis of the origins of civilizations Elman R. Service (1975) introduced Mesoamerica, Peru, and Polynesia as pristine states. Herbert S. Lewis and Sidney M. Greenfield (1983) emphasized decision making as a c
在本文中，将考虑原始状态的出现。首先，我将介绍应用方法的概述。然后描述了7个可能的原始状态。这使得比较研究成为可能。由于案例研究是在复杂交互模型的帮助下描述的，比较部分也是基于这种方法。从比较来看，似乎所有的案例都是在相对富裕的情况下发展起来的。它们不是饥饿或人口压力的结果。也不能确定经常提到的战争在这些国家的形成中起着至关重要的作用。战争，就其发生而言，与其说是国家形成的条件，不如说是结果。1. 1967年，莫顿·h·弗里德(Morton H. Fried)在《政治社会的演变》(the Evolution of Political Society)中引入了原始国家的概念，指出“所有当代国家，即使是那些似乎是古代国家的直系后代的国家，如中国，实际上都是次要国家;原始状态很久以前就消失了”(Fried 1967: 231)。原始国家是那些“从分层社会中出现的国家，经历了社会控制的专门的正式工具的缓慢的、本土的增长，这是出于他们自己对这些机构的需要”(同上)。随着制度的发展，一个领袖——一个牧师、一个战士、一个管理者或一个有魅力的人——走到了前台，并开始使用他的权力。这种政体的组织逐渐发展成为一个初期的早期状态(术语在Claessen 1978年，2014年)。弗里德认为，“分层社会走向原始状态”(可能)被其他社会所包围，并同步发展，因此，竞争、贸易、战争和交流在其进一步发展中发挥了作用;作为“同伴政体互动”的早期形式(Renfrew and Cherry 1986)。弗里德还认为，这样的原始国家可能会超越组织不那么良好的邻国，并将它们纳入自己的系统中，成为一个劣等社会阶层(弗里德1967:232)。弗里德认为埃及、美索不达米亚、印度河流域和黄河流域可能是原始国家的来源。他并不排除这样一种可能性，即在一个未知的过去，非洲曾经也有过原始国家，但后来完全消失了。有趣的是，他的名单中没有包括美国的案例。原始状态的概念——以及由此暗示的状态的起源——受到了相当大的关注。举几个涉及的学者:罗伯特·l·卡内罗(Robert L. Carneiro)指出，国家的起源是由限制和战争造成的。Julian H. Steward仔细分析了原始国家的神权特征(Steward 1955: 182-185)。在他对文明起源的分析中，Elman R. Service(1975)将中美洲、秘鲁和波利尼西亚列为原始国家。Herbert S. Lewis和Sidney M. Greenfield(1983)强调决策是国家形成的一个重要方面。rene Hagesteijn(1985)分析了东南亚国家(Ayudhya, Pagan和Burma)的发展，并解释了这些国家的不稳定。Norman Yoffee(1993,2005)从根本上批判了传统的进化理论，认为原始国家不是从酋长管辖地发展而来的，最后是Charles Spencer(2010)，他认为原始国家的特征是征服。我将在下面讨论提议的案例——埃及、美索不达米亚、印度、中国、中美洲和汤加——并添加古加纳作为非洲案例。然而，首先，我将研究在复杂交互模型(CIM)的帮助下，我们可以对这些最初状态的演变说些什么。CIM是社会政治组织演变的一般模型。它由三个因素组成:1。社会形态，即人口与生产资料的关系和可用土地的面积;2. 支配和控制经济;和3。的意识形态。相互的、相互的影响导致因素(或因素组)的变化，从而创造了社会政治组织出现的条件，或引发更复杂的发展。新兴的社会政治组织成为模型中的第四个因素，它反过来影响其他三个因素，并作为共同决定因素。当这样建立起来的结构在结构上与之前的结构不同时，进化就发生了。一个变化引发另一个变化;一种复杂的相互作用已经开始发挥作用(文献见注2)。CIM不包括战争或征服的流行因素。在我看来，这些不是独立的因素，而是由模型的一个因素的干扰引起的(Claessen 2006;2010: 24)。 在国际监测协调员的帮助下，总的来说，这些发展是和平和渐进的。这或多或少也是Service (1975: 266 ff)接下来的一行。， 290页)，后来由Schaedel和Robinson(2004)。为了说明CIM的工作原理，我将给出一个虚构的案例。想象一下，一个小社区的人口增长需要更大的粮食产量。这刺激了更多的耕地，从而改变了社会的形式。人口数量和有限的收成之间的紧张关系可能会在宗教或意识形态领域引发更大的热情，牧师或牧师将获得更大的影响力，要求更多的提议，偶尔会有更大的寺庙。另一个解决办法可能是发展贸易。贸易也可能对社会的富裕程度产生积极的影响，当然也会对社会中的一些成员产生积极的影响，并最终导致新的食物种类的引入。因此，经济及其管理者获得了更高的地位和影响力。社区逐渐增加，变得更加复杂，因此需要一个更强大和受过更好教育的领导(cf. Johnson 1978, 1982;Hallpike 1986: 246)。社会发展的必然结果是越来越多的人听命于最高领导人。由于不可能期望每个人都同意他的决定，领导者必须处理如何使他的追随者按照社会的规范和价值观行事的问题-也就是说他的规范和价值观。他必须巧妙地将共识和强制结合起来(参见Claessen 1994: 41)。在这里，领导人的合法性开始发挥作用。在许多情况下，这样一个社会的领袖被认为是神圣的，被认为是神、灵或祖先的后裔;从2016年3月的《社会进化与历史》中可以看出，他显然受到了上帝的保佑，他的收成通常比其他农民要大。这大大提高了他的地位。然后他开始建立一个由客户，牧师和仆人组成的内部圈子。因此，阶层分化在社会中变得更加明显，并被认为是合法的——国家的出现近在咫尺。到目前为止，还没有提到“国家”这个词。什么时候人们谈论国家?关于“状态”的许多定义已经发展出来，但它们很难适用于对原始状态的研究，因为它们要么是由人类学家(Claessen和Skalník 1978a;Kurtz 2011, 2012;Grinin和Korotayev 2012)，他们基于在实际实践中观察到的早期状态，或者由考古学家基于早期文明的剩余文物，并且由于缺乏书面来源，有时会受到人类学家的启发(Van de Velde 1985;Champion et al. 1984)。最近，Dmitri Bondarenko深入分析了(早期)国家的特征，得出结论认为其基本特征是存在一群非亲属官员(Bondarenko 2014)。原始状态的问题在于我们对它们知之甚少。在通常稀少的考古记录中，很难找到类似国家特征的迹象，就像早期组织形式的残余痕迹一样。这使得很难确定原始状态是否以及何时出现，以及它的前身何时结束。早在《早期国家》(Claessen and Skalník 1978b: 621)一书中，我们就指出:“在国家形成后，许多国家前阶段的特征趋势(例如，土地公有，对家庭或氏族首领的忠诚)并没有消失。这种情况——卡尼罗(1973)恰当地称之为“差异进化”——使得很难确定原始状态的存在。通常很少能找到一个国家的特征;人们所能期望的最好结果是找到一个三层政治组织、合法性、宫殿、国防工程、寺庙和祭司、贸易、声望商品等方面存在的迹象。与此同时，人们必须意识到拉德
{"title":"The emergence of pristine states","authors":"J. Henri","doi":"10.4324/9781315063362-32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315063362-32","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the emergence of the Pristine State will be considered. First, I will present an overview of the applied method. Then seven cases of – probable – Pristine States are described. This makes a comparative research possible. As the case studies have been described with the help of the Complex Interaction Model, the comparative part is also based upon this approach. From the comparisons it appeared that all cases developed in a situation of relative wealth. They were not a consequence of hunger or population pressure. Nor could the often mentioned role of war be established as crucial in the formation of these states. War, as far as it occurred, was rather a consequence than a condition of state formation. 1. PRELIMINARY REMARKS In 1967, Morton H. Fried introduced the concept of the pristine state in The Evolution of Political Society, stating that ‘all contemporary states, even those that seem to be lineally descended from the states of high antiquity, like China, are really secondary states; the pristine states perished long ago’ (Fried 1967: 231). The pristine states were those that ‘emerged from stratified societies and experienced the slow, autochthonous growth of specialized formal instruments of social control out of their own needs for these institutions’ (Ibid.). The institutions grew and a leader – a priest, a warrior, a manager, or a charismatic person – came to the fore, and started to use his power. Gradually the organization of such a polity developed into an incipient early state (term in Claessen 1978, 2014). Fried suggests that the ‘stratified-society-going-pristine-state’ was (probably) surrounded by other societies, developing in tandem, so that Social Evolution & History / March 2016 4 competition, trade, war, and communication played a role in its further development; as an early form of ‘peer polity interaction’ (Renfrew and Cherry 1986). Fried also suggests that such pristine states could overrun less well-organized neighbours and incorporate them within its own system as an inferior social stratum (Fried 1967: 232). Fried suggests Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, and the Yellow River Valley as possible sources of pristine states. He does not exclude the possibility that once, in an unknown past, pristine states developed also in Africa, but which completely disappeared since. Interestingly, he does not include an American case in his list. The concept of the pristine state – and implied with that the origin of the state – received considerable attention. To mention a few of the scholars involved: Robert L. Carneiro stated that the origin of the state was caused by circumscription and war. Julian H. Steward carefully analyzed the theocratic character of pristine states (Steward 1955: 182–185). In his analysis of the origins of civilizations Elman R. Service (1975) introduced Mesoamerica, Peru, and Polynesia as pristine states. Herbert S. Lewis and Sidney M. Greenfield (1983) emphasized decision making as a c","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70625784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The discussion about the Malthusian character of pre-industrial economies that has arisen in the recent years extensively uses simple mathematical models. This article analyzes some of these models to determine their conformity with Malthusian postulates. The author suggests two models that are more adequate for the description of the Malthusian patterns. Until recently, most economic historians were inclined to think that the medieval economies in Eurasia had a Malthusian nature (Allen 2008: 951). However, following the publication of Lee and Anderson's work (Lee and Anderson 2002), many came to dispute this opinion. A discussion has arisen about how the available data confirm the Malthusian relationship between demographic dynamics and consumption (i.e., real wages). This discussion has largely involved simple mathematical models of the Malthusian economy. In 1980, Lee published the first and most popular of these models. This model describes the relationship between the real wage, wt (consumption), and labor resources, Nt (population), using the following equation:
近年来出现的关于前工业经济马尔萨斯特征的讨论广泛使用了简单的数学模型。本文对其中的一些模型进行了分析，以确定它们是否符合马尔萨斯假设。作者提出了两种更适合描述马尔萨斯模式的模型。直到最近，大多数经济历史学家都倾向于认为欧亚大陆的中世纪经济具有马尔萨斯性质(Allen 2008: 951)。然而，随着Lee和Anderson的研究成果的发表(Lee and Anderson 2002)，许多人开始质疑这一观点。关于现有数据如何证实人口动态与消费(即实际工资)之间马尔萨斯关系的讨论已经出现。这一讨论主要涉及马尔萨斯经济的简单数学模型。1980年，李发表了第一个也是最受欢迎的这些模型。该模型描述了实际工资wt(消费)和劳动力资源Nt(人口)之间的关系，使用以下公式:
{"title":"Modeling Malthusian Dynamics in Pre-Industrial Societies","authors":"S. Nefedov","doi":"10.21237/c7clio4221335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21237/c7clio4221335","url":null,"abstract":"The discussion about the Malthusian character of pre-industrial economies that has arisen in the recent years extensively uses simple mathematical models. This article analyzes some of these models to determine their conformity with Malthusian postulates. The author suggests two models that are more adequate for the description of the Malthusian patterns. Until recently, most economic historians were inclined to think that the medieval economies in Eurasia had a Malthusian nature (Allen 2008: 951). However, following the publication of Lee and Anderson's work (Lee and Anderson 2002), many came to dispute this opinion. A discussion has arisen about how the available data confirm the Malthusian relationship between demographic dynamics and consumption (i.e., real wages). This discussion has largely involved simple mathematical models of the Malthusian economy. In 1980, Lee published the first and most popular of these models. This model describes the relationship between the real wage, wt (consumption), and labor resources, Nt (population), using the following equation:","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.21237/c7clio4221335","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67989418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The type of political leader, commonly referred to as ‘chief’, emerged some ten thousand years ago, since the time that larger congregations of people had become possible when the changes in climate made agriculture and settled life possible (Cook 2005: 24–28). And, though the term ‘chief’ was used over and again in anthropological, archaeological, and even historical literature, the contents of the concept was never fully agreed upon. Most anthropologists would include any, or most, of the following aspects in his or her definition: an ascribed/inherited top position in the local (regional) social structure, a central position in a redistributive economy, sacred capacities (the most important of which were alleged positive effects on human, animal and plant fertility), the erection of great works in the public sphere, and an inclination to warfare. I shall discuss each of these features with their ramifications below. GENERAL REMARKS Chiefs are considered as sociopolitical leaders of a number of people – in the thousands, as Earle suggests (Earle 1991: 1; 1997: 14), which is not always the case. To distinguish the chief from other sociopolitical leaders some additional characteristics have to be added to this rather broad definition. In the first place a chief is an ascribed leader; he occupies a hereditary position (Service 1971: 146–147). Such positions are, in Kurtz terminology, political offices. 1 Chiefship is the prerogative of a certain family. When the old chief dies his son or sometimes a brother or a nephew will succeed him. In this way he is different from a big man, or a president. These are leaders with an achieved position, they are elected, and they have done something to get into that place. Neither can chiefs do without achievement; also they have to demonstrate the ability
{"title":"On Chiefs and Chiefdoms","authors":"H. Claessen","doi":"10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.7","url":null,"abstract":"The type of political leader, commonly referred to as ‘chief’, emerged some ten thousand years ago, since the time that larger congregations of people had become possible when the changes in climate made agriculture and settled life possible (Cook 2005: 24–28). And, though the term ‘chief’ was used over and again in anthropological, archaeological, and even historical literature, the contents of the concept was never fully agreed upon. Most anthropologists would include any, or most, of the following aspects in his or her definition: an ascribed/inherited top position in the local (regional) social structure, a central position in a redistributive economy, sacred capacities (the most important of which were alleged positive effects on human, animal and plant fertility), the erection of great works in the public sphere, and an inclination to warfare. I shall discuss each of these features with their ramifications below. GENERAL REMARKS Chiefs are considered as sociopolitical leaders of a number of people – in the thousands, as Earle suggests (Earle 1991: 1; 1997: 14), which is not always the case. To distinguish the chief from other sociopolitical leaders some additional characteristics have to be added to this rather broad definition. In the first place a chief is an ascribed leader; he occupies a hereditary position (Service 1971: 146–147). Such positions are, in Kurtz terminology, political offices. 1 Chiefship is the prerogative of a certain family. When the old chief dies his son or sometimes a brother or a nephew will succeed him. In this way he is different from a big man, or a president. These are leaders with an achieved position, they are elected, and they have done something to get into that place. Neither can chiefs do without achievement; also they have to demonstrate the ability","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68854031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper the social hierarchy of several ancient Mongolian polities from the 3 rd – 2 nd centuries BC to the 3 rd century AD is described in terms of heterarchy, hierarchy, and chiefdom. These polities are characterized by the similar ecological environment, common cultural space, and common frontier with the Chinese civilization in the south and nomadic Xiongnu empire in the west. However, these ancient Mongols' polities differed in social complexity level. In this paper it is discussed how and why this happened.
{"title":"Heterarchy and hierarchy among the ancient Mongolian nomads","authors":"N. Kradin","doi":"10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.9","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper the social hierarchy of several ancient Mongolian polities from the 3 rd – 2 nd centuries BC to the 3 rd century AD is described in terms of heterarchy, hierarchy, and chiefdom. These polities are characterized by the similar ecological environment, common cultural space, and common frontier with the Chinese civilization in the south and nomadic Xiongnu empire in the west. However, these ancient Mongols' polities differed in social complexity level. In this paper it is discussed how and why this happened.","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68854106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is devoted to the significant at all times and sounding anew in every epoch problem of the role of an individual (also a Hero, Great Man) in history, including such an aspect as the role of an individual in the process of state formation and progress. It is argued that in the age of globalization, when the humankind has found itself at the new developmental turning point, in the epoch when the influence of various individuals could affect dramatically the further development of the whole world, there is an urgent necessity to return to the analysis of this issue. In the first part of this article the history of views on this problem from the antiquity to contemporary counterfactual history is considered. In the second part the author aims at presenting the complex of factors affecting the role of individuals as a conceptual system. He suggests that depending on various conditions and circumstances and with the account of specific features of historical place and time and personal characteristics, the historical role of an individual may fluctu-ate from the absolutely invisible up to the greatest one. A conclusion is made that the weaker and less stable is a society, the more destroyed are the old structures, the greater may be the personality's impact. In other words, the role of an individual is inversely correlated with society's stability and strength. The paper presents the model which includes four society's state phases: 1) stable society of the monarchic type; 2) social pre-revolutionary crisis; 3) revolution; 4) creation of a new order. It is shown that a personality's greatest influence is observed at the third and fourth stages while at the first stage the influence is usually considerably weaker.
{"title":"The Role of an Individual in History: A Reconsideration","authors":"L. Grinin","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1752886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1752886","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the significant at all times and sounding anew in every epoch problem of the role of an individual (also a Hero, Great Man) in history, including such an aspect as the role of an individual in the process of state formation and progress. It is argued that in the age of globalization, when the humankind has found itself at the new developmental turning point, in the epoch when the influence of various individuals could affect dramatically the further development of the whole world, there is an urgent necessity to return to the analysis of this issue. In the first part of this article the history of views on this problem from the antiquity to contemporary counterfactual history is considered. In the second part the author aims at presenting the complex of factors affecting the role of individuals as a conceptual system. He suggests that depending on various conditions and circumstances and with the account of specific features of historical place and time and personal characteristics, the historical role of an individual may fluctu-ate from the absolutely invisible up to the greatest one. A conclusion is made that the weaker and less stable is a society, the more destroyed are the old structures, the greater may be the personality's impact. In other words, the role of an individual is inversely correlated with society's stability and strength. The paper presents the model which includes four society's state phases: 1) stable society of the monarchic type; 2) social pre-revolutionary crisis; 3) revolution; 4) creation of a new order. It is shown that a personality's greatest influence is observed at the third and fourth stages while at the first stage the influence is usually considerably weaker.","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.1752886","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67734049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to explain how cultural transformation takes place through the evolution of cultural genes. This explanation posits that just as the evolution of an organism takes place at the genetic level, so also does the transformation of culture. As such, this paper must answer the four following questions: 1) Are there cultural genes that correspond to biological genes? 2) How can we prove that the fundamental characteristic of such cultural genes is to replicate themselves? 3) Will the recent intensified fusion of civilization lead to more variations of cultural genes? 4) What relationship is there between biological and cultural genes? A NEW GENE: THE CULTURAL GENE The greatest distinction of culture is that it is propagated from individual to individual not through biological genes, but rather through social learning. Cultures may be defined as systems of information which are objects of learning. ‘Culture is information capable of affecting individuals' phenotypes which they acquire from other conspecifics by teaching or imitation’ (Shennan 2002: 37). As a means of explaining the evolution of culture, Richard Dawkins coined the term ‘meme’, an abbreviation of the Greek word for an imitation, ‘mimēma’, to denote a unit of transmitted cultural content that operates as a replication of cultural information (Dawkins 1976: 192). Susan Blackmore has also greatly expanded the theory
{"title":"An Evolutionary Explanation Model on the Transformation of Culture by Cultural Genes","authors":"Hangoo Lee","doi":"10.5840/WCP22200838451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5840/WCP22200838451","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to explain how cultural transformation takes place through the evolution of cultural genes. This explanation posits that just as the evolution of an organism takes place at the genetic level, so also does the transformation of culture. As such, this paper must answer the four following questions: 1) Are there cultural genes that correspond to biological genes? 2) How can we prove that the fundamental characteristic of such cultural genes is to replicate themselves? 3) Will the recent intensified fusion of civilization lead to more variations of cultural genes? 4) What relationship is there between biological and cultural genes? A NEW GENE: THE CULTURAL GENE The greatest distinction of culture is that it is propagated from individual to individual not through biological genes, but rather through social learning. Cultures may be defined as systems of information which are objects of learning. ‘Culture is information capable of affecting individuals' phenotypes which they acquire from other conspecifics by teaching or imitation’ (Shennan 2002: 37). As a means of explaining the evolution of culture, Richard Dawkins coined the term ‘meme’, an abbreviation of the Greek word for an imitation, ‘mimēma’, to denote a unit of transmitted cultural content that operates as a replication of cultural information (Dawkins 1976: 192). Susan Blackmore has also greatly expanded the theory","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70971438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A number of historical political systems of regional scale in varied locales across the globe have been described as confederacies, and some, such as those of Early Medieval Ireland, as chiefdom confederacies. In light of recent mulling as to whether some complex political systems of prehistoric and early historic North America could be considered to have been chiefdom confederacies (Pauketat 2007), this article surveys the political systems of the historic Iroquois league, Early Medieval Ireland, Late Iron Age Britain, Archaic Boiotia, Bronze Age and Iron Age Korea, and 19 th – 20 th century Western Iran with the objective of determining the essential characteristics of chiefdom confederacies. Subsequent discussion is given over to the question as to whether the states that arose out of chiefdom confederacies possessed organizational characteristics attributable to their origins in them. Chiefdom confederacies have not had a high profile in the literature of social or political anthropology, and only pop up from time to time in historical literature. This relative neglect is odd considering that, as this survey will demonstrate, they occurred among populations in nearly every culture area of the world, and once carpeted Europe. Quite possibly, not much attention has been lavished upon chiefdom confederacies because most came into existence and declined prior to the appearance of written documents in most regions where they existed. A second likely reason for their obscurity is due to an unspoken consensus among scholars that chiefdom confederacies never evolved into, or had an imprint upon the character of early states. As this study will hopefully demonstrate nothing could be farther from the truth. Indeed, it will emerge that
{"title":"Chiefdom Confederacies and State Origins","authors":"D. B. Gibson","doi":"10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvqc6hq0.10","url":null,"abstract":"A number of historical political systems of regional scale in varied locales across the globe have been described as confederacies, and some, such as those of Early Medieval Ireland, as chiefdom confederacies. In light of recent mulling as to whether some complex political systems of prehistoric and early historic North America could be considered to have been chiefdom confederacies (Pauketat 2007), this article surveys the political systems of the historic Iroquois league, Early Medieval Ireland, Late Iron Age Britain, Archaic Boiotia, Bronze Age and Iron Age Korea, and 19 th – 20 th century Western Iran with the objective of determining the essential characteristics of chiefdom confederacies. Subsequent discussion is given over to the question as to whether the states that arose out of chiefdom confederacies possessed organizational characteristics attributable to their origins in them. Chiefdom confederacies have not had a high profile in the literature of social or political anthropology, and only pop up from time to time in historical literature. This relative neglect is odd considering that, as this survey will demonstrate, they occurred among populations in nearly every culture area of the world, and once carpeted Europe. Quite possibly, not much attention has been lavished upon chiefdom confederacies because most came into existence and declined prior to the appearance of written documents in most regions where they existed. A second likely reason for their obscurity is due to an unspoken consensus among scholars that chiefdom confederacies never evolved into, or had an imprint upon the character of early states. As this study will hopefully demonstrate nothing could be farther from the truth. Indeed, it will emerge that","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68853939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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