{"title":"A New Model of Human Cultural","authors":"Brent Ranalli","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.02.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.02.05","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45088533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"International Conference of Africanists ‘Africa and Africans in National, Regional and Global Dimensions’","authors":"N. Zherlitsina, A. Sharova","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.10","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44216413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The most significant policy framework that has been shaping the political and economic dynamics in Ethiopia is the doctrine of the developmental state model. The rhetoric is a new form of policy direction that has been advanced by the Government of Ethiopia since the aftermath of the controversial election in 2005. The policy aims at boosting legitimacy of the regime on the ability of the developmental state to deliver roads, schools and exaggerated rates of gross domestic product (GDP) growth. After the adoption of the developmental state model, the political repression against opposition parties, the media and civil society groups has been intensified. The paper explores the implications of the authoritarian developmental policy of the Ethiopian government in deepening political repression in the
{"title":"The Developmental State Model in Ethiopia: A Path to Economic Prosperity or Political Repression?","authors":"S. Abebe","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.07","url":null,"abstract":"The most significant policy framework that has been shaping the political and economic dynamics in Ethiopia is the doctrine of the developmental state model. The rhetoric is a new form of policy direction that has been advanced by the Government of Ethiopia since the aftermath of the controversial election in 2005. The policy aims at boosting legitimacy of the regime on the ability of the developmental state to deliver roads, schools and exaggerated rates of gross domestic product (GDP) growth. After the adoption of the developmental state model, the political repression against opposition parties, the media and civil society groups has been intensified. The paper explores the implications of the authoritarian developmental policy of the Ethiopian government in deepening political repression in the","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44355528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the exceptions of Ethiopia and Liberia, the nations of Black Africa share a common history of colonialism, despite their diversity. Colonialism lasted for about hundred years, having a great impact on African people. This article will focus specifically on Côte d'Ivoire also known as Ivory Coast, a former French colonial country in West Africa. Côte d'Ivoire has experienced a tumultuous regime history under the French colonial power. C ôte has also experienced several civil wars, and multiple regime transitions. Over fifty years after the end of French colonialism, the negative effects of French colonialism are persisting or escalating. More importantly, it will demonstrate how the presence of French colonial power in Côte d'Ivoire has left a long-lasting legacy that has severely impacted the development trajectories of contemporary Côte d'Ivoire.
{"title":"CôTE D’IVOIRE: FROM PRE-COLONISATION TO COLONIAL LEGACY","authors":"Meledje Jean-Claude","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.02","url":null,"abstract":"With the exceptions of Ethiopia and Liberia, the nations of Black Africa share a common history of colonialism, despite their diversity. Colonialism lasted for about hundred years, having a great impact on African people. This article will focus specifically on Côte d'Ivoire also known as Ivory Coast, a former French colonial country in West Africa. Côte d'Ivoire has experienced a tumultuous regime history under the French colonial power. C ôte has also experienced several civil wars, and multiple regime transitions. Over fifty years after the end of French colonialism, the negative effects of French colonialism are persisting or escalating. More importantly, it will demonstrate how the presence of French colonial power in Côte d'Ivoire has left a long-lasting legacy that has severely impacted the development trajectories of contemporary Côte d'Ivoire.","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48536781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among the lasting consequences of colonialism is the creation of a hybrid state structure that replaces the legacies of the precolonial indigenous social authority patterns with new western paradigms. Notwithstanding the very few exceptions in Africa, postcolonial states are besieged with conflicts some of which are ethnic-related or struggles to control power and natural resources. My paper examines the Nigerian conflicts as explored in Chinua Achebe's ‘There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra’ (2012). The analytical work examines the uncomfortable relationship that exists between the state and the sub-nationalities and how these undermine the politics of state building and the socioeconomic development in Nigeria. It further examines the intersection between political and economic conflicts and how these impact on the construction of law and power paradigm. Although Achebe’s narrative is very in-depth in the analysis of Nigerian colonial and postcolonial problems, it does not reflect on the challenges of over-centralization and effects on state building. My work explores this gap to show how Nigeria's highly centralized state structure subverts all efforts to achieve true democracy and encourages dictatorship. I argue that the practice of true federalism or confederated state structure would restore autonomy of the states and sub-nationalities. Hence, the restoration of sub-national autonomy will create healthier cooperation among Nigeria's fragmented ethnic sub-nationalities and pave way for political stability and functional
{"title":"Rethinking Nigeria''s conflicts of state building and the legal imperatives beyond chinua Achebe''s ‘there was a country: a personal history of Biafra’","authors":"Carol Ijeoma Njoku","doi":"10.30884/seh/2018.01.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/seh/2018.01.09","url":null,"abstract":"Among the lasting consequences of colonialism is the creation of a hybrid state structure that replaces the legacies of the precolonial indigenous social authority patterns with new western paradigms. Notwithstanding the very few exceptions in Africa, postcolonial states are besieged with conflicts some of which are ethnic-related or struggles to control power and natural resources. My paper examines the Nigerian conflicts as explored in Chinua Achebe's ‘There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra’ (2012). The analytical work examines the uncomfortable relationship that exists between the state and the sub-nationalities and how these undermine the politics of state building and the socioeconomic development in Nigeria. It further examines the intersection between political and economic conflicts and how these impact on the construction of law and power paradigm. Although Achebe’s narrative is very in-depth in the analysis of Nigerian colonial and postcolonial problems, it does not reflect on the challenges of over-centralization and effects on state building. My work explores this gap to show how Nigeria's highly centralized state structure subverts all efforts to achieve true democracy and encourages dictatorship. I argue that the practice of true federalism or confederated state structure would restore autonomy of the states and sub-nationalities. Hence, the restoration of sub-national autonomy will create healthier cooperation among Nigeria's fragmented ethnic sub-nationalities and pave way for political stability and functional","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46692280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to mutual help groups in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as an input to the country's successful nation-building process. It summarizes the results of field researches conducted by Oxana V. Ivanchenko in 2011, 2013, and 2015. The research targeted the practices of mutual help and self-organization among citizens of one of the most rapidly growing mega-cities in Africa, both its secondand third-generation old-timers and newcomers, usually the poorest Tanzanian villagers who rush to the big city in search for a better life. The methods of research include participant observation and interview, both formal and informal, with the inhabitants of uswahilini, traditional African neighborhoods, most commonly bearing the status of informal settlements. The research is focused on various forms of mutual help groups (kufa na kuzikana, mchezo/upatu, and vikoba), which nowadays tend to transform and carry out same functions of microcrediting, money-saving, loan-giving, providing the insurance in case of emergency (death, illness), and insuring socialization and strengthening of friendly relations in general. Over the course of data analysis, the authors come to a conclusion that the Tanzanians, who moved to the city, recreate the communal way of life of rural areas though in adapted forms: neighbors and colleagues become their new environment that provides social guarantees and help in difficult situation instead of relatives, and the leaders of mutual help groups help Ivanchenko and Banshchikova / Urbanization and Mutual Help Groups 35 resolve conflicts instead of the police. Strong pre-state traditions of community life and self-organization, characteristic of rural Tanzania, nowadays help urban Tanzania to grow up. And, what is even more important is that if earlier these traditions used to function only among same-tribe or same-region Tanzanians and would remain on the ethnic level, later in big cities they would flourish on inter-ethnic and supra-ethnic levels, because the need in mutual help did not disappear, while same-tribe friends and relatives were far away. Thus, it is clear that under peaceful circumstances urbanization and mutual help practices contribute to the nation-building process: people move from village to city and from traditional social bonds (on the level of tribe, region of provenance) to chosen social bonds (on nation-level, because all other ones are already overcome or non-existent).
这篇文章专门介绍坦桑尼亚达累斯萨拉姆的互助团体，作为对该国成功建国进程的投入。总结了Oxana V.Ivanchenko在2011年、2013年和2015年进行的实地研究结果。这项研究针对的是非洲发展最快的特大城市之一的公民之间的互助和自组织做法，包括其第二代和第三代老年人和新来者，通常是最贫穷的坦桑尼亚村民，他们涌向大城市寻求更好的生活。研究方法包括参与者观察和采访，包括正式和非正式的，与乌斯瓦希利尼的居民进行接触，乌斯瓦希利尼是非洲传统社区，通常具有非正式定居点的地位。研究的重点是各种形式的互助团体（kufa na kuzikana、mchezo/upatu和vikoba），这些团体如今倾向于转变和履行小额信贷、储蓄、贷款、在紧急情况下提供保险（死亡、疾病）、确保社会化和加强友好关系等相同职能。在数据分析过程中，作者得出的结论是，搬到城市的坦桑尼亚人重新创造了农村地区的公共生活方式，尽管形式有所改变：邻居和同事成为了他们的新环境，在困难的情况下提供社会保障和帮助，而不是亲人，互助小组的领导人帮助伊万琴科和班什奇科娃/城市化和互助小组35解决冲突，而不是警察。坦桑尼亚农村特有的强大的前国家社区生活和自组织传统，如今帮助坦桑尼亚城市成长。而且，更重要的是，如果早期这些传统只在同一部落或同一地区的坦桑尼亚人中发挥作用，并保持在种族层面上，那么后来在大城市，它们将在种族间和超种族层面上蓬勃发展，因为相互帮助的需求并没有消失，而同一部落的朋友和亲戚却远在他乡。因此，很明显，在和平的情况下，城市化和互助做法有助于国家建设进程：人们从一个村庄迁移到另一个城市，从传统的社会纽带（部落层面、原籍地区层面）迁移到选定的社会纽带上（国家层面，因为所有其他社会纽带都已经克服或不存在）。
{"title":"Urbanization and mutual help groups: contribution to nation-building in Tanzania","authors":"Oxana V. Ivanchenko, A. Banshchikova","doi":"10.30884/seh/2018.01.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/seh/2018.01.03","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to mutual help groups in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as an input to the country's successful nation-building process. It summarizes the results of field researches conducted by Oxana V. Ivanchenko in 2011, 2013, and 2015. The research targeted the practices of mutual help and self-organization among citizens of one of the most rapidly growing mega-cities in Africa, both its secondand third-generation old-timers and newcomers, usually the poorest Tanzanian villagers who rush to the big city in search for a better life. The methods of research include participant observation and interview, both formal and informal, with the inhabitants of uswahilini, traditional African neighborhoods, most commonly bearing the status of informal settlements. The research is focused on various forms of mutual help groups (kufa na kuzikana, mchezo/upatu, and vikoba), which nowadays tend to transform and carry out same functions of microcrediting, money-saving, loan-giving, providing the insurance in case of emergency (death, illness), and insuring socialization and strengthening of friendly relations in general. Over the course of data analysis, the authors come to a conclusion that the Tanzanians, who moved to the city, recreate the communal way of life of rural areas though in adapted forms: neighbors and colleagues become their new environment that provides social guarantees and help in difficult situation instead of relatives, and the leaders of mutual help groups help Ivanchenko and Banshchikova / Urbanization and Mutual Help Groups 35 resolve conflicts instead of the police. Strong pre-state traditions of community life and self-organization, characteristic of rural Tanzania, nowadays help urban Tanzania to grow up. And, what is even more important is that if earlier these traditions used to function only among same-tribe or same-region Tanzanians and would remain on the ethnic level, later in big cities they would flourish on inter-ethnic and supra-ethnic levels, because the need in mutual help did not disappear, while same-tribe friends and relatives were far away. Thus, it is clear that under peaceful circumstances urbanization and mutual help practices contribute to the nation-building process: people move from village to city and from traditional social bonds (on the level of tribe, region of provenance) to chosen social bonds (on nation-level, because all other ones are already overcome or non-existent).","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45061416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Stalemates to Democracy in Nigeria: The Paradoxes of Human Rights and Social Justice","authors":"Oguejiofo C. P. Ezeanya","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.08","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44257337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main body of this paper is made up of two separate parts each engaging and examining different aspects of industrial policy as they are related to developing African economies. The first part examines the importance of geography and contextual relevance in designing a developmental industrial policy. This part explores how different African economies may each configure their respective industrial policies in relation to their own geography and, social, cultural, and economic context so as to achieve success. The second part explores the important role the state plays in enacting and configuring an effective developmental industrial policy. This part especially highlights how the most effective industrial policy in terms of enhancing multi-sector economic growth tends to be policies enacted by developmental States that are highly involved in implementing specialized and highly integrated developmental policies that consolidate linkages across economic sectors, and is fully embedded into a broader economic development plan.
{"title":"Industrial policy: promising possibilities for African economic growth and development","authors":"Majeed A. Rahman","doi":"10.30884/seh/2018.01.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/seh/2018.01.06","url":null,"abstract":"The main body of this paper is made up of two separate parts each engaging and examining different aspects of industrial policy as they are related to developing African economies. The first part examines the importance of geography and contextual relevance in designing a developmental industrial policy. This part explores how different African economies may each configure their respective industrial policies in relation to their own geography and, social, cultural, and economic context so as to achieve success. The second part explores the important role the state plays in enacting and configuring an effective developmental industrial policy. This part especially highlights how the most effective industrial policy in terms of enhancing multi-sector economic growth tends to be policies enacted by developmental States that are highly involved in implementing specialized and highly integrated developmental policies that consolidate linkages across economic sectors, and is fully embedded into a broader economic development plan.","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44712167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, the low agricultural productivity, food insecurity and environmental degradation have become more apparent in many African societies. These trends have threatened the farmers' ability to increase productivity and to practice sustainable agriculture. The crisis in agricultural productivity is structural as it is demonstrated by the impact of the Nigeria-Biafra War and the emergence of the petroleum industry in the 1970s. This paper reveals that the agricultural crisis in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa has been misunderstood because the analysis often ignores how the ideology of state development interacted with local ecological conditions and peasants' actions to structure the changes in peasant economies. In the case of Eastern Nigeria, the Nigeria-Biafra War (1967–1970) and the emergence of the petroleum industry as the most important contributor to national GDP challenged the economic ideology that sought to use agriculture as a driver of economic development. African agriculture has witnessed significant decline in recent years. In the 1960s, Africa was a self-sufficient in food as well as a net food exporter. The exports averaged 1.3 million tons a year up to 1970. In recent years, however, the continent imports over 25 per cent of food stuff. It has been revealed that Nigeria is the largest importer of rice in the world (2013). Hunger and famine have become recurrent problems especially in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, Southern Africa, and Central Africa (Bello 2008). From 1985, for example, an estimated Korieh / The Nigeria-Biafra War, Oil and the Political Economy 77 10 million Africans left their homes and fields because they were unable to support themselves. An additional 20 million were reported to be at risk of debilitating hunger (Timberlake 1985). Numerous World Bank reports since the 1980s have indicated an overall pattern of severe economic deterioration and stagnation manifested in food security problems and low levels of growth in the agricultural sub-sector (World Bank 1981, 1984, 1989). This article examines the nature of agricultural development policy and the impact of structural changes such as the Nigeria-Biafra War and the development of the petroleum industry in Eastern Nigeria in the post-independence era, from 1960 to 1995. Essentially, analyzing this period enables us to examine continuity as well as change in the agricultural economy under the indigenous political authority. I suggest that despite the modernization policies pursued by the state, structural changes resulting from the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War from 1967 to 1970, the expansion of the petroleum industry in the post-civil war period and related environmental and demographic factors were important in rural transformation and the agricultural involution in Eastern Nigeria. Local historical studies, including this one, are particularly useful being corrective to national aggregates since the local specificity can, as Mary Tiffin wrote, ‘br
{"title":"The Nigeria-Biafra war, oil and the political economy of state induced development strategy in Eastern Nigeria, 1967-1995","authors":"J. Chima","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.05","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, the low agricultural productivity, food insecurity and environmental degradation have become more apparent in many African societies. These trends have threatened the farmers' ability to increase productivity and to practice sustainable agriculture. The crisis in agricultural productivity is structural as it is demonstrated by the impact of the Nigeria-Biafra War and the emergence of the petroleum industry in the 1970s. This paper reveals that the agricultural crisis in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa has been misunderstood because the analysis often ignores how the ideology of state development interacted with local ecological conditions and peasants' actions to structure the changes in peasant economies. In the case of Eastern Nigeria, the Nigeria-Biafra War (1967–1970) and the emergence of the petroleum industry as the most important contributor to national GDP challenged the economic ideology that sought to use agriculture as a driver of economic development. African agriculture has witnessed significant decline in recent years. In the 1960s, Africa was a self-sufficient in food as well as a net food exporter. The exports averaged 1.3 million tons a year up to 1970. In recent years, however, the continent imports over 25 per cent of food stuff. It has been revealed that Nigeria is the largest importer of rice in the world (2013). Hunger and famine have become recurrent problems especially in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, Southern Africa, and Central Africa (Bello 2008). From 1985, for example, an estimated Korieh / The Nigeria-Biafra War, Oil and the Political Economy 77 10 million Africans left their homes and fields because they were unable to support themselves. An additional 20 million were reported to be at risk of debilitating hunger (Timberlake 1985). Numerous World Bank reports since the 1980s have indicated an overall pattern of severe economic deterioration and stagnation manifested in food security problems and low levels of growth in the agricultural sub-sector (World Bank 1981, 1984, 1989). This article examines the nature of agricultural development policy and the impact of structural changes such as the Nigeria-Biafra War and the development of the petroleum industry in Eastern Nigeria in the post-independence era, from 1960 to 1995. Essentially, analyzing this period enables us to examine continuity as well as change in the agricultural economy under the indigenous political authority. I suggest that despite the modernization policies pursued by the state, structural changes resulting from the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War from 1967 to 1970, the expansion of the petroleum industry in the post-civil war period and related environmental and demographic factors were important in rural transformation and the agricultural involution in Eastern Nigeria. Local historical studies, including this one, are particularly useful being corrective to national aggregates since the local specificity can, as Mary Tiffin wrote, ‘br","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44799619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of ‘Searching for Boko Haram. A history of violence in central Africa’ by scott MacEachern","authors":"T. Denisova, S. Kostelyanets","doi":"10.30884/SEH/2018.01.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30884/SEH/2018.01.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42677,"journal":{"name":"Social Evolution & History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45796238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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