Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/crb.2023.a905516
T. Calvo Buezas
Resumen:Este artículo presenta los resultados de la macroencuesta de valores, aplicada en 2019 a 11,322 estudiantes de América Latina y el Caribe (de ellos, 406 de Puerto Rico), a 1,041 cubanos y a 2,476 españoles. Estos datos serán comparados con otras preguntas idénticas que se hicieron en 1993 a 36,515 escolares latinoamericanos y caribeños (de ellos, 2,478 puertorriqueños) y a 5,168 españoles. Los temas que se tratan son nacionalismo, prejuicios, racismo, imágenes negativas y positivas sobre la colonización española en América, la confianza en las instituciones, opciones políticas y el cambio de valores en América Latina y Puerto Rico desde 1993 a 2019, en referencia al machismo, la moral sexual, religiosidad y el grado de felicidad.Abstract:This article presents the results of the values’ macro survey results, applied in 2019 to 11,322 students from Latin America and the Caribbean (406 from Puerto Rico), 1,041 Cubans, and 2,476 Spaniards. These data will be compared with other identical questions that were asked in 1993 to 36,515 Latin American and Caribbean schoolchildren (2,478 of them from Puerto Rico) and 5,168 Spaniards. The topics covered are nationalism, prejudice, racism, negative and positive images of Spanish colonization in America, trust in institutions, political options, and the change of values in Latin America and Puerto Rico from 1993 to 2019, about machismo or sexual morality, religiosity, and the degree of happiness.Résumé:Cet article présente les résultats de la macro enquête sur les valeurs, appliquée en 2019 à 11,322 étudiants d’Amérique latine et le Caraïbe (406 de Porto Rico), 1,041 Cubains et 2,476 Espagnols. Ces données seront comparées à d’autres questions identiques posées en 1993 à 36,515 étudiants latino-américains (dont 2,478 Portoricains) et 5,168 Espagnols. Les sujets abordés sont le nationalisme, les préjugés, le racisme, les images négatives et positives de la colonisation espagnole en Amérique, la confiance dans les institutions, les options politiques et le changement de valeurs en Amérique latine et à Porto Rico de 1993 à 2019, en référence au machisme ou à la morale sexuelle, la religiosité et le degré de bonheur.
摘要:本文介绍了2019年对拉丁美洲和加勒比地区11322名学生(其中406名来自波多黎各)、1041名古巴学生和2476名西班牙学生进行的宏观价值观调查的结果。这些数据将与1993年向36515名拉丁美洲和加勒比学生(其中2478名波多黎各学生)和5168名西班牙学生提出的相同问题进行比较。相待的主题是民族主义偏见、种族主义、以及有关西班牙殖民的消极和积极的图像在美利坚合众国、机构的信任政治选择和价值观的改变,自1993年以来,拉丁美洲和波多黎各至2019年在谈到性别歧视、性道德、宗教和幸福。摘要:本文介绍了2019年应用于拉丁美洲和加勒比地区11322名学生(406名波多黎各学生)、1041名古巴学生和2476名西班牙学生的价值观宏观调查结果。这些数据将与1993年向36 515名拉丁美洲和加勒比学生(其中2 478名来自波多黎各)和5 168名西班牙学生提出的其他相同问题进行比较。涵盖的主题包括民族主义、偏见、种族主义、西班牙在美国殖民的负面和正面形象、对制度的信任、政治选择以及1993年至2019年拉丁美洲和波多黎各价值观的变化、性别歧视或性道德、宗教信仰和幸福程度。摘要:本文介绍了2019年对11322名拉丁美洲和caraibe学生(406名波多黎各学生)、1041名古巴学生和2476名西班牙学生进行的宏观价值观调查的结果。这些数据将与1993年向36515名拉丁美洲学生(包括2478名波多黎各学生)和5168名西班牙学生提出的类似问题进行比较。他们sujets abordés sont nationalisme, préjugés他们种族主义,Les images négatives et积极colonisation espagnole Amérique,网dans Les机构,但选择et le changement valeurs在Amérique latine età1993年波多黎各à2019,mulima kampuku au machisme ouàmorale sexuelle、religiositéet le degrébonheur。
{"title":"La Juventud de Puerto Rico y América Latina Opina (1993–2019) nacionalismo, racismo, machismo y cambio de valores","authors":"T. Calvo Buezas","doi":"10.1353/crb.2023.a905516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/crb.2023.a905516","url":null,"abstract":"Resumen:Este artículo presenta los resultados de la macroencuesta de valores, aplicada en 2019 a 11,322 estudiantes de América Latina y el Caribe (de ellos, 406 de Puerto Rico), a 1,041 cubanos y a 2,476 españoles. Estos datos serán comparados con otras preguntas idénticas que se hicieron en 1993 a 36,515 escolares latinoamericanos y caribeños (de ellos, 2,478 puertorriqueños) y a 5,168 españoles. Los temas que se tratan son nacionalismo, prejuicios, racismo, imágenes negativas y positivas sobre la colonización española en América, la confianza en las instituciones, opciones políticas y el cambio de valores en América Latina y Puerto Rico desde 1993 a 2019, en referencia al machismo, la moral sexual, religiosidad y el grado de felicidad.Abstract:This article presents the results of the values’ macro survey results, applied in 2019 to 11,322 students from Latin America and the Caribbean (406 from Puerto Rico), 1,041 Cubans, and 2,476 Spaniards. These data will be compared with other identical questions that were asked in 1993 to 36,515 Latin American and Caribbean schoolchildren (2,478 of them from Puerto Rico) and 5,168 Spaniards. The topics covered are nationalism, prejudice, racism, negative and positive images of Spanish colonization in America, trust in institutions, political options, and the change of values in Latin America and Puerto Rico from 1993 to 2019, about machismo or sexual morality, religiosity, and the degree of happiness.Résumé:Cet article présente les résultats de la macro enquête sur les valeurs, appliquée en 2019 à 11,322 étudiants d’Amérique latine et le Caraïbe (406 de Porto Rico), 1,041 Cubains et 2,476 Espagnols. Ces données seront comparées à d’autres questions identiques posées en 1993 à 36,515 étudiants latino-américains (dont 2,478 Portoricains) et 5,168 Espagnols. Les sujets abordés sont le nationalisme, les préjugés, le racisme, les images négatives et positives de la colonisation espagnole en Amérique, la confiance dans les institutions, les options politiques et le changement de valeurs en Amérique latine et à Porto Rico de 1993 à 2019, en référence au machisme ou à la morale sexuelle, la religiosité et le degré de bonheur.","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78233217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/crb.2023.a905518
Lomarsh Roopnarine
{"title":"Stories from our Indian Elders: For a better future, know the stories of the past by Lenroy Thomas. 2021 (review)","authors":"Lomarsh Roopnarine","doi":"10.1353/crb.2023.a905518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/crb.2023.a905518","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76770511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/crb.2023.a905515
Glorimarie Peña Alicea, R. Sanchez‐Rivera
Abstract:Since the end of the 19th century, under the cloak of hygienic concerns, Puerto Rican elites have devised eugenic practices and methods in order to marginalize, manage, and control certain sectors of the population. Throughout the 20th century, these discourses have been internalized by the Puerto Rican population; reflections of which can be seen in popular culture, including trap and reggaetón. The purpose of this paper is to explore how hygienic practices (rooted in eugenic ideas) have permeated Puerto Rican society and, in turn, are replicated in trap and reggaetón as a way of gendering, racializing, and discriminating against certain groups. In an effort to identify these contemporary eugenic ideas, this article categorizes and analyzes current topics touched upon by trap and reggaetón singers such as Tego Calderón, Jowell y Randy, Anuel AA, and Bryant Myers, among others. Through categories such as desired body type, prospective partners’ ‘cleanliness’—in regard to ‘feminine’ and ‘personal’ hygiene—, potential contraceptive use, and the usage of racist stereotyping, we illustrate how eugenic ideas slip into contemporary understandings of gender and race in Puerto Rico. By performing an in-depth analysis of selected songs, we explore the ways in which ideas surrounding ‘race science’ have been normalized in Puerto Rican culture, demonstrating how these ideas connect to broader racializing and gendered processes.Resumen:Desde finales del siglo XIX, bajo el manto de las preocupaciones higiénicas, las élites puertorriqueñas han ideado prácticas y métodos eugenésicos para marginar, administrar y controlar a ciertos sectores de la población. A lo largo del siglo XX, estos discursos han sido interiorizados por la población puertorriqueña; los cuales se pueden ver reflejados en la cultura popular, incluyendo el trap y el reggaetón. El propósito de este artículo es explorar cómo las prácticas higiénicas (enraizadas en ideas eugenésicas) han permeado la sociedad puertorriqueña y, a su vez, se replican en el trap y el reggaetón como una forma de generizar, racializar y discriminar a ciertos grupos. En un esfuerzo por identificar estas ideas eugenésicas contemporáneas, este artículo categoriza y analiza temas actuales abordados por cantantes de trap y reggaetón como Tego Calderón, Jowell y Randy, Anuel AA y Bryant Myers, entre otros. A través de categorías como el tipo de cuerpo deseado, la “limpieza” de las posibles parejas —en lo que respecta a la higiene “femenina” y “personal”—, el uso potencial de anticonceptivos y el uso de estereotipos racistas, ilustramos cómo las ideas eugenésicas se deslizan en la comprensión contemporánea del género y la raza en Puerto Rico. Al realizar un análisis en profundidad de canciones seleccionadas, exploramos las formas en que las ideas en torno a la “ciencia racial” se han normalizado en la cultura puertorriqueña, demostrando cómo estas ideas se conectan con procesos de género y racialización más amplios.R
摘要:自19世纪末以来，在卫生问题的幌子下，波多黎各精英们设计了优生实践和方法，以边缘化、管理和控制某些人群。在整个20世纪，这些话语已经被波多黎各人内化了;这可以在流行文化中看到反映，包括陷阱和reggaetón。本文的目的是探讨卫生实践(植根于优生学思想)如何渗透到波多黎各社会，并反过来在trap和reggaetón中复制，作为性别化、种族化和歧视某些群体的一种方式。为了识别这些当代优育思想，本文对trap和reggaetón歌手(如Tego Calderón、Jowell y Randy、Anuel AA和Bryant Myers等)所触及的当前主题进行了分类和分析。通过诸如期望的体型、潜在伴侣的“清洁”(关于“女性”和“个人”卫生)、潜在避孕措施的使用以及种族主义刻板印象的使用等类别，我们说明了优生学思想是如何渗入波多黎各当代对性别和种族的理解的。通过对精选歌曲的深入分析，我们探索了围绕“种族科学”的想法在波多黎各文化中被正常化的方式，展示了这些想法如何与更广泛的种族化和性别化过程联系在一起。履历表:第十九届最后期限、最高薪金薪金表、最高薪金薪金表、最高薪金薪金表、最高薪金薪金表prácticas、最高薪金薪金表、最高薪金薪金表、最高薪金薪金表、行政管制表和最高薪金薪金表población。A lo largo del siglo XX, estos disdisso so internoriados por la población puertorriqueña;这两种文化都反映了流行的文化，其中包括西班牙语和西班牙语reggaetón。El proposito德埃斯特危象es explorar科莫las practicas higienicas (enraizadas en想法eugenesicas)汉permeado la皇家社会puertorriquena y,苏一旦,se replican en El陷阱y El雷击科莫una形式de generizar racializar y discriminar某些降。联合国esfuerzo腰围超过要区分这些想法eugenesicas contemporaneas,埃斯特危象categoriza y analiza特马实际abordados德卡尔德龙陷阱y雷击科莫迪高的运动非常流行,乔y兰迪,Anuel AA y科比迈尔斯,之间还有其他。一项关于通讯通讯条例(categorías)、关于“女性”与“个人”的通讯通讯条例、关于“性别”与“个人”的通讯通讯条例、关于“种族主义”与“女性”的通讯通讯条例、关于“种族主义”与“种族主义”的通讯通讯条例(cómo)、关于“通讯通讯条例”与“波多黎各的通讯通讯条例”的通讯条例。Al realizar联合国分析en profundidad de cancion里seleccionadas, exploramos las简称formas在拉斯维加斯的想法在torno拉“ciencia种族”se汉normalizado en la文化puertorriquena demostrando你好想法se conectan con proceso de genero y racializacion mas amplios。3 . 交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器、交换器。Tout au long du XXe si，从人口统计的角度来看，不能将所有的人口统计数据与人口统计数据结合起来;不要在pepevoir上反映出文化的流行，它包含了文化的流行reggaetón。但是，在这篇文章中，我们没有提到“探索者评论”，即“健康的个体”和“健康的个体”，即“社会的个体”和“社会的个体”，也没有提到“生殖的个体”和“性别的个体”、“种族的个体”和“歧视的个体”。尽管我们没有努力将所有的人都看成是与其他的人一样的，但这篇文章分析了与其他的人一样的问题，例如:与其他的人一样的人，例如:与其他的人一样的人，例如:与其他的人一样的人，例如:Calderón, Jowell y Randy, Anuel AA和Bryant Myers，等等。特拉弗斯des类别类型号告诉队希望达成,la«proprete»des partenaires potentiels与名词构成动词的这个concerne l 'hygiene«女性»和«personnelle»,l 'utilisation potentielle de contraceptifs et l 'utilisation de刻板印象的种族主义,理性illustrons评论les ide eugeniques se glissent在理解当代du流派et de la种族波多黎各。一个有效的分析方法是，从变化的角度来看，这些变化是由“科学种族”构成的，从行为的角度来看，这些变化是由“科学种族”构成的，从正常的角度来看，这些变化是由“文化”构成的，从文化的角度来看，这些变化是由“过程”构成的，再加上大量的“去种族化”和“类型”。
{"title":"Internalized Eugenics and Hygienic Codes in Puerto Rican Trap and Reggaetón","authors":"Glorimarie Peña Alicea, R. Sanchez‐Rivera","doi":"10.1353/crb.2023.a905515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/crb.2023.a905515","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Since the end of the 19th century, under the cloak of hygienic concerns, Puerto Rican elites have devised eugenic practices and methods in order to marginalize, manage, and control certain sectors of the population. Throughout the 20th century, these discourses have been internalized by the Puerto Rican population; reflections of which can be seen in popular culture, including trap and reggaetón. The purpose of this paper is to explore how hygienic practices (rooted in eugenic ideas) have permeated Puerto Rican society and, in turn, are replicated in trap and reggaetón as a way of gendering, racializing, and discriminating against certain groups. In an effort to identify these contemporary eugenic ideas, this article categorizes and analyzes current topics touched upon by trap and reggaetón singers such as Tego Calderón, Jowell y Randy, Anuel AA, and Bryant Myers, among others. Through categories such as desired body type, prospective partners’ ‘cleanliness’—in regard to ‘feminine’ and ‘personal’ hygiene—, potential contraceptive use, and the usage of racist stereotyping, we illustrate how eugenic ideas slip into contemporary understandings of gender and race in Puerto Rico. By performing an in-depth analysis of selected songs, we explore the ways in which ideas surrounding ‘race science’ have been normalized in Puerto Rican culture, demonstrating how these ideas connect to broader racializing and gendered processes.Resumen:Desde finales del siglo XIX, bajo el manto de las preocupaciones higiénicas, las élites puertorriqueñas han ideado prácticas y métodos eugenésicos para marginar, administrar y controlar a ciertos sectores de la población. A lo largo del siglo XX, estos discursos han sido interiorizados por la población puertorriqueña; los cuales se pueden ver reflejados en la cultura popular, incluyendo el trap y el reggaetón. El propósito de este artículo es explorar cómo las prácticas higiénicas (enraizadas en ideas eugenésicas) han permeado la sociedad puertorriqueña y, a su vez, se replican en el trap y el reggaetón como una forma de generizar, racializar y discriminar a ciertos grupos. En un esfuerzo por identificar estas ideas eugenésicas contemporáneas, este artículo categoriza y analiza temas actuales abordados por cantantes de trap y reggaetón como Tego Calderón, Jowell y Randy, Anuel AA y Bryant Myers, entre otros. A través de categorías como el tipo de cuerpo deseado, la “limpieza” de las posibles parejas —en lo que respecta a la higiene “femenina” y “personal”—, el uso potencial de anticonceptivos y el uso de estereotipos racistas, ilustramos cómo las ideas eugenésicas se deslizan en la comprensión contemporánea del género y la raza en Puerto Rico. Al realizar un análisis en profundidad de canciones seleccionadas, exploramos las formas en que las ideas en torno a la “ciencia racial” se han normalizado en la cultura puertorriqueña, demostrando cómo estas ideas se conectan con procesos de género y racialización más amplios.R","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72487677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/crb.2023.a905517
B. Brereton
{"title":"Brinsley Samaroo (1940–2023)","authors":"B. Brereton","doi":"10.1353/crb.2023.a905517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/crb.2023.a905517","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87473451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/crb.2023.a905513
E. Sagás
Abstract:How come the Dominican Republic has become a stable electoral democracy while Haiti has descended into authoritarianism? Back in the mid-20th century, both countries found themselves on a similar plane, yet by the turn of the century their outcomes could not be more different, with Dominicans currently enjoying competitive elections while Haitians witness their country being gripped by political violence. This article examines post-authoritarian transitions in the Dominican Republic and Haiti after both nations endured lengthy neosultanistic dictatorships. The central hypothesis of this work is that although the Dominican Republic and Haiti followed similar historical paths in and out of neosultanistic dictatorships (those of General Rafael Trujillo and the Duvalier family, respectively), in the long term specific domestic factors and missed opportunities—combined with dissimilar international scenarios—led to vastly different outcomes on the road to democratization. According to The Economist Intelligence Unit’s 2021 “Democracy Index,” the Dominican Republic has become an electoral democracy while Haiti has recently been downgraded from a “hybrid regime” into the authoritarian category. As such, the nature of their post-authoritarian transitions, current political systems, and quality of democracy merit comparative examination.Resumen:¿Cómo es que la República Dominicana se ha convertido en una democracia electoral estable mientras que Haití ha caído en el autoritarismo? A mediados del siglo XX, ambos países se encontraban en un plano similar, pero para el cambio de siglo sus resultados no podrían ser más diferentes, con los dominicanos actualmente celebrando elecciones competitivas mientras que los haitianos ven cómo su país se ve afectado por la violencia política. Este artículo examina las transiciones post-autoritarias en República Dominicana y Haití después de que ambas naciones soportaran largas dictaduras neosultanistas. La hipótesis central de este trabajo es que si bien República Dominicana y Haití siguieron trayectorias históricas similares dentro y fuera de las dictaduras neosultanistas (las del General Rafael Trujillo y la de la familia Duvalier, respectivamente), en el largo plazo factores domésticos específicos y oportunidades perdidas —combinadas con escenarios internacionales disímiles— llevaron a resultados muy diferentes en el camino hacia la democratización. Según el “Índice de democracia” de 2021 de The Economist Intelligence Unit, la República Dominicana se ha convertido en una democracia electoral, mientras que Haití ha sido degradado recientemente de un “régimen híbrido” a la categoría autoritaria. Como tal, la naturaleza de sus transiciones post-autoritarias, los sistemas políticos actuales y la calidad de la democracia merecen un examen comparativo.Résumé:Comment se fait-il que la République Dominicaine soit devenue une démocratie électorale stable alors qu’Haïti a sombré dans l’autoritarisme? Au milieu du XXe s
摘要:为什么多米尼加共和国成为一个稳定的选举民主国家，而海地却陷入威权主义?早在20世纪中期，两国发现自己处于相似的飞机上，然而到了世纪之交，他们的结果却截然不同，多米尼加人正在享受竞争激烈的选举，而海地人则目睹他们的国家被政治暴力所笼罩。本文考察了多米尼加共和国和海地在经历了漫长的新苏丹式独裁统治后的后威权主义转型。这项工作的中心假设是，尽管多米尼加共和国和海地在进入和退出新苏丹主义独裁统治(分别是拉斐尔·特鲁希略将军和杜瓦利埃家族)的历史道路上走了相似的道路，但从长远来看，特定的国内因素和错失的机会——加上不同的国际情景——导致了民主化道路上截然不同的结果。根据经济学人智库的2021年“民主指数”，多米尼加共和国已经成为一个选举民主国家，而海地最近从“混合政权”降级为威权主义类别。因此，它们的后专制过渡的性质、当前的政治制度和民主的质量值得比较研究。简历:¿Cómo es que la República Dominicana se ha convertiva en una democracia electoral estable mientras que Haití ha caído en el authoritarian ?A mediados del siglo XX, ambos países se encontraban en un plano similar, peros para el cambio de siglo sus resultados no podrían ser más差异，conlos dominicanos actualmente celebrando elecciones competitivas mientras que los haitianos even cómo su país se ve afectado por la violencia política。Este artículo考察了República多米尼加的后专制主义者，Haití despuacims de que ambas nacones soportars和大独裁者新苏丹主义者。中央信息交换系统(中央信息交换系统)República多米尼加和Haití信息交换系统(中央信息交换系统)históricas类似的信息交换系统(分别为拉斐尔·特鲁希略将军和杜瓦利埃家族的信息交换系统)，大型信息交换系统(中央信息交换系统)específicos通过机会交换系统-结合国际信息交换系统(中央信息交换系统)disímiles -信息交换系统(中央信息交换系统)在信息交换系统(中央信息交换系统)democratización中存在许多差异。Según el " Índice de democracia " de 2021 de The Economist Intelligence Unit, la República Dominicana se . convertido en una democracia electoral, mientras que Haití ha sido dedecado recientemente de un " remacimen híbrido " a la categoría authoritarian。共产主义，后专制主义国家的自然转型，民主制度的发展políticos实际上是民主制度的发展。rm:评论se faire -il que la rm publiclique Dominicaine so devenue une dsm - moatime - csm - stable - alors qu 'Haïti a sombrous - dans ' authoritarian ?盟环境du XXe世纪末,两者支付se是retrouves苏尔similaire联合国计划,但非盟tournant du世纪末,他们的结果不pourraient可能加上不同,les Dominicains beneficiant actuellement d 'elections有竞争力tandis你们海voient为了支付en proie la暴力政治的。这篇文章考察了在独裁统治后的多米尼加共和国和在独裁统治后的多米尼加共和国以及在独裁统治后的多米尼加共和国和在独裁统治后的多米尼加共和国之间的过渡。不在假设说起ce的阵痛是好,海地共和国专员Dominicaine et aient suivi des chemins historiques similaires在等开胃des独裁neosultanistes(细胞杜将军拉斐尔•特鲁希略et de la虽然杜瓦利埃respectivement),业务娴熟,影响nationaux specifiques et des机会未成功的结合了des场景internationaux dissemblables——汽水管道的结果非常不同的关于la voie de la民主化。经济学人智库在其报告中称:“2021年，经济学人智库发布了一份报告，报告内容为:”。À后专制政权的性质、体制的性质、政治的实际情况以及联合国审查比较的性质。
{"title":"Post-Authoritarian Transitions in the Dominican Republic and Haiti: Political Detours and Dead Ends in the Quest for Democracy","authors":"E. Sagás","doi":"10.1353/crb.2023.a905513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/crb.2023.a905513","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:How come the Dominican Republic has become a stable electoral democracy while Haiti has descended into authoritarianism? Back in the mid-20th century, both countries found themselves on a similar plane, yet by the turn of the century their outcomes could not be more different, with Dominicans currently enjoying competitive elections while Haitians witness their country being gripped by political violence. This article examines post-authoritarian transitions in the Dominican Republic and Haiti after both nations endured lengthy neosultanistic dictatorships. The central hypothesis of this work is that although the Dominican Republic and Haiti followed similar historical paths in and out of neosultanistic dictatorships (those of General Rafael Trujillo and the Duvalier family, respectively), in the long term specific domestic factors and missed opportunities—combined with dissimilar international scenarios—led to vastly different outcomes on the road to democratization. According to The Economist Intelligence Unit’s 2021 “Democracy Index,” the Dominican Republic has become an electoral democracy while Haiti has recently been downgraded from a “hybrid regime” into the authoritarian category. As such, the nature of their post-authoritarian transitions, current political systems, and quality of democracy merit comparative examination.Resumen:¿Cómo es que la República Dominicana se ha convertido en una democracia electoral estable mientras que Haití ha caído en el autoritarismo? A mediados del siglo XX, ambos países se encontraban en un plano similar, pero para el cambio de siglo sus resultados no podrían ser más diferentes, con los dominicanos actualmente celebrando elecciones competitivas mientras que los haitianos ven cómo su país se ve afectado por la violencia política. Este artículo examina las transiciones post-autoritarias en República Dominicana y Haití después de que ambas naciones soportaran largas dictaduras neosultanistas. La hipótesis central de este trabajo es que si bien República Dominicana y Haití siguieron trayectorias históricas similares dentro y fuera de las dictaduras neosultanistas (las del General Rafael Trujillo y la de la familia Duvalier, respectivamente), en el largo plazo factores domésticos específicos y oportunidades perdidas —combinadas con escenarios internacionales disímiles— llevaron a resultados muy diferentes en el camino hacia la democratización. Según el “Índice de democracia” de 2021 de The Economist Intelligence Unit, la República Dominicana se ha convertido en una democracia electoral, mientras que Haití ha sido degradado recientemente de un “régimen híbrido” a la categoría autoritaria. Como tal, la naturaleza de sus transiciones post-autoritarias, los sistemas políticos actuales y la calidad de la democracia merecen un examen comparativo.Résumé:Comment se fait-il que la République Dominicaine soit devenue une démocratie électorale stable alors qu’Haïti a sombré dans l’autoritarisme? Au milieu du XXe s","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74844838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1353/crb.2023.a905514
Ian Bethell Benett
Abstract:This paper uses an autoethnographic approach to documenting some of the impacts of Hurricane Dorian on Abaco and the fallout. Within this approach, the paper employs concepts such as spatial and climate (in)justice, structural, and slow violence to explore disaster capitalism that results from a neoliberal state and its desire to dispose of those ‘less worthy’. The work builds on other disasters in the region and attempts to draw parallels between Dorian, The Bahamian government’s response, and the similarity it shares with other regional responses, though the groundwork had already been laid for a slow and silent dispossession and green gentrification.Resumen:Este artículo utiliza un enfoque autoetnográfico para documentar algunos de los impactos del huracán Dorian en Ábaco y sus consecuencias. Dentro de este enfoque, el documento emplea conceptos como la (in)justicia espacial y climática, y la violencia estructural y lenta para explorar el capitalismo del desastre que resulta de un estado neoliberal y su deseo de deshacerse de los “menos dignos”. El trabajo se basa en otros desastres en la región e intenta establecer paralelos entre Dorian, la respuesta del gobierno de las Bahamas y la similitud que comparte con otras respuestas regionales, aunque ya se habían sentado las bases para un despojo lento y silencioso y una gentrificación verde.Résumé:Cet article utilise une approche autoethnographique pour documenter certains des impacts de l’ouragan Dorian sur Abaco et les retombées. Dans le cadre de cette approche, l’article utilise des concepts tels que l’(in)justice spatiale et climatique, la violence structurelle et lente pour explorer le capitalisme de catastrophe qui résulte d’un État néolibéral et de son désir de se débarrasser de ceux qui en sont ≪ moins méritants ≫. Le travail s’appuie sur d’autres catastrophes dans la région et tente d’établir des parallèles entre Dorian, la réponse du gouvernement des Bahamas, et la similitude qu’il partage avec d’autres réponses régionales, bien que les bases aient déjà été jetées pour une dépossession lente et silencieuse et une gentrification verte.
摘要:本文采用自民族志方法记录了飓风多里安对阿巴科的一些影响及其后果。在这种方法中，本文采用了空间和气候正义、结构和缓慢暴力等概念来探索新自由主义国家产生的灾难资本主义及其处置那些“不值得”的人的愿望。这项工作建立在该地区其他灾难的基础上，并试图将巴哈马政府对多利安的反应与其他地区反应的相似之处联系起来，尽管已经为缓慢而无声的剥夺和绿色中产阶级化奠定了基础。简历:Este artículo utilitza un enfoque autoetnográfico para documentos de los impactos del huracán Dorian en Ábaco y sus consecuencias。Dentro德埃斯特enfoque el documento emplea conceptos科摩拉(在)爵床espacial y climatica y la violencia estructural y lenta对位explorar el capitalismo del desastre, resulta de联合国带动新自由主义y苏deseo de deshacerse de los”至少dignos”。在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他国家类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他国家类似的国家，在巴哈马共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家，在多米尼加共和国建立一个与其他地区类似的国家。这篇文章使用了一种自人种学的方法来记录一些关于Dorian和Abaco的影响。在干部德这个approche l 'article利用des概念车,tel l”的司法空间避暑,la暴力structurelle et lente倒explorer le capitalisme灾难在内容方面状况新自由主义et de儿子分de se debarrasser de正号en是≪减去meritants≫。“悲惨的生活”是指“悲惨的生活”，“悲惨的生活”是指“悲惨的生活”，“悲惨的生活”指“悲惨的生活”，“悲惨的生活”指“悲惨的生活”，“悲惨的生活”指“悲惨的生活”，“悲惨的生活”指“悲惨的生活”，“悲惨的生活”指“悲惨的生活”。
{"title":"Space Unmade: Hurricane Dorian, Autoethnography and Dislocation","authors":"Ian Bethell Benett","doi":"10.1353/crb.2023.a905514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/crb.2023.a905514","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper uses an autoethnographic approach to documenting some of the impacts of Hurricane Dorian on Abaco and the fallout. Within this approach, the paper employs concepts such as spatial and climate (in)justice, structural, and slow violence to explore disaster capitalism that results from a neoliberal state and its desire to dispose of those ‘less worthy’. The work builds on other disasters in the region and attempts to draw parallels between Dorian, The Bahamian government’s response, and the similarity it shares with other regional responses, though the groundwork had already been laid for a slow and silent dispossession and green gentrification.Resumen:Este artículo utiliza un enfoque autoetnográfico para documentar algunos de los impactos del huracán Dorian en Ábaco y sus consecuencias. Dentro de este enfoque, el documento emplea conceptos como la (in)justicia espacial y climática, y la violencia estructural y lenta para explorar el capitalismo del desastre que resulta de un estado neoliberal y su deseo de deshacerse de los “menos dignos”. El trabajo se basa en otros desastres en la región e intenta establecer paralelos entre Dorian, la respuesta del gobierno de las Bahamas y la similitud que comparte con otras respuestas regionales, aunque ya se habían sentado las bases para un despojo lento y silencioso y una gentrificación verde.Résumé:Cet article utilise une approche autoethnographique pour documenter certains des impacts de l’ouragan Dorian sur Abaco et les retombées. Dans le cadre de cette approche, l’article utilise des concepts tels que l’(in)justice spatiale et climatique, la violence structurelle et lente pour explorer le capitalisme de catastrophe qui résulte d’un État néolibéral et de son désir de se débarrasser de ceux qui en sont ≪ moins méritants ≫. Le travail s’appuie sur d’autres catastrophes dans la région et tente d’établir des parallèles entre Dorian, la réponse du gouvernement des Bahamas, et la similitude qu’il partage avec d’autres réponses régionales, bien que les bases aient déjà été jetées pour une dépossession lente et silencieuse et une gentrification verte.","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87316124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2174305
Nikolas Kouloglou
ABSTRACT The Trump administration decided to pursue a different set of policies toward Mexico compared to the previous administrations. Immigration and border security policies toward Mexico and the southern US border constituted a significant pillar of Trump’s “America First” concept. Due to the intensification of US immigration and security policies on the border, migrant smuggling increased significantly during the Trump era. However, there is little evidence of the impact that these policies had on the Mexican counterpart. What are the effects of Trump’s immigration and border security policies on the US–Mexico borderline? Drawing on qualitative data from interviews with high-profile Mexican officials, this article aims to explore the intersection of the impact that Trump’s policies had on the US–Mexico border and the migrant smuggling activities from the Mexican perspective.
{"title":"The Trump era and counter migrant smuggling: a new geopolitical order on the US–Mexico borders?","authors":"Nikolas Kouloglou","doi":"10.1080/08263663.2023.2174305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2023.2174305","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Trump administration decided to pursue a different set of policies toward Mexico compared to the previous administrations. Immigration and border security policies toward Mexico and the southern US border constituted a significant pillar of Trump’s “America First” concept. Due to the intensification of US immigration and security policies on the border, migrant smuggling increased significantly during the Trump era. However, there is little evidence of the impact that these policies had on the Mexican counterpart. What are the effects of Trump’s immigration and border security policies on the US–Mexico borderline? Drawing on qualitative data from interviews with high-profile Mexican officials, this article aims to explore the intersection of the impact that Trump’s policies had on the US–Mexico border and the migrant smuggling activities from the Mexican perspective.","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59726242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2165316
Esteban Vallejo Toledo
ABSTRACT Ecuador has some of the most punitive laws on abortion in America. Traditionally, Ecuador has allowed abortion in two cases: rape against a woman with a mental disability and threat to a woman’s life or health. However, on 28 April 2021, the Constitutional Court of Ecuador decriminalized abortion in all cases of rape. In Case 34–19-IN/21, the Court determined that Article 150 section 2 of the Ecuadorean Criminal Code (COIP) unconstitutionally discriminated against women without mental disabilities who wanted to interrupt unwanted pregnancies resulting from rape. The implications of the Case 34–19-IN/21 decision are decisive because it advances women’s sexual and reproductive rights in Ecuador. In decriminalizing abortion in all cases of rape, the Court stressed that equality, nondiscrimination and human dignity must be the legislative guidelines of parliaments and also the limits to the punitive power of states. To explain these relevant aspects, this commentary follows a socio-legal approach to contextually explore Case 34–19-IN/21, report on the current situation of decriminalization of abortion in Ecuador and reflect on what could happen after such an important constitutional ruling.
{"title":"Legal abortion in Ecuador: how the Constitutional Court decriminalized abortion in cases of rape","authors":"Esteban Vallejo Toledo","doi":"10.1080/08263663.2023.2165316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2023.2165316","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ecuador has some of the most punitive laws on abortion in America. Traditionally, Ecuador has allowed abortion in two cases: rape against a woman with a mental disability and threat to a woman’s life or health. However, on 28 April 2021, the Constitutional Court of Ecuador decriminalized abortion in all cases of rape. In Case 34–19-IN/21, the Court determined that Article 150 section 2 of the Ecuadorean Criminal Code (COIP) unconstitutionally discriminated against women without mental disabilities who wanted to interrupt unwanted pregnancies resulting from rape. The implications of the Case 34–19-IN/21 decision are decisive because it advances women’s sexual and reproductive rights in Ecuador. In decriminalizing abortion in all cases of rape, the Court stressed that equality, nondiscrimination and human dignity must be the legislative guidelines of parliaments and also the limits to the punitive power of states. To explain these relevant aspects, this commentary follows a socio-legal approach to contextually explore Case 34–19-IN/21, report on the current situation of decriminalization of abortion in Ecuador and reflect on what could happen after such an important constitutional ruling.","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59725909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2166267
Simon Granovsky-Larsen, Paulina Larreátegui Benavides
ABSTRACT As capacity to generate and distribute renewable energy expands across Central America, environmental conflict is on the rise, with communities confronting dispossession of water and territory. Renewable energy holds a central position within the extractivist economic model in the region, but little is known about the involvement of Canada in Central American renewable energy sectors. This paper addresses that gap by asking what role Canada plays within a scenario of expanding and conflictual renewable energy projects across Central America. We combine Canadian public records with data from projects, including GeoComunes and the Environmental Justice Atlas, to analyze 726 renewable energy and 162 traditional extractive projects in Central America, and to connect 156 of these projects to evidence of conflict with surrounding communities. While Canadian private companies own very few renewable energy projects in Central America, we argue that this does not imply an absence of Canadian involvement. Instead, the paper explores Canadian participation at multilateral venues, support for energy projects by the federal government, and the benefits that renewable energy expansion presents to the Canadian private sector. The invisibility of the Canadian presence in Central American renewable energy, we suggest, serves to obscure Canadian responsibility for a scenario defined by high levels of conflict.
{"title":"Environmental conflict and the expansion of renewable energy in Central America: exploring Canadian participation","authors":"Simon Granovsky-Larsen, Paulina Larreátegui Benavides","doi":"10.1080/08263663.2023.2166267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2023.2166267","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As capacity to generate and distribute renewable energy expands across Central America, environmental conflict is on the rise, with communities confronting dispossession of water and territory. Renewable energy holds a central position within the extractivist economic model in the region, but little is known about the involvement of Canada in Central American renewable energy sectors. This paper addresses that gap by asking what role Canada plays within a scenario of expanding and conflictual renewable energy projects across Central America. We combine Canadian public records with data from projects, including GeoComunes and the Environmental Justice Atlas, to analyze 726 renewable energy and 162 traditional extractive projects in Central America, and to connect 156 of these projects to evidence of conflict with surrounding communities. While Canadian private companies own very few renewable energy projects in Central America, we argue that this does not imply an absence of Canadian involvement. Instead, the paper explores Canadian participation at multilateral venues, support for energy projects by the federal government, and the benefits that renewable energy expansion presents to the Canadian private sector. The invisibility of the Canadian presence in Central American renewable energy, we suggest, serves to obscure Canadian responsibility for a scenario defined by high levels of conflict.","PeriodicalId":42747,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59726480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2150015
P. Clark
the police for their incendiary rhetoric. When Black working men such as Juan Vilar co-created labor discourse, they presented a de-Africanized image of the country from which the category of race vanished even as other colleagues shared or debated overtly racist ideas (p. 71). Building on cultural studies (Arcadio Díaz-Quiñones, Julio Ramos, Bianca Medina Báez), The lettered barriada unearths this alternative activism through Capetillo’s anarchist essays and the figure of Juana Colón, in which race, gender and occupation intersect. The community of Comerío remembers her as an illiterate laundress, an ironer and an experienced santiguadora, or barrio healer. Before marriage, Juana Colón labored on a coffee plantation. Her trade did not prevent her from giving speeches during the cigarmakers’ strikes in 1917 and 1919, which led to her arrest. Urban-based cigarmakers were among the most educated workers. In contrast, agricultural and domestic laborers were routinely forgotten by unions unless a major strike loomed on the horizon. The lettered barriada addresses the complex materialities involved in the creation of historical knowledge by disenfranchised subjects. The author shows that obreros ilustrados and obreras ilustradas can be seen as competitors to the archive of puertorriqueñedad imagined by elites and replete with cultural representations of the Puerto Rican nation. The book fits into the current debate on precarity as a shared condition under regimes of coloniality. I recommend this book for students, researchers and non-specialists with prior knowledge of Puerto Rican history, labor history, race, gender and citizenship, cultural studies or Caribbean and Latin American studies.
警察因其煽动性的言论而受到谴责。当像Juan Vilar这样的黑人工人共同创造劳工话语时，他们呈现了一个去非洲化的国家形象，即使其他同事分享或辩论公开的种族主义思想，种族类别也消失了(第71页)。基于文化研究(Arcadio Díaz-Quiñones, Julio Ramos, Bianca Medina Báez)，字母barriada通过卡佩略的无政府主义散文和胡安娜的形象Colón揭示了这种另类的激进主义，其中种族，性别和职业交叉。在Comerío社区的记忆中，她是一个不识字的洗衣工、熨烫工和经验丰富的桑地瓜多拉(barrio治疗师)。结婚前，胡安娜Colón在一个咖啡种植园工作。她的职业并没有阻止她在1917年和1919年的雪茄制造商罢工期间发表演讲，这导致她被捕。城市雪茄制造商是受教育程度最高的工人之一。相比之下，农业和家政工人通常被工会遗忘，除非一场大罢工迫在眉睫。字母barriada解决了由被剥夺公民权的主体创造历史知识所涉及的复杂材料。作者表明，obreros illustrados和obreras illustras可以被视为精英想象的puertorriqueñedad档案的竞争对手，其中充满了波多黎各民族的文化表征。这本书符合当前关于不稳定作为殖民政权下的共同条件的辩论。我推荐这本书给学生，研究人员和非专业人士与波多黎各历史，劳工历史，种族，性别和公民身份，文化研究或加勒比和拉丁美洲研究的先验知识。
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