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Izquierdistas judíos, estadounidenses y mexicanos: encuentros y vínculos en la Ciudad de México durante las primeras décadas posrevolucionarias 犹太、美国和墨西哥左翼分子:革命后最初几十年墨西哥城的相遇和联系
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2144625
Daniela Gleizer
RESUMEN El artículo analiza los vínculos que se dieron en la Ciudad de México durante las primeras décadas posrevolucionarias entre activistas de izquierda de tres orígenes geográficos distintos: judíos europeos, estadounidenses y mexicanos. Si bien algunas de las colaboraciones entre los últimos dos grupos han sido estudiadas, el artículo suma un tercer elemento a la ecuación: la izquierda judía, que ha sido investigada mucho menos. Al analizarse las relaciones entre los tres colectivos, que quedan invisibilizadas cuando se estudian por separado, salen a la luz las colaboraciones que produjeron resultados importantes. Éstas resaltan el carácter transnacional de los activistas de izquierda durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX, así como el ambiente cosmopolita de la Ciudad de México en las décadas que siguieron a la Revolución.
本文提出了一种新的方法,通过这种方法,我们分析了墨西哥和拉丁美洲之间的关系,以及墨西哥和拉丁美洲之间的关系,以及墨西哥和拉丁美洲之间的关系。虽然对后两个群体之间的一些合作进行了研究,但这篇文章为等式增加了第三个因素:犹太左翼,这一点的研究要少得多。通过分析这三个群体之间的关系,这些关系在单独研究时是不可见的,揭示了产生重要结果的合作。这些突出了20世纪头几十年左翼活动人士的跨国特征,以及革命后几十年墨西哥城的国际化氛围。
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引用次数: 0
Socio-ecological conflicts and (cosmo)political reconfigurations in the Peruvian Amazonia: the case of the Wampis Nation 秘鲁亚马逊地区的社会生态冲突和(世界)政治重组:以万皮斯民族为例
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2142392
Andres Larrea Burneo
ABSTRACT This paper, which draws on research carried out in collaboration with the first indigenous government to be officially constituted in the Peruvian Amazonia, the Gobierno Territorial Autónomo de la Nación Wampís (GTANW), describes the governance structure and territorial policies of this new political actor. Research activities conducted between June and August 2017 included fourteen interviews with Wampis political leaders and GTANW activists, three discussion groups organized and co-animated by the participants and the participant observation of a variety of activities related to the democratic life and territorial governance of the Wampis Nation. In the context of an explosion of social conflictuality caused by the expansion of extractive industries in Wampis territory, the GTANW puts into practice a vision of indigenous political and territorial self-determination that revendicates Wampis cosmopraxis, ancestral knowledge and traditional institutions of political leadership. Through a participatory democracy based on consensus building, Wampis political leaders and GTANW activists seek to establish an economic development model compatible with their worldview. Results suggest that, in the Peruvian Amazonian context, socio-ecological conflicts are rooted in different ontological understandings of the territory that is being disputed and of the stakeholder entities involved in the conflict, and therefore do not occur in a unified system of signs and cosmovisions shared by all the conflict stakeholders. The newly formed indigenous government’s intent is to create spaces for political dialogue in epistemic equality by translating their cosmovisions into terms that are negotiable to the State and other institutions.
摘要本文借鉴了与秘鲁亚马逊地区第一个正式成立的土著政府Gobierno Territorial Autónomo de la Nación Wampís(GTANW)合作进行的研究,描述了这一新政治行为者的治理结构和领土政策。2017年6月至8月期间进行的研究活动包括对Wampis政治领导人和GTANW活动家的14次采访,参与者组织并共同发起的三个讨论小组,以及参与者对与Wampis民族民主生活和领土治理有关的各种活动的观察。在瓦姆皮斯地区采掘业扩张导致社会冲突爆发的背景下,GTANW将土著政治和领土自决的愿景付诸实践,该愿景揭示了瓦姆皮的宇宙实践、祖先知识和传统政治领导制度。通过建立在共识基础上的参与式民主,Wampis政治领导人和GTANW活动家寻求建立一种符合他们世界观的经济发展模式。研究结果表明,在秘鲁-亚马逊地区,社会生态冲突植根于对有争议的领土和参与冲突的利益相关者实体的不同本体论理解,因此并不是在所有冲突利益相关者共享的统一符号和宇宙观系统中发生的。新成立的土著政府的意图是通过将他们的宇宙观转化为可与国家和其他机构协商的术语,为认识平等的政治对话创造空间。
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引用次数: 0
Manual de prevención del delito 预防犯罪手册
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2150016
Fernando A. Chinchilla
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引用次数: 0
The lettered barriada. Workers, archival power, and the politics of knowledge in Puerto Rico 字母barriada。波多黎各的工人、档案权力和知识政治
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2150014
Olga Nedvyga
young girls who live outside of Barbados, which are largely gleaned from non-medical, online sources. While Suspicion focuses on HPV, and Charles only mentions the COVID-19 pandemic in the conclusion of the book, many may read and interpret this work through a lens colored by the pandemic and be reminded of the misinformation and conspiracy theories about COVID19 vaccines that abounded. Some may find it challenging to find compassion in the Barbadian parents’ narratives, and to understand how they could make decisions for their daughters’ health based on unconfirmed stories about the negative effects of the vaccine on girls living thousands of miles away. However, in couching her theoretical orientation in transnational feminist thought and women of color feminist theory, Charles is able to emphasize suspicion as a form of care and this facilitates a greater understanding of the nuance behind these choices. The author states that Suspicion makes empirical contributions across disciplines which include medical anthropology, science and technology studies and critical race studies (16). However, this list can be extended to include Caribbean studies, gender studies and history. Additionally, Suspicion would be useful for those teaching qualitative research methodology as an example of how to reflexively collect data in communities that researchers do not come from, and how to privilege and center the narratives of communities that are often made marginal.
居住在巴巴多斯以外地区的年轻女孩,这些数据主要来自非医疗在线来源。虽然《猜疑》关注的是HPV,查尔斯在书的结尾只提到了COVID-19大流行,但许多人可能会通过大流行的色彩来阅读和解释这部作品,并提醒人们关于COVID-19疫苗的错误信息和阴谋论。有些人可能很难从巴巴多斯父母的叙述中找到同情,也很难理解他们如何根据未经证实的关于疫苗对生活在数千英里之外的女孩产生负面影响的故事,为女儿的健康做出决定。然而,在阐述她在跨国女权主义思想和有色人种女性主义理论方面的理论取向时,查尔斯能够强调怀疑是一种关心的形式,这有助于更好地理解这些选择背后的细微差别。提交人指出,Suspicion在包括医学人类学、科学和技术研究以及批判性种族研究在内的各个学科中作出了经验性贡献(16)。然而,这个清单可以扩展到包括加勒比研究、性别研究和历史。此外,对于那些教授定性研究方法的人来说,《猜疑》将是一个有用的例子,告诉他们如何在研究人员不是来自的社区中反射性地收集数据,以及如何对经常被边缘化的社区的叙述给予特权和中心。
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引用次数: 0
Suspicion. Vaccines, hesitancy, and the affective politics of protection in Barbados 怀疑。疫苗、犹豫和巴巴多斯保护的有效政治
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2150013
F. Jackson-Best
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引用次数: 5
Ideology or indifference? Comparing the effects of ideological cohesion and great power involvement in Latin American regionalism 意识形态还是冷漠?意识形态凝聚与大国介入对拉美地区主义影响的比较
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2142388
Bruno Theodoro Luciano, Rafael Mesquita
ABSTRACT Given the sharp electoral swings in Latin America in the last twenty years and ensuing effects on regional cooperation, current literature has emphasized the importance of presidential ideology for regional institutionalization in this part of the world. This focus on domestic and regional factors, however, ignores the role played by extra-regional forces, notably the involvement of external powers; an increasingly salient variable in the current scenario of global competition between the US, China and Russia. We propose a framework combining these systemic and regional factors in explaining regional institution-building. We test the effects of great power intrusion/disengagement and ideological divergence/convergence in producing institutional strengthening or weakening via four case studies, analyzed through secondary sources and interviews: Mercosur’s reformulation, Venezuela’s exit from the Andean Community, the creation of the Pacific Alliance and the paralysis of Unasur. Our conclusions suggest that ideology defines institutional outcomes, whereas the effect of intrusion depends on whether these engagements occur under unipolarity or great power competition.
鉴于拉丁美洲在过去二十年中的剧烈选举波动及其对区域合作的影响,目前的文献强调了总统意识形态对该地区区域制度化的重要性。然而,这种对国内和区域因素的关注忽视了区域外力量,特别是外部力量的参与所发挥的作用;在当前美国、中国和俄罗斯之间的全球竞争中,这是一个日益突出的变量。我们提出了一个结合这些系统因素和区域因素的框架来解释区域制度建设。我们测试了大国入侵/脱离接触和意识形态分歧/趋同在产生制度加强或削弱方面的影响,通过四个案例研究,通过二级来源和访谈进行分析:南方共同市场的重新制定,委内瑞拉退出安第斯共同体,太平洋联盟的创建和Unasur的瘫痪。我们的结论表明,意识形态决定了制度结果,而入侵的影响取决于这些接触是发生在单极还是大国竞争下。
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引用次数: 0
Trayectorias de agentes pastorales en el Gran Chaco. Desarrollo, política y derechos indígenas 大查科牧区代理人的轨迹。发展、政治和土著权利
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2125790
Natalia Castelnuovo Biraben, A. Denuncio
RESUMEN Analizamos dos trayectorias de agentes pastorales que orientaron sus acciones a los pueblos indígenas del Gran Chaco argentino en las últimas tres décadas del siglo XX. Nos interesa dar cuenta de los posicionamientos, valores, ideales, experiencias y conocimientos que fueron modelando las formas que adoptaron sus intervenciones de desarrollo. Circunscribimos el análisis a momentos particulares de sus trayectorias, destacando las conexiones que se dieron en un plano individual y estructural, esto es a nivel de sus instituciones y de las realidades provinciales y nacional en las cuales sus acciones tuvieron lugar. A la par de contextualizar eventos significativos que surgen en las trayectorias, mostramos las apropiaciones y los modos en que los agentes pastorales apelan a los mismos para posicionarse en una arena cuyos contornos comenzaban a delimitarse. Describimos qué tipo de intervenciones estaban creando y mostramos en qué medida por medio de sus iniciativas estaban forjando una novedosa aproximación a los pueblos indígenas chaqueños. Las trayectorias fueron elaboradas en base a entrevistas antropológicas realizadas durante trabajos de campo en diversos puntos del país (Buenos Aires, Formosa y Salta) entre los años 2013 y 2019, y fuentes secundarias.
最后,我们分析了在墨西哥和拉丁美洲的一些地区,特别是在拉丁美洲和加勒比的一些地区,以及在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的一些地区,以及在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的一些地区,以及在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的一些地区,以及在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的一些地区。我们感兴趣的是解释塑造其发展干预形式的立场、价值观、理想、经验和知识。我们将分析局限于他们职业生涯中的特定时刻,强调在个人和结构层面上发生的联系,即在他们的机构层面以及他们行动发生的省和国家现实层面。在这篇文章中,我们展示了牧区代理人如何利用他们的资源,将自己定位在一个轮廓开始被划定的舞台上。我们描述了他们创造了什么样的干预措施,并展示了他们在多大程度上通过他们的倡议与查卡诺土著人民建立了一种新的方法。这些轨迹是基于2013年至2019年在该国不同地区(布宜诺斯艾利斯、福尔摩沙和萨尔塔)进行的实地调查中进行的人类学访谈,以及二手资料。
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引用次数: 0
Histórico do tratamento jurídico e institucional das crianças e adolescentes no Brasil: da produção da categoria “menor” à promulgação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente 巴西儿童和青少年的法律和制度待遇历史:从“未成年人”类别的产生到儿童和青少年法令的颁布
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2127619
Veridiana Domingos Cordeiro, Marcos César Alvarez
RESUMO Neste artigo, traçamos uma contextualização institucional e uma análise sociológica das instituições correcionais para menores no Brasil ao longo do século XX. Para tanto, discutimos a literatura atual que analisa as mudanças institucionais e sócio-jurídico-políticas, bem como as conteúdos midiáticos sobre essas instituições veiculadas nos principais jornais do país. Também entrevistamos ex internos que forneceram as perspectivas pessoais de suas experiências dentro dessas instituições. A tentativa de tecer uma perspectiva macro (estudos sociológicos e conteúdos midiáticos) com uma perspectiva micro (relatos biográficos) visa compor um quadro abrangente da realidade institucional e das mudanças dessas institucionais ao longo das décadas. A perspectiva histórica abrangeu desde final do século XIX, quando as primeiras instituições correcionais foram fundadas, até 1990, quando foi promulgado o Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente.
摘要本文对20世纪巴西青少年惩教机构进行了制度背景和社会学分析。为此,我们讨论了目前分析制度和社会法律政治变化的文献,以及在国内主要报纸上传播的关于这些制度的媒体内容。我们还采访了前实习生,他们提供了他们在这些机构的经历的个人观点。试图编织宏观视角(社会学研究和媒体内容)和微观视角(传记报道),旨在构成一个全面的框架,制度现实和这些制度在过去几十年的变化。从历史的角度来看,从19世纪末第一个惩教机构成立到1990年颁布《儿童和青少年法令》。
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引用次数: 0
Structures of empathy: transgender rights, personhood, and melodrama in Una Mujer Fantástica 移情的结构:尤娜·穆耶尔的跨性别权利、人格和情节剧Fantástica
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2022.2128420
I. Popescu
ABSTRACT This paper analyzes how the 2017 Chilean film, Una Mujer Fantástica, unravels the fraught relationship between the state’s institutions and the trans subject in Chile. It illuminates how Marina’s (the protagonist played by Daniela Vega) path to self-determination and her basic human rights are consistently negated by the institutional actors upholding categories of legal personhood in Chile. I argue that the film develops a mode of ethical empathy which encompasses elements of realism, melodrama, and magical realism to structure the viewer’s understanding of trans rights and the violation of those rights in Chile in a manner that avoids voyeurism. This mode of ethical empathy transforms the viewer into a witness of the structural, physical, and emotional violence perpetuated against Marina, as she struggles to mourn her recently deceased partner, Orlando. Ethical empathy demands that this act of viewer-witnessing take place in several moments throughout the film when Marina encounters institutional actors, such as the police, detectives specializing in sexual violence, and doctors. Lastly, elements of melodrama and magical realism continue structuring ethical empathy toward the end of the film in order to illuminate how rage and catharsis are central to Marina’s enunciation of personhood outside of official systems of categorization.
摘要本文分析了2017年智利电影《Una Mujer Fantástica》如何揭示了智利国家机构与跨性别主体之间令人担忧的关系。它阐明了玛丽娜(丹妮拉·维加饰演的主人公)的自决之路和她的基本人权是如何被智利维护法人类别的机构行为者不断否定的。我认为,这部电影发展了一种道德移情模式,其中包括现实主义、情节剧和魔幻现实主义的元素,以避免偷窥的方式构建观众对跨性别权利和智利侵犯这些权利的理解。这种道德同理心的模式将观众转变为对玛丽娜的结构性、身体性和情感暴力的见证者,因为她正在努力哀悼最近去世的伴侣奥兰多。道德同理心要求观众的这种见证行为发生在电影中的几个时刻,当玛丽娜遇到机构演员时,比如警察、专门从事性暴力的侦探和医生。最后,情节剧和魔幻现实主义的元素在电影结尾继续构建道德同理心,以阐明愤怒和宣泄是玛丽娜在官方分类体系之外阐述人格的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Pop friction: performing Canada at the Festival Internacional da Canção Popular 流行摩擦:在加拿大国际艺术节上表演加拿大流行音乐
IF 0.2 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/08263663.2023.2125785
E. Fillion
ABSTRACT This article examines Canada-Brazil relations through the prism of a music festival, the Festival Internacional da Canção Popular, held in the wake of the 1964 military coup. Using sources (in French, English, and Portuguese) collected through multi-site research (Montreal, Ottawa, and Rio de Janeiro), it demonstrates that Canadians’ half-hearted, uninspired performance between 1966 and 1969 resulted from their perception of the South American giant as largely irrelevant – and too foreign – with regard to domestic and external priorities. Their elitist and tepid approach to music diplomacy was also a function of their failure of imagination in the making of international cultural relations. Not only did the Department of External Affairs and cultural officials in Canada fail to comprehend how popular music could be rendered valuable in the centennial decade and amid an upsurge of nationalism in the predominantly French-speaking province of Quebec, but they also found themselves complicit with the Brazilian dictatorship’s efforts to embellish its image through a spectacle of sound and light.
本文通过1964年军事政变后举办的国际加拿大大众音乐节(festival international da can o Popular)这一音乐节的棱镜来审视加拿大和巴西的关系。通过多地点研究(蒙特利尔、渥太华和里约热内卢)收集的资料(法语、英语和葡萄牙语),它表明,加拿大人在1966年至1969年之间的半心半意、缺乏灵感的表现,是由于他们认为这个南美巨人与国内和外部的优先事项在很大程度上是无关紧要的,而且太过陌生。他们在音乐外交上的精英主义和不温不火的做法,也是他们在建立国际文化关系方面想象力不足的一个原因。加拿大外交部和文化官员不仅没有理解流行音乐如何在百年纪念的十年中,以及在以法语为主的魁北克省民族主义高涨的情况下变得有价值,而且他们还发现自己与巴西独裁政权串通一气,通过声音和灯光的壮观场面来美化其形象。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal American and Caribbean Studies
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