Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.11
A. Maesalu
The article provides an overview of the evidence that enables us to associate Kedipiv with Keava hill fort; Kedipiv is described in East Slavonic (Kievan Rus’) chronicles under the year 1054 as a fort taken during the campaign of Izjaslav, Grand Prince of Kiev. Also, the article analyses other reports about Estonia in East Slavonic chronicles in 1030–1061 and compares them with the data gathered during archaeological excavations. 1
{"title":"COULD KEDIPIV IN EAST SLAVONIC CHRONICLES BE KEAVA HILL FORT","authors":"A. Maesalu","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.11","url":null,"abstract":"The article provides an overview of the evidence that enables us to associate Kedipiv with Keava hill fort; Kedipiv is described in East Slavonic (Kievan Rus’) chronicles under the year 1054 as a fort taken during the campaign of Izjaslav, Grand Prince of Kiev. Also, the article analyses other reports about Estonia in East Slavonic chronicles in 1030–1061 and compares them with the data gathered during archaeological excavations. 1","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82456104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.09
T. Jonuks
Holy places of Rapla and Juuru parishes in the surroundings of Keava hill fort in northern Estonia will be discussed in this chapter with special emphasis on a sole archaeological study at folkloristically known hiis-place at Palukula. It shows that different holy places of one area had different meanings and probably also different ritual practices. Also a connection between medieval churches and pre-Christian cult places, an important issue in popular history, will be discussed. 1 The excavations at Palukula hiis and writing the chapter have been supported by the target financed theme No. SF0030181s08 and the Estonian Science Foundation grant No. 6451.
{"title":"HIIS-SITES IN THE PARISHES OF RAPLA AND JUURU","authors":"T. Jonuks","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.09","url":null,"abstract":"Holy places of Rapla and Juuru parishes in the surroundings of Keava hill fort in northern Estonia will be discussed in this chapter with special emphasis on a sole archaeological study at folkloristically known hiis-place at Palukula. It shows that different holy places of one area had different meanings and probably also different ritual practices. Also a connection between medieval churches and pre-Christian cult places, an important issue in popular history, will be discussed. 1 The excavations at Palukula hiis and writing the chapter have been supported by the target financed theme No. SF0030181s08 and the Estonian Science Foundation grant No. 6451.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81295682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.12
V. Lang
The concluding chapter provides an overview of the emergence and development of power structures in Harju district during the Late Iron Age. Based on archaeological evidence and written sources, two typical fort districts are distinguished at the end of the Iron Age, one with its centre in Keava and the other at Lohu. There was a third fort district west of them, with the centre in Varbola, but the latter differed from the common hill forts, being most probably an early urban centre. In the crusades of the early 13th century Varbola pursued an independent policy to ensure its freedom and peace for trading. The fourth province was in the north-eastern part of Harju, with its centre presumably located in Paunküla; the latter, however, lacked a fort as its base. 1 This study was supported by the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (Center of Excellence CECT), the target financed theme No. SF0180150s08, and by the research grants from the Estonian Science Foundation (Nos 4563 and 6451).
{"title":"SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT AND POWER STRUCTURES IN THE LATE IRON AGE HARJU DISTRICT","authors":"V. Lang","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2012.SUPV1.12","url":null,"abstract":"The concluding chapter provides an overview of the emergence and development of power structures in Harju district during the Late Iron Age. Based on archaeological evidence and written sources, two typical fort districts are distinguished at the end of the Iron Age, one with its centre in Keava and the other at Lohu. There was a third fort district west of them, with the centre in Varbola, but the latter differed from the common hill forts, being most probably an early urban centre. In the crusades of the early 13th century Varbola pursued an independent policy to ensure its freedom and peace for trading. The fourth province was in the north-eastern part of Harju, with its centre presumably located in Paunküla; the latter, however, lacked a fort as its base. 1 This study was supported by the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (Center of Excellence CECT), the target financed theme No. SF0180150s08, and by the research grants from the Estonian Science Foundation (Nos 4563 and 6451).","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85251479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jordan, rich in archaeological sites and the related funerary attributes, has the potential to reconstruct the life of past societies and deduce burial practices that, in turn, may assist in understanding these societies and tracking the changes of social adjustments chronologically. This study utilizes archaeological reports and manuscripts to synthesize the social archaeology in Jordan from the Natufian period to the Persian. The study shows a prominent variability in burial practices over the various archaeological periods that were triggered by culture change, where the latter was imposed by the intertwined socio-political and environmental factors. The simplicity or complexity in burial practices followed those of the society itself, where burial types and practices started as simple during the Natufian period and gradually intensified and complicated in the latter periods.
{"title":"Burial Practices in Jordan from the Natufians to the Persians","authors":"Abdulla Al-Shorman, Ali Khwaileh","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"Jordan, rich in archaeological sites and the related funerary attributes, has the potential to reconstruct the life of past societies and deduce burial practices that, in turn, may assist in understanding these societies and tracking the changes of social adjustments chronologically. This study utilizes archaeological reports and manuscripts to synthesize the social archaeology in Jordan from the Natufian period to the Persian. The study shows a prominent variability in burial practices over the various archaeological periods that were triggered by culture change, where the latter was imposed by the intertwined socio-political and environmental factors. The simplicity or complexity in burial practices followed those of the society itself, where burial types and practices started as simple during the Natufian period and gradually intensified and complicated in the latter periods.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79167052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Departure In an overview of the Stone Age religious beliefs written half a century ago, Lembit Jaanits (1961, 68 f.) drew attention to the fact that the majority of people who lived at that time were most likely never buried in the ground. This conclusion was made on the basis of an amazingly low number of burials known in either settlement sites or separate cemeteries outside the settlements of that time. Similar thoughts had been published by Estonian folklorist in exile Oskar Loorits (1949, 118) already 12 years earlier. Although more cemeteries and graves from the late Mesolithic and Neolithic have been discovered within the last fifty years in what is today Estonia and its neighbouring areas, this suggestion is still valid and realistic. With a reference to anthropological evidence of some Siberian peoples, Jaanits supposed that the dead could have been taken to certain places outside the settlements (located e.g. in the forest) and left there on the surface of the ground, wrapped perhaps into skins or birch bark (Jaanits 1961, 69). After some time almost no traces will remain from such exposed bodies. As for the number of burial sites, the situation is even worse concerning the Early Bronze Age: no graves have been reported so far in Estonia, which could belong to the second millennium BC (Lang 2007, 147). This is most likely due to the stage of investigation and it is only a matter of time when the first burials will be discovered. In the southernmost neighbouring areas, for instance, several flat cemeteries with pit graves of the Early Bronze Age date have been unearthed, e.g. at Kivutkalns and Raganukalns (Graudonis 1967; Denisova et al. 1985). It was also in the late second millennium BC when the first monumental above-ground burial mounds were erected there, e.g. at Pukuli, Reznes, and Kalniesi (Graudonis 1967; Vasks 2000). In northern and western Estonia the first monumental stone graves were built slightly later, i.e. at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age (Lang 2007, 147 ff.). Since that time, at least one portion of burials has become very much visible in the archaeological record, and forms the main subject of research. However, it was gradually understood since the early 1990s that despite large numbers of stone graves of the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, one part of prehistoric populations have never been buried there. How big that part was, is not clear. At first sight this conclusion based on palaeodemographic calculations was only made for both stone-cist graves of the Late Bronze and early Pre-Roman Iron Ages and north-west-Estonian tarand-graves of the Roman Iron Age (Lang & Ligi 1991; Lang 1995a) because the number of burials in those graves was too small even for regular nuclear families. The tarand-graves in other parts of the country yielding larger numbers of burials were regarded to correspond to burial places of single farms with either nuclear or extended families. Later research into the osteological evidence of crem
Lembit Jaanits (1961, 68 f.)在半个世纪前写的一篇关于石器时代宗教信仰的综述中，提请人们注意这样一个事实:生活在那个时代的大多数人很可能从未被埋在地下。得出这一结论的基础是，在当时的定居点遗址或定居点外的单独墓地中，已知的墓葬数量少得惊人。爱沙尼亚流亡民俗学家奥斯卡·卢里茨(1949,118)早在12年前就发表了类似的观点。虽然在过去的五十年里，在今天的爱沙尼亚及其邻近地区发现了更多的中石器时代晚期和新石器时代的墓地和坟墓，但这一建议仍然是有效和现实的。参考一些西伯利亚人的人类学证据，Jaanits认为死者可能被带到定居点以外的某些地方(例如在森林中)，然后被留在地面上，可能被包裹在皮肤或桦树皮中(Jaanits 1961, 69)。一段时间后，这些暴露在外的尸体几乎不会留下任何痕迹。至于墓葬遗址的数量，青铜时代早期的情况更糟:到目前为止，爱沙尼亚还没有发现坟墓，这可能属于公元前第二个千年(Lang 2007, 147)。这很有可能是由于调查的阶段，发现第一批墓葬只是时间问题。例如，在最南端的邻近地区，已经出土了几个带有早期青铜器时代的深坑坟墓的平坦墓地，例如在Kivutkalns和Raganukalns (Graudonis 1967;Denisova et al. 1985)。也是在公元前2000年后期，第一批巨大的地面墓地在那里建立起来，例如在Pukuli, Reznes和Kalniesi (Graudonis 1967;瓦斯克2000)。在爱沙尼亚北部和西部，第一批巨大的石头坟墓建造得稍晚，即在青铜时代晚期开始(Lang 2007, 147 ff.)。从那时起，至少有一部分墓葬在考古记录中变得非常明显，并形成了研究的主要主题。然而，自20世纪90年代初以来，人们逐渐了解到，尽管有大量的青铜和铁器时代晚期的石头坟墓，但有一部分史前人口从未被埋葬在那里。这个比例到底有多大，目前还不清楚。乍一看，这个基于古人类统计学计算得出的结论只适用于青铜时代晚期和前罗马铁器时代早期的石棺墓和罗马铁器时代的爱沙尼亚西北部的石棺墓(Lang & Ligi 1991;(Lang 1995a)，因为这些坟墓里埋葬的人太少了，即使是对普通的核心家庭来说也是如此。在该国其他地区，埋葬人数较多的陆地墓地被认为是与有小家庭或大家庭的单一农场的墓地相对应的。后来对火化骨骼的骨学证据的研究清楚地表明，即使是铁器时代中后期的大型墓地也可能只属于一个或几个家庭，而不是更大的村庄社区(Magi 2002, 74;Allmae 2003;曼德尔2003)。然而，这一结论与历史文献不符，这些文献报道了13世纪由相对先进的村庄组成的聚落模式。本文旨在探讨与墓葬习俗有关的问题，这些问题是考古学难以研究甚至看不见的。首先，这是一项关于“他人”的研究——那些不属于最终被埋葬在石头坟墓、沙坑或平坦墓地的人。其次，这也是一项关于死亡和殡葬习俗的文化行为复杂性的研究，在这些习俗中，“适当的埋葬”只形成了一种——也许不是最流行的——行为方式。根据Frands Herschend(2009, 37)给出的定义，“埋葬”一词是指将死者放置在“埋葬地点”，网址是. ...
{"title":"TRACELESS DEATH. MISSING BURIALS IN BRONZE AND IRON AGE ESTONIA","authors":"V. Lang","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Departure In an overview of the Stone Age religious beliefs written half a century ago, Lembit Jaanits (1961, 68 f.) drew attention to the fact that the majority of people who lived at that time were most likely never buried in the ground. This conclusion was made on the basis of an amazingly low number of burials known in either settlement sites or separate cemeteries outside the settlements of that time. Similar thoughts had been published by Estonian folklorist in exile Oskar Loorits (1949, 118) already 12 years earlier. Although more cemeteries and graves from the late Mesolithic and Neolithic have been discovered within the last fifty years in what is today Estonia and its neighbouring areas, this suggestion is still valid and realistic. With a reference to anthropological evidence of some Siberian peoples, Jaanits supposed that the dead could have been taken to certain places outside the settlements (located e.g. in the forest) and left there on the surface of the ground, wrapped perhaps into skins or birch bark (Jaanits 1961, 69). After some time almost no traces will remain from such exposed bodies. As for the number of burial sites, the situation is even worse concerning the Early Bronze Age: no graves have been reported so far in Estonia, which could belong to the second millennium BC (Lang 2007, 147). This is most likely due to the stage of investigation and it is only a matter of time when the first burials will be discovered. In the southernmost neighbouring areas, for instance, several flat cemeteries with pit graves of the Early Bronze Age date have been unearthed, e.g. at Kivutkalns and Raganukalns (Graudonis 1967; Denisova et al. 1985). It was also in the late second millennium BC when the first monumental above-ground burial mounds were erected there, e.g. at Pukuli, Reznes, and Kalniesi (Graudonis 1967; Vasks 2000). In northern and western Estonia the first monumental stone graves were built slightly later, i.e. at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age (Lang 2007, 147 ff.). Since that time, at least one portion of burials has become very much visible in the archaeological record, and forms the main subject of research. However, it was gradually understood since the early 1990s that despite large numbers of stone graves of the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, one part of prehistoric populations have never been buried there. How big that part was, is not clear. At first sight this conclusion based on palaeodemographic calculations was only made for both stone-cist graves of the Late Bronze and early Pre-Roman Iron Ages and north-west-Estonian tarand-graves of the Roman Iron Age (Lang & Ligi 1991; Lang 1995a) because the number of burials in those graves was too small even for regular nuclear families. The tarand-graves in other parts of the country yielding larger numbers of burials were regarded to correspond to burial places of single farms with either nuclear or extended families. Later research into the osteological evidence of crem","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81199675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction Death is an omnipresent part of daily life and evokes both personal and public reactions. In the news media, themes of death and remembrance are woven together in hard news, features, pictures and obituaries. Traditionally transport and industrial accidents (with multiple victims), murder cases, as well as major natural disasters and war news are considered newsworthy because the role of the news is not to mirror the world but to highlight problems and extraordinary situations. Journalistic coverage is different when reporting about the death of hundreds and thousands (in case of natural disasters, war or industrial accidents) or one person; nevertheless this dimension is usually in correlation to geographical distance and proximity (Adams 1986). Death imagery pushes journalists into the debate over whether, where and how they should publish images of death and corpses. Indeed, the issue of how to use images of death has never been entirely clarified. Although we do not focus, in this paper, on these dilemmas it should be taken into consideration that the Estonian media do not usually represent corpses in an identifiable way. In national tragedies, such as accidents causing many injuries and deaths, natural disasters and the death of people representing the national elite, etc., the aspect of death and the subsequent mediated (public) mourning rituals are likely to become media events (Dayan & Katz 1992; Pantti & Sumiala 2009). Indeed, coverage of a funeral and public mourning can be so intensive that it interrupts everyday life and broadcasting programs (e.g. funeral of a president or mourning of Princess Diana). In addition to media event the journalism studies provide more or less elaborated concepts for different types of intensive coverage where the media plays a significant role in framing and social amplification of a certain event or topic: mediated scandal, media hype, news waves of smaller amplitude than media event (Paimre & Harro-Loit 2011). However, such death-related intensively reported cases should be analysed separately from the daily news flow that is the focus of the present research. The general death-related media context is broad and varied, ranging from the individual (death of a hundred years old person) and private funerals to national and international news reports about the victims of wars, catastrophes, accidents and murders. These reportages represent cultural ideas about the many meanings of death but it is also valuable to notice what is not reported concerning the death-theme. Regardless of their specific topic and circumstances--natural disaster, workplace accident, murder or the natural passing of the elderly--the stories told about death in journalism are ultimately about grief. News stories of the dead are about the living far more so than about the dead (Kitch & Hume 2008, 187) and they focus in particular on the emotions of survivors (Walter et al. 1995). The goal of this study is to analyse how
{"title":"REPRESENTATION OF DEATH CULTURE IN THE ESTONIAN PRESS","authors":"H. Harro-Loit, K. Ugur","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction Death is an omnipresent part of daily life and evokes both personal and public reactions. In the news media, themes of death and remembrance are woven together in hard news, features, pictures and obituaries. Traditionally transport and industrial accidents (with multiple victims), murder cases, as well as major natural disasters and war news are considered newsworthy because the role of the news is not to mirror the world but to highlight problems and extraordinary situations. Journalistic coverage is different when reporting about the death of hundreds and thousands (in case of natural disasters, war or industrial accidents) or one person; nevertheless this dimension is usually in correlation to geographical distance and proximity (Adams 1986). Death imagery pushes journalists into the debate over whether, where and how they should publish images of death and corpses. Indeed, the issue of how to use images of death has never been entirely clarified. Although we do not focus, in this paper, on these dilemmas it should be taken into consideration that the Estonian media do not usually represent corpses in an identifiable way. In national tragedies, such as accidents causing many injuries and deaths, natural disasters and the death of people representing the national elite, etc., the aspect of death and the subsequent mediated (public) mourning rituals are likely to become media events (Dayan & Katz 1992; Pantti & Sumiala 2009). Indeed, coverage of a funeral and public mourning can be so intensive that it interrupts everyday life and broadcasting programs (e.g. funeral of a president or mourning of Princess Diana). In addition to media event the journalism studies provide more or less elaborated concepts for different types of intensive coverage where the media plays a significant role in framing and social amplification of a certain event or topic: mediated scandal, media hype, news waves of smaller amplitude than media event (Paimre & Harro-Loit 2011). However, such death-related intensively reported cases should be analysed separately from the daily news flow that is the focus of the present research. The general death-related media context is broad and varied, ranging from the individual (death of a hundred years old person) and private funerals to national and international news reports about the victims of wars, catastrophes, accidents and murders. These reportages represent cultural ideas about the many meanings of death but it is also valuable to notice what is not reported concerning the death-theme. Regardless of their specific topic and circumstances--natural disaster, workplace accident, murder or the natural passing of the elderly--the stories told about death in journalism are ultimately about grief. News stories of the dead are about the living far more so than about the dead (Kitch & Hume 2008, 187) and they focus in particular on the emotions of survivors (Walter et al. 1995). The goal of this study is to analyse how ","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86757431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present article discusses how archaic cultures eliminated their fear of the dead; first and foremost in connection with laments as a folklore genre and lamenting as a ritual practice. Primarily, we examine the relevant Balto-Finnic and North Russian traditions, in which lamenting has retained its original function of balancing the relations between the spheres of the living and the dead, and of establishing borderlines, as well as of restoring the interrupted social cohesion. Lament texts can be viewed as a multifunctional genre that may even be addressed in various ways, but wherein nevertheless the interests of the community stand foremost, whereas personal psychological problems come only after, and related to them. The lamenter’s role and function in the society will be viewed, too. The second part of the article will, in connection with overcoming the fear of the dead, discuss exhumation – a phenomenon that has not been preserved in north European cultures but that can, in the light of treated bones or incomplete skeletons in the graves of Bronze and Iron Ages, be assumed to have at one time existed even in Estonia. In cultures where exhumation has remained a living practice up to the present (the Greek culture, for instance), it has probably also solved problems linked to the fear of the dead, since part of the person’s skeleton is posthumously reincorporated into the society of the living, in the shape of an amulet or a talisman. The relevant rituals have been performed to the accompaniment of laments. The final part of the article will take a look at certain textual examples of the Setu laments for the dead, which may have preserved a distant memory of the practices connected with exhumation.
{"title":"COMMUNICATING ACROSS THE BORDER: WHAT BURIAL LAMENTS CAN TELL US ABOUT OLD BELIEFS","authors":"Madis Arukask","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"The present article discusses how archaic cultures eliminated their fear of the dead; first and foremost in connection with laments as a folklore genre and lamenting as a ritual practice. Primarily, we examine the relevant Balto-Finnic and North Russian traditions, in which lamenting has retained its original function of balancing the relations between the spheres of the living and the dead, and of establishing borderlines, as well as of restoring the interrupted social cohesion. Lament texts can be viewed as a multifunctional genre that may even be addressed in various ways, but wherein nevertheless the interests of the community stand foremost, whereas personal psychological problems come only after, and related to them. The lamenter’s role and function in the society will be viewed, too. The second part of the article will, in connection with overcoming the fear of the dead, discuss exhumation – a phenomenon that has not been preserved in north European cultures but that can, in the light of treated bones or incomplete skeletons in the graves of Bronze and Iron Ages, be assumed to have at one time existed even in Estonia. In cultures where exhumation has remained a living practice up to the present (the Greek culture, for instance), it has probably also solved problems linked to the fear of the dead, since part of the person’s skeleton is posthumously reincorporated into the society of the living, in the shape of an amulet or a talisman. The relevant rituals have been performed to the accompaniment of laments. The final part of the article will take a look at certain textual examples of the Setu laments for the dead, which may have preserved a distant memory of the practices connected with exhumation.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73467541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This is a small collection of articles initiated by the Centre of Excellence in Cultural Theory and dedicated to the study of some selected aspects of the culture of death in archaeology, folkloristics, and media studies. Such a selection of research fields is to some extent random depending mostly on authors who responded to the call for papers and succeeded in finishing their contributions before the deadline. This selection could easily be quite different and the collection itself much thicker because the focus--the topic of death--touches everyone and forms an essential part in human culture. Nevertheless, even this casual selection of different aspects in the culture of death gives a good overview of the essential and inexhaustible nature of the topic, and of how some nuances of the culture of death share surprisingly many features in totally different research disciplines. The authors hope that their modest contribution complements that extremely large and rich discussion which does exist on the culture of death in various social and human sciences. Although due to the nature of this journal the emphasis is on archaeology, it makes sense to start with the question from the last paper about the death in newspapers written by Halliki Harro-Loit and Kadri Ugur. They ask: "since everyone dies, whose death is worthy of media coverage?" One can replace the word "media" in this question with some other words more characteristic of someone's own research field. An archaeologist, for instance, could ask: since everyone dies, whose death was worthy of proper burying? The problem here lies in the circumstance that the graves and cemeteries we know from prehistory have often belonged only to a minor part of human population, while the majority of prehistoric people were buried in a way, which has not preserved their burials over longer times. Death leaves traces in human culture only if it is interpreted through that culture, as stated by Valter Lang in his article in the current volume, and by far not every death has shared this fate in prehistoric past. The proper burying, leaving traces in material culture, has been selective for a very long time, in our corner of the world until the spread of Christianity at the latest. But such selectiveness can also be found in many other prehistoric and historical societies around the world, while towards the modern societies it has achieved more shaded or hidden features. The media coverage of death today is actually also selective, therefore compensating the selectiveness of culturally treated death by other and modern means. Thus, death touches everyone of us but its phenomena interpreted through culture very much depend on both time and place. This culture-specificity is also demonstrated by the articles included in this volume. Trying to answer the question, whose death is worthy of rendering cultural meaning, the researchers of prehistoric to modern societies usually refer to those persona who have possess
{"title":"The Culture of Death","authors":"V. Lang","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"This is a small collection of articles initiated by the Centre of Excellence in Cultural Theory and dedicated to the study of some selected aspects of the culture of death in archaeology, folkloristics, and media studies. Such a selection of research fields is to some extent random depending mostly on authors who responded to the call for papers and succeeded in finishing their contributions before the deadline. This selection could easily be quite different and the collection itself much thicker because the focus--the topic of death--touches everyone and forms an essential part in human culture. Nevertheless, even this casual selection of different aspects in the culture of death gives a good overview of the essential and inexhaustible nature of the topic, and of how some nuances of the culture of death share surprisingly many features in totally different research disciplines. The authors hope that their modest contribution complements that extremely large and rich discussion which does exist on the culture of death in various social and human sciences. Although due to the nature of this journal the emphasis is on archaeology, it makes sense to start with the question from the last paper about the death in newspapers written by Halliki Harro-Loit and Kadri Ugur. They ask: \"since everyone dies, whose death is worthy of media coverage?\" One can replace the word \"media\" in this question with some other words more characteristic of someone's own research field. An archaeologist, for instance, could ask: since everyone dies, whose death was worthy of proper burying? The problem here lies in the circumstance that the graves and cemeteries we know from prehistory have often belonged only to a minor part of human population, while the majority of prehistoric people were buried in a way, which has not preserved their burials over longer times. Death leaves traces in human culture only if it is interpreted through that culture, as stated by Valter Lang in his article in the current volume, and by far not every death has shared this fate in prehistoric past. The proper burying, leaving traces in material culture, has been selective for a very long time, in our corner of the world until the spread of Christianity at the latest. But such selectiveness can also be found in many other prehistoric and historical societies around the world, while towards the modern societies it has achieved more shaded or hidden features. The media coverage of death today is actually also selective, therefore compensating the selectiveness of culturally treated death by other and modern means. Thus, death touches everyone of us but its phenomena interpreted through culture very much depend on both time and place. This culture-specificity is also demonstrated by the articles included in this volume. Trying to answer the question, whose death is worthy of rendering cultural meaning, the researchers of prehistoric to modern societies usually refer to those persona who have possess","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77373745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study of the town wall of Tartu will try to summarize the results obtained so far during the archaeological investigations and discuss the condition of the town wall, the date of construction and its symbolic meaning to inhabitants of the medieval Old Livonia. As a result of archaeological research, it can be said that the wall consists of dry stone, soil and irregularly poured lime mortar to bind the stones. For constructing the wall, stone and limestone, intact bricks and the fragments of bricks have been used. The improvement and modification of the fortifications continued probably throughout the whole medieval period. Although the construction of medieval town wall of Tartu has been dated according written sources to the second half of the 13th century, namely to the time after the Russians’ raid in 1262, the existing research results show that it seems more likely that similarly to Tallinn, the wall was built in the first half of 14th century, when the former city seems to have been completely re-planned.
{"title":"MEDIEVAL TOWN WALL OF TARTU IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT RESEARCH","authors":"R. Bernotas","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"The present study of the town wall of Tartu will try to summarize the results obtained so far during the archaeological investigations and discuss the condition of the town wall, the date of construction and its symbolic meaning to inhabitants of the medieval Old Livonia. As a result of archaeological research, it can be said that the wall consists of dry stone, soil and irregularly poured lime mortar to bind the stones. For constructing the wall, stone and limestone, intact bricks and the fragments of bricks have been used. The improvement and modification of the fortifications continued probably throughout the whole medieval period. Although the construction of medieval town wall of Tartu has been dated according written sources to the second half of the 13th century, namely to the time after the Russians’ raid in 1262, the existing research results show that it seems more likely that similarly to Tallinn, the wall was built in the first half of 14th century, when the former city seems to have been completely re-planned.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88913579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction Rods with sculptural elk/reindeer heads and their analogues in rock art are important elements for reconstructing the North Eurasian prehistoric inhabitants' social structure and mythology in the period from the Mesolithic to Early Metal Age. The extremely long period of their existence - from the VII millennium to the second half of the II millennium cal BC for rods and from the VI millennium to the III millennium cal BC for rock art images - and the huge territory of their spread (northern Europe and beyond the Urals) obviously provide some evidence of the common world outlook of many archaeological cultures in the Eurasian forest zone (Stolyar 1983; Studzitskaya 1997). Both categories were studied earlier, but require a more careful examination. Carved items are markedly different in shape and size, and this is why a more detailed morphological analysis should be carried out. Also all fragmented items, not mentioned in the earlier studies should be examined. The morphology and finding context having been studied, some conclusions can be made about the functional and symbolic role of these rods. As for the rock art images, the most informative are those scenes with the rods, where they are used in certain actions. Their multiple symbolic meaning is confirmed by rod images with not only elk heads but also those of reindeer. Such scenes should be carefully examined in order to reveal the functions of the carved rods, which existed in reality. Carved rods with elk/reindeer heads Most items are made of antler, though some are of elk bone. Most rods from the Oleniy Ostrov burial ground (the Barents seashore) and the one from the Mayak II site are made of reindeer antler and portray reindeers (Gurina 1997; Murashkin & Shumkin 2008). Several wooden and stone items with elk heads are known, but they are not rods. Stone elk heads (4 items) have holes for putting them on rods and their only spread in south Finland and Karelia seems to be a local tradition (Nordman 1937, 40 ff.; Studzitskaya 1966, 30; Carpelan 1977; Huure 2003, 241) (Fig. 1). Three of them are made in a very stylized manner and only one item has highly detailed features of an elk. Judging by the hole-making technology, they are dated back to the Late Mesolithic or Neolithic. All of them are stray finds and will not be discussed here. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Carved items have the angle between the head and the rod from 90 to 120 (rarely to 150) degrees. All items are made extremely carefully--all of them are burnished and polished. Their lengths range from 10 to 47 cm. A total of 48 pieces can be divided into two groups according to their size (Fig. 1). Group I--small rods: from 10 to 25.3 cm--consists of 12 pieces from Mayak II, Oleniy Ostrov burial ground (7 pieces), Southern Oleniy Ostrov burial ground on Onega Lake, Zvejnieki burial ground, Sventoji IV, Modlona (Gurina 1953; 1956; 1997; Oshibkina 1978; Zagorskis 1987; Rimantiene 1996; Murashkin & Shumkin 2008). Group II--big ro
带有麋鹿/驯鹿头像的木棒及其岩石艺术中的类似物是重建欧亚北部史前居民中石器时代至早期金属时代社会结构和神话的重要元素。它们存在的极其漫长的时期——从公元前七千年到公元前二千年的下半叶，从公元前六千年到公元前三千年的岩石艺术图像——以及它们传播的巨大领土(北欧和乌拉尔以外)显然为欧亚森林地区许多考古文化的共同世界观提供了一些证据(斯托亚尔1983;Studzitskaya 1997)。这两种分类早前都研究过，但需要更仔细的检查。雕刻的物品在形状和大小上明显不同，这就是为什么应该进行更详细的形态学分析。此外，所有在早期研究中未提及的碎片项目都应进行检查。通过对这些杆状体的形态和发现背景的研究，可以对这些杆状体的功能和象征作用作出一些结论。至于岩石艺术图像，最有信息的是那些有杆的场景，在那里它们被用于某些动作。它们的多重象征意义不仅由麋鹿头，而且还有驯鹿头的杆状图像证实。为了揭示现实中存在的雕刻棒的功能，应该仔细检查这样的场景。大多数物品是用鹿角制成的，尽管有些是用麋鹿骨制成的。来自Oleniy Ostrov墓地(巴伦支海岸)和Mayak II遗址的大多数杆都是用驯鹿角制成的，并描绘了驯鹿(Gurina 1997;Murashkin & Shumkin 2008)。已知有几件带有麋鹿头的木制和石制物品，但它们不是杆。石制麋鹿头(4件)有孔，可以把它们放在杆子上，它们在芬兰南部和卡累利阿的唯一传播似乎是当地的传统(Nordman 1937, 40 ff);Studzitskaya 1966,30;Carpelan 1977;Huure 2003, 241)(图1)。其中三个是用非常程式化的方式制作的，只有一个项目具有麋鹿的非常详细的特征。从造洞技术来看，它们可以追溯到中石器时代晚期或新石器时代。所有这些都是偶然发现的，不在这里讨论。[图1省略]雕刻物品的头部和杆之间的角度从90到120度(很少到150度)。所有的东西都做得非常仔细——所有的东西都经过打磨和抛光。它们的长度从10厘米到47厘米不等。总共48件，根据其大小可分为两组(图1)。第一组-小棒:从10到25.3厘米-由12件组成，分别来自Mayak II, Oleniy Ostrov墓地(7件)，Onega湖上的south Oleniy Ostrov墓地，Zvejnieki墓地，Sventoji IV, Modlona (Gurina 1953;1956;1997;Oshibkina 1978;Zagorskis 1987;Rimantiene 1996;Murashkin & Shumkin 2008)。第二组-大杆:从40到49厘米-包括16件来自南奥列尼奥斯特罗夫墓地(2件)，Riigikula III, Villa(图2:1-2)，Malmuta河河口，Sventoji III(2件)，Kretuonas I, Sakhtysh I, Zamostye II, Chornaya Gora，托克河墓地，Shigir泥炭沼泽(2件)，Kalmatskiy Brod, Annin Ostrov(1940年);Gurina 1956;Tsvetkova 1969;Loze 1970;Bogdanov 1992;Oshibkina et al. 1992;Rimantiene 2005;Lozovskij 2009)。[图2略]物品的最小和最大长度是用未折断的杆测量的，但也有许多碎片。所有的碎片都与整个杆进行了比较，并估计了它们的长度。根据这些长度，它们被归为第二组——大杆。Volodary遗址的碎片不能被归类，因为它没有把手，在麋鹿头的底部有一个深洞，可能是为了把它固定在把手上(Tsvetkova 1973)(图. ...)
{"title":"RODS WITH ELK HEADS: SYMBOL IN RITUAL CONTEXT","authors":"E. Kashina, A. Zhulnikov","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2011.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2011.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction Rods with sculptural elk/reindeer heads and their analogues in rock art are important elements for reconstructing the North Eurasian prehistoric inhabitants' social structure and mythology in the period from the Mesolithic to Early Metal Age. The extremely long period of their existence - from the VII millennium to the second half of the II millennium cal BC for rods and from the VI millennium to the III millennium cal BC for rock art images - and the huge territory of their spread (northern Europe and beyond the Urals) obviously provide some evidence of the common world outlook of many archaeological cultures in the Eurasian forest zone (Stolyar 1983; Studzitskaya 1997). Both categories were studied earlier, but require a more careful examination. Carved items are markedly different in shape and size, and this is why a more detailed morphological analysis should be carried out. Also all fragmented items, not mentioned in the earlier studies should be examined. The morphology and finding context having been studied, some conclusions can be made about the functional and symbolic role of these rods. As for the rock art images, the most informative are those scenes with the rods, where they are used in certain actions. Their multiple symbolic meaning is confirmed by rod images with not only elk heads but also those of reindeer. Such scenes should be carefully examined in order to reveal the functions of the carved rods, which existed in reality. Carved rods with elk/reindeer heads Most items are made of antler, though some are of elk bone. Most rods from the Oleniy Ostrov burial ground (the Barents seashore) and the one from the Mayak II site are made of reindeer antler and portray reindeers (Gurina 1997; Murashkin & Shumkin 2008). Several wooden and stone items with elk heads are known, but they are not rods. Stone elk heads (4 items) have holes for putting them on rods and their only spread in south Finland and Karelia seems to be a local tradition (Nordman 1937, 40 ff.; Studzitskaya 1966, 30; Carpelan 1977; Huure 2003, 241) (Fig. 1). Three of them are made in a very stylized manner and only one item has highly detailed features of an elk. Judging by the hole-making technology, they are dated back to the Late Mesolithic or Neolithic. All of them are stray finds and will not be discussed here. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Carved items have the angle between the head and the rod from 90 to 120 (rarely to 150) degrees. All items are made extremely carefully--all of them are burnished and polished. Their lengths range from 10 to 47 cm. A total of 48 pieces can be divided into two groups according to their size (Fig. 1). Group I--small rods: from 10 to 25.3 cm--consists of 12 pieces from Mayak II, Oleniy Ostrov burial ground (7 pieces), Southern Oleniy Ostrov burial ground on Onega Lake, Zvejnieki burial ground, Sventoji IV, Modlona (Gurina 1953; 1956; 1997; Oshibkina 1978; Zagorskis 1987; Rimantiene 1996; Murashkin & Shumkin 2008). Group II--big ro","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2011-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82917599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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