Two different pottery traditions were defined in Corded Ware materials from the Rosson microregion in the Narva–Luga interfluve on the basis of analyses of technology, morphology and ornamentation. In most cases the studied pottery has many similarities with Corded Ware from other sites of the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland region. It is proposed that some decoration features could have been adopted from the local Late Combed Ware tradition. Another pottery tradition (beakers and beaker-like pots) is presented in much fewer numbers and has many parallels in Corded Ware materials from Eastern and Central Europe.
{"title":"Some Aspects of Corded Ware on Rosson River (Narva-Luga Klint Bay)/rossoni Joe Piirkonna (Narva-Luuga Klindilahe) Noorkeraamika Moningaid Aspekte","authors":"M. Kholkina","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2017.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2017.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Two different pottery traditions were defined in Corded Ware materials from the Rosson microregion in the Narva–Luga interfluve on the basis of analyses of technology, morphology and ornamentation. In most cases the studied pottery has many similarities with Corded Ware from other sites of the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland region. It is proposed that some decoration features could have been adopted from the local Late Combed Ware tradition. Another pottery tradition (beakers and beaker-like pots) is presented in much fewer numbers and has many parallels in Corded Ware materials from Eastern and Central Europe.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76444401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper discusses the remains of domestic animals showing signs of ritual deposition at the settlement site of Mulli at Raisio in south-western Finland, dating to the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval period. Initially, a singly deposited sheep found under the wall of a building had been interpreted as ritually buried. While selecting samples for another study the curious nature of other deposits of domestic animals at the site became apparent and a re-analysis was conducted. This paper presents the results of the osteological reexamination and discusses indicators of ritual activity at the site. In fact, the site exhibits evidence of repeated rituals involving sheep cut to small chunks and bones buried at the homestead. Since organic material seldom preserves in the local soil, Mulli offers a unique glimpse into the ritual practices involving animal remains in Late Iron Age Finland. Although previous studies suggest that Christian beliefs were already changing the burial practices of the Mulli dwellers, domestic rituals remained important in their worldview.
{"title":"RITUAL DEPOSITION OF ANIMALS IN LATE IRON AGE FINLAND: A CASE-STUDY OF THE MULLI SETTLEMENT SITE IN RAISIO","authors":"Sonja Hukantaival, Auli Bläuer","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2017.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2017.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses the remains of domestic animals showing signs of ritual deposition at the settlement site of Mulli at Raisio in south-western Finland, dating to the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval period. Initially, a singly deposited sheep found under the wall of a building had been interpreted as ritually buried. While selecting samples for another study the curious nature of other deposits of domestic animals at the site became apparent and a re-analysis was conducted. This paper presents the results of the osteological reexamination and discusses indicators of ritual activity at the site. In fact, the site exhibits evidence of repeated rituals involving sheep cut to small chunks and bones buried at the homestead. Since organic material seldom preserves in the local soil, Mulli offers a unique glimpse into the ritual practices involving animal remains in Late Iron Age Finland. Although previous studies suggest that Christian beliefs were already changing the burial practices of the Mulli dwellers, domestic rituals remained important in their worldview.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78548200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In archaeobotany, plant remains from latrines have been used to derive information on historical food consumption. In this interdisciplinary paper, we present new archaeological and archaeobotanical data from the 1790s sea fortress of Ruotsinsalmi in Kotkansaari, Finland. Archaeological research revealed the remains of an infantry barracks and a well-preserved log latrine at the sea fortress. The contents of the latrine were excavated, and waterlogged human faeces were found. To reconstruct the food consumption of the soldiers at the sea fortress, we carried out archaeobotanical analyses on the faeces. The waterlogged human faeces consisted purely of plant remains and fish bone fragments. The analysis of the plant remains gave records of 77 different plant taxa, and common millet (Panicum miliaceum L.) and sage (Salvia officinalis L.) were identified for the first time from archaeological layers in Finland. The remarkable number of cultivated and exotic plants recorded from the faeces shows that imported as well as locally produced food was used. Latrines offer evidence of consumed food in the past Latrines are a type of primitive toilet that collects human faeces, and the word latrine originates from Latin 'latrina' or 'lavatrina' meaning 'to wash'. Latrines provide excellent preservation conditions, and therefore the content consists of a range of biological materials such as seeds, fruits and plant tissue. Latrines are historically also used as waste pits, where the household rubbish and sometimes even animal dung was thrown. Therefore, archaeological latrines are an excellent source of information on the past diet and waste disposal, and they also provide information about the natural surroundings of the latrine (Markle 2005, 427; Smith 2013, 526). Macrofossil, pollen, and zoological analyses of latrines have been conducted e.g. in Turkey (Baeten et al. 2012), England (Moffet 1992; Smith 2013), Germany (Wiethold 1995; Markle 2005), and Denmark (Andersen & Moltsen 2007). From Estonia over 30 latrines have been excavated (Bernotas 2008). Latrines have been excavated in Finland as well, from the medieval (AD 13th-16th c.) layers of Turku (Sartes & Lehtonen 2007; Seppanen 2012). However, no botanical analyses of these latrines have been carried out. Therefore, there has been little direct evidence of the diet. What cereals were eaten? Were exotic fruits parts of the diet? [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The sea fortress of Ruotsinsalmi (1790-1855) in Kotkansaari was the predecessor of the present town of Kotka (1878-, Fig. 1). During the past ten years, some twenty archaeological studies have been conducted on the Island of Kotkansaari (Kykyri 2013a, 60; 2015, 38 f.). These investigations have shed new light on the history of the island, but so far only limited knowledge has been acquired concerning everyday life at the sea fortress. New information was gained when the Museum of Kymenlaakso carried out excavations at the sea fortress in the summer of 2013. Du
{"title":"The 18th Century Sea Fortress of Ruotsinsalmi, Kotkansaari in Finland: Archaeobotanical Data of a Log Latrine","authors":"Mia Lempiäinen-Avci, Marita Kykyri","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2017.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2017.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"In archaeobotany, plant remains from latrines have been used to derive information on historical food consumption. In this interdisciplinary paper, we present new archaeological and archaeobotanical data from the 1790s sea fortress of Ruotsinsalmi in Kotkansaari, Finland. Archaeological research revealed the remains of an infantry barracks and a well-preserved log latrine at the sea fortress. The contents of the latrine were excavated, and waterlogged human faeces were found. To reconstruct the food consumption of the soldiers at the sea fortress, we carried out archaeobotanical analyses on the faeces. The waterlogged human faeces consisted purely of plant remains and fish bone fragments. The analysis of the plant remains gave records of 77 different plant taxa, and common millet (Panicum miliaceum L.) and sage (Salvia officinalis L.) were identified for the first time from archaeological layers in Finland. The remarkable number of cultivated and exotic plants recorded from the faeces shows that imported as well as locally produced food was used. Latrines offer evidence of consumed food in the past Latrines are a type of primitive toilet that collects human faeces, and the word latrine originates from Latin 'latrina' or 'lavatrina' meaning 'to wash'. Latrines provide excellent preservation conditions, and therefore the content consists of a range of biological materials such as seeds, fruits and plant tissue. Latrines are historically also used as waste pits, where the household rubbish and sometimes even animal dung was thrown. Therefore, archaeological latrines are an excellent source of information on the past diet and waste disposal, and they also provide information about the natural surroundings of the latrine (Markle 2005, 427; Smith 2013, 526). Macrofossil, pollen, and zoological analyses of latrines have been conducted e.g. in Turkey (Baeten et al. 2012), England (Moffet 1992; Smith 2013), Germany (Wiethold 1995; Markle 2005), and Denmark (Andersen & Moltsen 2007). From Estonia over 30 latrines have been excavated (Bernotas 2008). Latrines have been excavated in Finland as well, from the medieval (AD 13th-16th c.) layers of Turku (Sartes & Lehtonen 2007; Seppanen 2012). However, no botanical analyses of these latrines have been carried out. Therefore, there has been little direct evidence of the diet. What cereals were eaten? Were exotic fruits parts of the diet? [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The sea fortress of Ruotsinsalmi (1790-1855) in Kotkansaari was the predecessor of the present town of Kotka (1878-, Fig. 1). During the past ten years, some twenty archaeological studies have been conducted on the Island of Kotkansaari (Kykyri 2013a, 60; 2015, 38 f.). These investigations have shed new light on the history of the island, but so far only limited knowledge has been acquired concerning everyday life at the sea fortress. New information was gained when the Museum of Kymenlaakso carried out excavations at the sea fortress in the summer of 2013. Du","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82990933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with the use of brown bear (Ursus arctos) skins in the Iron Age and Early Medieval death rituals in south-eastern Fennoscandia. In this area, the practice of wrapping bodies in bear skins endured for over 1,000 years, starting in the Roman Iron Age in south-western Finland and ending with the Medieval Age inhumation burials in the Karelian Isthmus. The wrapping of bodies in predator skins is hypothesized by the numbers of 3rd phalanges (i.e. claws) which have been found in burials, especially in cremation cemeteries under level ground (400/600-1000 AD). Firstly, the role of the bear was studied by analysing bear skin remains, specifically the 3rd phalanges and bear hairs, which have been found in burials, and secondly finds and their find contexts were analysed in terms of references made to them in Finno-Karelian Kalevala-metric poetry. The results stress the role of bear skins in constructing the identity of the deceased as a warrior and as an ancestor. The concept of a warrior as a predator is widely known among Eurasian populations. In south-eastern Fennoscandia the distribution and find contexts indicate that this ritual was adopted mainly from the Germanic cultural sphere. Introduction The practice of using animal skins in funeral rites as coverings or shrouds was a worldwide phenomenon that lasted for millennia in Eurasia (e.g., Douny & Harris 2014; Harris 2014; Koryakova & Epimakhov 2007, 100). In Finland, this ritual could have been part of some Neolithic inhumation burials, where the shape of some grave pits suggests the use of skins as stretchers or wrappings (Ayrapaa 1931; Torvinen 1979). The best preserved archaeological evidence was deposited in the Late Iron Age inhumation burials, where cow, bear, and especially cervid skins were commonly used to wrap the body (Kirkinen 2015). In the Iron Age cremation burials, the remains of predator claws have been interpreted to indicate the cremating of skins along with the bodies (e.g., Mantyla-Asplund & Stora 2010, 62; Petre 1980; Schonfelder 1994). In this paper, the Iron Age tradition of cremating brown bear (Ursus arctos) skins has been analysed by combining archaeological data with folklore evidence and ethnographical sources. The aim is to identify the origins and meaning of the phenomenon. The studied zooarchaeological evidence, i.e. the 3rd phalanges and hairs of a bear, comes from the major Iron Age cemetery areas in south-eastern Fennoscandia: southern, eastern, and western Finland, and the Karelian Isthmus. In this area, the practice of wrapping bodies in bear skins extended over a 1,000-year period, starting in the Roman Iron Age in south-western Finland (Kivikoski 1965) and ending with the Medieval Age inhumation burials in the east (Kirkinen 2015). The present archaeological material stresses the use of bear skins in Europe that originated in Scandinavia and in Central Europe, specifically in Germany and the Czech Republic in the east to the British Isles in the
{"title":"\"Burning Pelts\"-Brown Bear Skins in the Iron Age and Early Medieval (1-1300 AD) Burials in South-Eastern Fennoscandia","authors":"Tuija Kirkinen","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2017.1.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2017.1.01","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with the use of brown bear (Ursus arctos) skins in the Iron Age and Early Medieval death rituals in south-eastern Fennoscandia. In this area, the practice of wrapping bodies in bear skins endured for over 1,000 years, starting in the Roman Iron Age in south-western Finland and ending with the Medieval Age inhumation burials in the Karelian Isthmus. The wrapping of bodies in predator skins is hypothesized by the numbers of 3rd phalanges (i.e. claws) which have been found in burials, especially in cremation cemeteries under level ground (400/600-1000 AD). Firstly, the role of the bear was studied by analysing bear skin remains, specifically the 3rd phalanges and bear hairs, which have been found in burials, and secondly finds and their find contexts were analysed in terms of references made to them in Finno-Karelian Kalevala-metric poetry. The results stress the role of bear skins in constructing the identity of the deceased as a warrior and as an ancestor. The concept of a warrior as a predator is widely known among Eurasian populations. In south-eastern Fennoscandia the distribution and find contexts indicate that this ritual was adopted mainly from the Germanic cultural sphere. Introduction The practice of using animal skins in funeral rites as coverings or shrouds was a worldwide phenomenon that lasted for millennia in Eurasia (e.g., Douny & Harris 2014; Harris 2014; Koryakova & Epimakhov 2007, 100). In Finland, this ritual could have been part of some Neolithic inhumation burials, where the shape of some grave pits suggests the use of skins as stretchers or wrappings (Ayrapaa 1931; Torvinen 1979). The best preserved archaeological evidence was deposited in the Late Iron Age inhumation burials, where cow, bear, and especially cervid skins were commonly used to wrap the body (Kirkinen 2015). In the Iron Age cremation burials, the remains of predator claws have been interpreted to indicate the cremating of skins along with the bodies (e.g., Mantyla-Asplund & Stora 2010, 62; Petre 1980; Schonfelder 1994). In this paper, the Iron Age tradition of cremating brown bear (Ursus arctos) skins has been analysed by combining archaeological data with folklore evidence and ethnographical sources. The aim is to identify the origins and meaning of the phenomenon. The studied zooarchaeological evidence, i.e. the 3rd phalanges and hairs of a bear, comes from the major Iron Age cemetery areas in south-eastern Fennoscandia: southern, eastern, and western Finland, and the Karelian Isthmus. In this area, the practice of wrapping bodies in bear skins extended over a 1,000-year period, starting in the Roman Iron Age in south-western Finland (Kivikoski 1965) and ending with the Medieval Age inhumation burials in the east (Kirkinen 2015). The present archaeological material stresses the use of bear skins in Europe that originated in Scandinavia and in Central Europe, specifically in Germany and the Czech Republic in the east to the British Isles in the","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85393135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article I present an analysis of how place-lore has and can be used as a tool to identify archaeological sites. The focus was upon three types of sites: prehistoric strongholds; burial sites on dry land; wetland sites with potential human remains. In the first part, the prehistoric strongholds in historical Võrumaa County are discussed, followed in the second part by the burial sites in Karula Parish. The aim was to answer the questions “How many of these sites had been identified using folklore (including place names)?”, “How did this place-lore form and what kind of information does it pass on?” and “How did identifications in folklore or on the basis of folklore relate to the archaeological evidence at these places?” In third part my own fieldwork, undertaken at wetlands selected on the basis of folklore that referred to human remains, is presented. Analysis of the prehistoric strongholds showed that in general they were identified on the basis of folklore. However, other potential stronghold sites that occur in place-lore remain unconfirmed by archaeological evidence. In the case of some of these sites, a lack of confirmation may be owing to inadequate archaeological investigation. Almost all burial places in Karula Parish have been identified using place-lore, usually describing unearthed human remains. Unlike in the case of strongholds, the place-lore concerning burial sites is less likely to refer to the original use of sites, which indicates that many of them were “forgotten” by locals after the end of use. The fieldwork in the wetlands did not uncover any new archaeological finds. The main reason could be the difficulties of doing wetland archaeology. The place-lore may also be misleading with regard to all three types of archaeological sites, but it is also not possible to state categorically that in the past people did not interact with these sites. The results of this study show how important place-lore has and can be in determining archaeological sites. However, one has to keep in mind how place-lore emerges and the character of the information it tends to pass on.
{"title":"PLACE-LORE AS A TOOL TO IDENTIFY ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES","authors":"Pikne Kama","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2017.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2017.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I present an analysis of how place-lore has and can be used as a tool to identify archaeological sites. The focus was upon three types of sites: prehistoric strongholds; burial sites on dry land; wetland sites with potential human remains. In the first part, the prehistoric strongholds in historical Võrumaa County are discussed, followed in the second part by the burial sites in Karula Parish. The aim was to answer the questions “How many of these sites had been identified using folklore (including place names)?”, “How did this place-lore form and what kind of information does it pass on?” and “How did identifications in folklore or on the basis of folklore relate to the archaeological evidence at these places?” In third part my own fieldwork, undertaken at wetlands selected on the basis of folklore that referred to human remains, is presented. Analysis of the prehistoric strongholds showed that in general they were identified on the basis of folklore. However, other potential stronghold sites that occur in place-lore remain unconfirmed by archaeological evidence. In the case of some of these sites, a lack of confirmation may be owing to inadequate archaeological investigation. Almost all burial places in Karula Parish have been identified using place-lore, usually describing unearthed human remains. Unlike in the case of strongholds, the place-lore concerning burial sites is less likely to refer to the original use of sites, which indicates that many of them were “forgotten” by locals after the end of use. The fieldwork in the wetlands did not uncover any new archaeological finds. The main reason could be the difficulties of doing wetland archaeology. The place-lore may also be misleading with regard to all three types of archaeological sites, but it is also not possible to state categorically that in the past people did not interact with these sites. The results of this study show how important place-lore has and can be in determining archaeological sites. However, one has to keep in mind how place-lore emerges and the character of the information it tends to pass on.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86799442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction In the early years of the twentieth century, an antler human figurine (PaMu 1 A: 501) was found in River Parnu, south-east Estonia (Fig. 1). It is one of the rare archaeological finds from Estonia that already from the very first publications (Ebert 1913; Gluck 1914) reached several wider studies about European archaeology (Tallgren 1922; Childe 1925; Gimbutas 1956). Due to some reasons, interest in the object was lost during the second part of the century. It was mentioned only passingly in a study about the Stone Age religion in Estonia (Jaanits 1961) and it has not been brought up at all in Eesti esiajalugu (Estonian Prehistory, Jaanits et al. 1982), which was a major study of Estonian archaeology for decades. Most likely, one of the reasons for such a random use was the absence of dating and therefore a speculative relationship with any specific archaeological period and culture. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The figurine The 10 cm tall human sculpture is made of an elk antler and it was created with only very simple means. Two different ways of processing can be distinguished: cutting to create sharper edges and smoothing to express softer contours. With three wide grooves, the knees, waist and neck have been marked, and with a sharp cut the flat breast and chin are shown. The mouth has been cut in so that the round chin emerges. The face together with the hooknose has been designed by polishing. Eyes have not been depicted and this makes the statuette different from all other Stone Age figurines. Although slightly younger, the human figurines from the East European forest zone of the Late Mesolithic-Early Neolithic always have eyes and/or strong and protruding eyebrows (Butrimas 2000, 12). Eyes are marked usually with drilled holes, but it seems that the eyebrows alone were also good enough for that purpose (see Fig. 4: 6, 7, 9). The face of the Parnu figurine has only a nose and a mouth, leaving the upper part of the face plane. In addition to the eyes, the sculpture is also missing details of the body. While the rest of the human figurines from the northern part of Eastern Europe have their hands marked with lines or carved, then in the case of the Parnu example it had not even been tried. Also legs are missing, and therefore Marija Gimbutas has characterized the figurine as "with a single leg" (Gimbutas 1956, 189). According to Gimbutas, the absence of legs and hands is common in the art of the Stone Age East European forest zone (ibid.). Still, the claim does not hold true and limbs, either more or less elaborated, have been marked in the majority of human figurines dated to the Stone Age. The figure has been made from the tip of an antler branch. One can only agree with the suggestion by Eduard Gluck that the antler branch was longer at the time of carving and it was used as a handle until it was cut (and broken) shorter from the pate after it had been finished (Gluck 1914, 265). Because of that the surface of the pate remained uneve
{"title":"A Mesolithic Human Figurine from River Parnu, South-West Estonia: A Century-Old Puzzle of Idols, Goddesses and Ancestral symbols/Inimkuju Parnu Joest-Sajandi Jagu Iidoleid, Jumalannasid Ja Esivanemaid","authors":"T. Jonuks","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2016.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2016.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction In the early years of the twentieth century, an antler human figurine (PaMu 1 A: 501) was found in River Parnu, south-east Estonia (Fig. 1). It is one of the rare archaeological finds from Estonia that already from the very first publications (Ebert 1913; Gluck 1914) reached several wider studies about European archaeology (Tallgren 1922; Childe 1925; Gimbutas 1956). Due to some reasons, interest in the object was lost during the second part of the century. It was mentioned only passingly in a study about the Stone Age religion in Estonia (Jaanits 1961) and it has not been brought up at all in Eesti esiajalugu (Estonian Prehistory, Jaanits et al. 1982), which was a major study of Estonian archaeology for decades. Most likely, one of the reasons for such a random use was the absence of dating and therefore a speculative relationship with any specific archaeological period and culture. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The figurine The 10 cm tall human sculpture is made of an elk antler and it was created with only very simple means. Two different ways of processing can be distinguished: cutting to create sharper edges and smoothing to express softer contours. With three wide grooves, the knees, waist and neck have been marked, and with a sharp cut the flat breast and chin are shown. The mouth has been cut in so that the round chin emerges. The face together with the hooknose has been designed by polishing. Eyes have not been depicted and this makes the statuette different from all other Stone Age figurines. Although slightly younger, the human figurines from the East European forest zone of the Late Mesolithic-Early Neolithic always have eyes and/or strong and protruding eyebrows (Butrimas 2000, 12). Eyes are marked usually with drilled holes, but it seems that the eyebrows alone were also good enough for that purpose (see Fig. 4: 6, 7, 9). The face of the Parnu figurine has only a nose and a mouth, leaving the upper part of the face plane. In addition to the eyes, the sculpture is also missing details of the body. While the rest of the human figurines from the northern part of Eastern Europe have their hands marked with lines or carved, then in the case of the Parnu example it had not even been tried. Also legs are missing, and therefore Marija Gimbutas has characterized the figurine as \"with a single leg\" (Gimbutas 1956, 189). According to Gimbutas, the absence of legs and hands is common in the art of the Stone Age East European forest zone (ibid.). Still, the claim does not hold true and limbs, either more or less elaborated, have been marked in the majority of human figurines dated to the Stone Age. The figure has been made from the tip of an antler branch. One can only agree with the suggestion by Eduard Gluck that the antler branch was longer at the time of carving and it was used as a handle until it was cut (and broken) shorter from the pate after it had been finished (Gluck 1914, 265). Because of that the surface of the pate remained uneve","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88953318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction Silk has always attracted human beings due to its aesthetic and exotic nature. In late medieval Europe, silk was probably the most expensive fabric and certainly a luxury item with high social value (e.g. Walton Rogers 2002, 2884; Muthesius 2003, 325; Munro 2009, 2). I believe that silk items belong to the most impressive and famous examples of textiles throughout history, because they have attracted attention for aesthetic reasons, complexity of production, and input of human effort. In late medieval Europe enormous varieties of silk fabrics were available, but only a small fraction were masterpieces worn by members of royal families or high status ecclesiastics. During field work much simpler scraps of silk have been found by archaeologists in deposits related to the everyday life of urban communities and 'ordinary' people. The present paper focuses on silk finds from medieval cesspits in Tartu, then a Hanseatic town in Livonia. The main aim is to give an overview of the nature of these 'simple' silks and how they were used by the inhabitants of a late medieval town. Questions regarding the affordability, social value and meaning of silk to the inhabitants of a medieval town will be addressed. The history of silk in Estonia begins with three brocaded bands and a fabric fragment found in a craft box at Lohavere hill fort that date to the beginning of the 13th century, i.e. the end of prehistoric times according to Estonian chronology (Peets 1985; Laul & Tamla 2014, 48 f.). Only during the Middle Ages (ca 12251558 AD) did an extensive cloth trade begin--mediated by Hanseatic merchants with imported fabrics from Western Europe becoming an important part of consumption habits in Livonian Hanseatic towns (e.g. Tartu, Tallinn and Parnu; Rammo 2010; 2015). Silk textiles were brought to Livonia along with many other traded goods. In written sources that relate to these Livonian towns, various sorts of silk have been mentioned: Syde, Floele, Damascken, Cammeloth, Zindeldort, Zendeling, Zindel (silberne oder goldene), Grobgrun, Grosgrain, Taft, Sammet, Atlassene, Stamete and Goldtborden Muzen (Pabst 1857, 202; Hansen 1894, 21 ff.; Mickwitz 1938, 58; Khoroshkevich 1958, 241; Poltsam 2002, 26). Among those listed here, cheaper silks woven on a treadle loom included tabbies such as taffeta (Taft) and cendal (Zindel), plain samite (Stamete), and satin (Atlassene) (Monnas 2008, 297). More complex and thus expensive weaves were made using a draw loom; these were damask (Damascken), lampas and figured silks, some of them with brocaded metal threads (ibid.). On the basis of archaeological evidence silk yarn was also traded. Until the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th century, silk was mostly brought to Europe from the Byzantine Empire and Islamic countries of the Mediterranean area. During the 12th century the secret of silk production spread to Italy and from the 13th-16th centuries Italy and Spain (e.g. Lucca, Venice and Bologna) were the
{"title":"Silk as a Luxury in Late Medieval and Early Modern Tartu (Estonia)/Siid Kui Luksus Kesk-Ja Varauusaegses Tartus","authors":"Riina Rammo","doi":"10.3176/arch.2016.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/arch.2016.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction Silk has always attracted human beings due to its aesthetic and exotic nature. In late medieval Europe, silk was probably the most expensive fabric and certainly a luxury item with high social value (e.g. Walton Rogers 2002, 2884; Muthesius 2003, 325; Munro 2009, 2). I believe that silk items belong to the most impressive and famous examples of textiles throughout history, because they have attracted attention for aesthetic reasons, complexity of production, and input of human effort. In late medieval Europe enormous varieties of silk fabrics were available, but only a small fraction were masterpieces worn by members of royal families or high status ecclesiastics. During field work much simpler scraps of silk have been found by archaeologists in deposits related to the everyday life of urban communities and 'ordinary' people. The present paper focuses on silk finds from medieval cesspits in Tartu, then a Hanseatic town in Livonia. The main aim is to give an overview of the nature of these 'simple' silks and how they were used by the inhabitants of a late medieval town. Questions regarding the affordability, social value and meaning of silk to the inhabitants of a medieval town will be addressed. The history of silk in Estonia begins with three brocaded bands and a fabric fragment found in a craft box at Lohavere hill fort that date to the beginning of the 13th century, i.e. the end of prehistoric times according to Estonian chronology (Peets 1985; Laul & Tamla 2014, 48 f.). Only during the Middle Ages (ca 12251558 AD) did an extensive cloth trade begin--mediated by Hanseatic merchants with imported fabrics from Western Europe becoming an important part of consumption habits in Livonian Hanseatic towns (e.g. Tartu, Tallinn and Parnu; Rammo 2010; 2015). Silk textiles were brought to Livonia along with many other traded goods. In written sources that relate to these Livonian towns, various sorts of silk have been mentioned: Syde, Floele, Damascken, Cammeloth, Zindeldort, Zendeling, Zindel (silberne oder goldene), Grobgrun, Grosgrain, Taft, Sammet, Atlassene, Stamete and Goldtborden Muzen (Pabst 1857, 202; Hansen 1894, 21 ff.; Mickwitz 1938, 58; Khoroshkevich 1958, 241; Poltsam 2002, 26). Among those listed here, cheaper silks woven on a treadle loom included tabbies such as taffeta (Taft) and cendal (Zindel), plain samite (Stamete), and satin (Atlassene) (Monnas 2008, 297). More complex and thus expensive weaves were made using a draw loom; these were damask (Damascken), lampas and figured silks, some of them with brocaded metal threads (ibid.). On the basis of archaeological evidence silk yarn was also traded. Until the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th century, silk was mostly brought to Europe from the Byzantine Empire and Islamic countries of the Mediterranean area. During the 12th century the secret of silk production spread to Italy and from the 13th-16th centuries Italy and Spain (e.g. Lucca, Venice and Bologna) were the ","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84490085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction The Pit-Grave culture spread on huge territory of Eastern Europe steppe from Kazakhstan and south Ural to the Dniestr region. The eastern Pit-Grave artefacts were found in the Volga-Ural interfluve and in the south Ural region on the territory of the Astrakhan, Volgograd, Saratov, Samara, and Orenburg oblasts, Russia. The environmental conditions of the steppe existed on the most part of the territory and forest steppe--in the north (Fig. 1). Today, natural conditions are determined by the continental climate, which corresponds to hot summers with low precipitation and severe winters with a lot of snow. The flora of watersheds is typical for the Volga sheep fescue-feather grass steppe (the type of steppe where sheep fescue and feather grass flourish). Various kinds of meadow grass, bushes, and streamside forests grow in river valleys and gulches. The paleoclimatic conditions of the Pit-Grave culture are different to the modem climate. Eneolithic and Pit-Grave culture existed in the favourable natural conditions practically all the time. The precipitation was 50 mm higher compared to the humidity today. The environmental conditions and temperature drops were milder than we had in past decades (Spiridonova & Aleshinskaya 1999; Khokhlova et al. 2006; 2010; Khokhlova 2012). Many scientists think that the climate change and the emergence of aridity period coincided with the start of the Late (Poltavka) stage of the Pit-Grave culture and the Catacomb culture spread to the west of Volga (Demkin et al. 2006; Shishlina 2007; Khokhlova et al. 2010; Khokhlova 2012). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] V. V. Golmsten, P. S. Rykov, I. V. Sinitsyn, K. F. Smirnov, N. Ya. Merpert, V. P. Shilov, N. K. Kachalova, I. B. Vasilyev and other archaeologists studied the Pit-Grave sites in the Volga-Ural interfluve in the 20th century. During the Smirnov expedition the first Pit-Grave culture barrows (kurgans) were discovered at the end of the 1950s and beginning of the 1960s. Smirnov (1965) compared the Ural materials with the Lower Volga graves and found that there are skeletons in right lateral crouched position. After considering unique metal finds (a knife and a hammer) archaeologists came to the conclusion that during the Pit-Grave period an independent metallurgy center appeared on the base of the Kargala copper deposit (80-90 km to the north of Orenburg) in the south Ural region (Chernykh 1966, 68 f.). Later, at the end of the 20th century, the research by E. N. Chernykh proved the above-mentioned statement. This added the original character of the Ural group of the Pit-Grave culture and historical area (Chernykh 2002, 7 ff). At the beginning of the 1970s N. Ya. Merpert published the monograph, in which he summarized all the data concerning the Pit-Grave culture (Merpert 1974). The scholar singled out three local groups of sites within the Volga-Ural Pit-Grave cultural and historical area: the Ural, the Lower Volga, and the Middle Volga. Since 1977 the Pit-Grave rese
深坑文化从哈萨克斯坦和乌拉尔南部传播到涅斯特地区，在东欧广阔的草原上传播。东部的坑冢人工制品是在伏尔加-乌拉尔断裂带和俄罗斯阿斯特拉罕、伏尔加格勒、萨拉托夫、萨马拉和奥伦堡州境内的乌拉尔南部地区发现的。草原的环境条件存在于大部分领土和森林草原-在北部(图1)。今天，自然条件是由大陆性气候决定的，对应于夏季炎热，降水少，冬季严寒，降雪多。流域的植物群是典型的伏尔加河羊茅-羽毛草草原(羊茅和羽毛草繁茂的草原类型)。各种各样的草甸草、灌木和溪边森林生长在河谷和沟壑中。坑冢文化的古气候条件与现代气候条件不同。新石器时代和坑冢文化几乎一直存在于有利的自然条件下。与今天的湿度相比，降雨量高出50毫米。环境条件和温度下降比过去几十年温和(Spiridonova & Aleshinskaya 1999;Khokhlova等人，2006;2010;抛开2012)。许多科学家认为，气候变化和干旱时期的出现与坑墓文化晚期(Poltavka)阶段的开始和Catacomb文化向伏尔加河以西传播是一致的(Demkin et al. 2006;Shishlina 2007;Khokhlova et al. 2010;抛开2012)。V. V. Golmsten, P. S. Rykov, I. V. Sinitsyn, K. F. Smirnov, N. Ya。Merpert, V. P. Shilov, N. K. Kachalova, I. B. Vasilyev和其他考古学家在20世纪研究了伏尔加河-乌拉尔断裂带的坑冢遗址。在斯米尔诺夫考察期间，第一个坑冢文化墓(kurgans)在20世纪50年代末和60年代初被发现。Smirnov(1965)将乌拉尔的材料与伏尔加河下游的坟墓进行了比较，发现有右侧蜷缩的骨骼。在考虑了独特的金属发现(一把刀和一把锤子)之后，考古学家得出结论，在坑墓时期，乌拉尔南部地区的Kargala铜矿(奥伦堡以北80-90公里)的底部出现了一个独立的冶金中心(Chernykh 1966, 68 f.)。后来，在20世纪末，E. N. Chernykh的研究证明了上述说法。这增加了Pit-Grave文化和历史区域乌拉尔群体的原始特征(Chernykh 2002, 7 ff)。20世纪70年代初，缅甸。Merpert发表了专著，其中他总结了有关Pit-Grave文化的所有数据(Merpert 1974)。这位学者在伏尔加-乌拉尔坑-坟墓文化和历史区域内挑选了三个当地的遗址群:乌拉尔、伏尔加河下游和伏尔加河中部。自1977年以来，在n.l. Morgunova的指导下，在奥伦堡州进行了pitt - grave研究。她发现了各种各样的坑冢复合体。在20世纪80年代的第二部分，对坑冢文化的研究变得更加有针对性和系统化。这导致被分析的坑冢冢数量有了相当大的增长(Morgunova & Kravtsov 1994)。提出了乌拉尔坑冢文化的第一个分期。学者们对早期青铜时代社会的经济和结构提出了一些问题(Morgunova 1991)。我们提出了挑出中伏尔加河-乌拉尔地区坑墓文化类型的假设(Turetskij 1999)。在该地区进行的各种库尔干研究的结果以及大量金属文物的发现，极大地改变了乌拉尔坑墓文化具有外围特征的普遍观点。然而，到20世纪末，人们已经相当清楚地认识到，深坑遗址对于应用新方法至关重要，这样考古学家就可以利用新的资源来找到解决各种复杂问题的办法，首先是关于文化的起源、分期和年表的问题。…
{"title":"Archaeological and Natural Scientific Studies of Pit-Grave Culture Barrows in the Volga-Ural Interfluve/ Volga Ja Uurali Jogedevahelise Ala Aukhaudade (Jamnaja) Kultuuri Kaabaste Arheoloogilised Ning Loodusteaduslikud Uuringud","authors":"Nina L. Morgunova, Mikhail A. Turetskij","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2016.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2016.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction The Pit-Grave culture spread on huge territory of Eastern Europe steppe from Kazakhstan and south Ural to the Dniestr region. The eastern Pit-Grave artefacts were found in the Volga-Ural interfluve and in the south Ural region on the territory of the Astrakhan, Volgograd, Saratov, Samara, and Orenburg oblasts, Russia. The environmental conditions of the steppe existed on the most part of the territory and forest steppe--in the north (Fig. 1). Today, natural conditions are determined by the continental climate, which corresponds to hot summers with low precipitation and severe winters with a lot of snow. The flora of watersheds is typical for the Volga sheep fescue-feather grass steppe (the type of steppe where sheep fescue and feather grass flourish). Various kinds of meadow grass, bushes, and streamside forests grow in river valleys and gulches. The paleoclimatic conditions of the Pit-Grave culture are different to the modem climate. Eneolithic and Pit-Grave culture existed in the favourable natural conditions practically all the time. The precipitation was 50 mm higher compared to the humidity today. The environmental conditions and temperature drops were milder than we had in past decades (Spiridonova & Aleshinskaya 1999; Khokhlova et al. 2006; 2010; Khokhlova 2012). Many scientists think that the climate change and the emergence of aridity period coincided with the start of the Late (Poltavka) stage of the Pit-Grave culture and the Catacomb culture spread to the west of Volga (Demkin et al. 2006; Shishlina 2007; Khokhlova et al. 2010; Khokhlova 2012). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] V. V. Golmsten, P. S. Rykov, I. V. Sinitsyn, K. F. Smirnov, N. Ya. Merpert, V. P. Shilov, N. K. Kachalova, I. B. Vasilyev and other archaeologists studied the Pit-Grave sites in the Volga-Ural interfluve in the 20th century. During the Smirnov expedition the first Pit-Grave culture barrows (kurgans) were discovered at the end of the 1950s and beginning of the 1960s. Smirnov (1965) compared the Ural materials with the Lower Volga graves and found that there are skeletons in right lateral crouched position. After considering unique metal finds (a knife and a hammer) archaeologists came to the conclusion that during the Pit-Grave period an independent metallurgy center appeared on the base of the Kargala copper deposit (80-90 km to the north of Orenburg) in the south Ural region (Chernykh 1966, 68 f.). Later, at the end of the 20th century, the research by E. N. Chernykh proved the above-mentioned statement. This added the original character of the Ural group of the Pit-Grave culture and historical area (Chernykh 2002, 7 ff). At the beginning of the 1970s N. Ya. Merpert published the monograph, in which he summarized all the data concerning the Pit-Grave culture (Merpert 1974). The scholar singled out three local groups of sites within the Volga-Ural Pit-Grave cultural and historical area: the Ural, the Lower Volga, and the Middle Volga. Since 1977 the Pit-Grave rese","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86196811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction In the late summer of 2010, a history enthusiast Erkki Heinsalu discovered a Late Viking Age (tpq 1059) hoard from a field in the northern part of the Linnakse village in central Harjumaa. 1311 coins, two small silver bars, some silver beads and pieces of hack silver had been placed into a hand-made clay vessel with a narrow opening and lay as a rather compact assemblage amongst the vessel fragments at the depth of 25-30 cm in a soil without any traces of a cultural layer (Kiudsoo & Russow 2011, 225 f., fig. 3). Archaeological investigations of the find location revealed that a large burial ground had been on the same field with both cremation and un-cremated burials from the 3rd-4th century until the 12th-13th century. The silver hoard had been hidden in the vicinity of the earliest burial site the tarand grave (Tamla et al. 2011). This allows us to conclude that the Linnakse hoard is so far the only one from the Late Iron Age hoards in Estonia where the find context, proved by facts, refers clearly to connections with an old burial place (Leimus et al. 2014). The article concentrates on the study and research results of a piece of silver from the Linnakse hoard. It is important to note that the small item that was initially considered to be part of a widely used Late Viking Age silver coin proved, at closer inspection, to be a fragment of a rare decoration. Since such items had previously never been found in Estonia, I considered it necessary to publish an article about this item and so pass information about it on to scientific circles. An archaeometric study method was applied to reconstruct the whole item from its fragment and to establish the original shape, function and origin of the decoration. In the process I delved into the production technologies of analogous items. Archaeometry is the application of scientific methods and techniques to archaeological investigation and often looked upon as a link between the so-called traditional science of archaeology and other research areas (Murray 2001, 105). The objective of archaeometric studies is to use techniques from other scientific fields to obtain as much information as possible about the materials and techniques used for the production of archaeological items, about the craftsmen and their skills, tools, working environments, specialization, etc. and to learn about the production, trade and cultural environment of the time on a broader scale (Olin 1982; Yellen 1982; Aspinall 1986; Wisseman & Williams 1993; Killick & Young 1997; Edwards & Vandenabeele 2012). To establish the possible origin of the item I looked for parallels in archaeological collections in the neighbouring countries as well as more distant regions. The analysis of the material composition of the fragment was made at the Science Centre of Materials Research of the Tallinn University of Technology (Analysis report 2015). External observation of the item and conclusions about its production The 19 x 12 mm and 1
2010年夏末，历史爱好者Erkki Heinsalu在哈尔朱马中部Linnakse村北部的一块田野里发现了一件维京时代晚期(tpq 1059)的宝藏，1311枚硬币，两根小银条，一些银珠和银片被放置在一个手工制作的粘土容器中，这个容器有一个狭窄的开口，并且在没有任何文化层痕迹的土壤中，在25-30厘米深的容器碎片中作为一个相当紧凑的组合放置(Kiudsoo & Russow 2011, 225 f.)。图3)对发现地点的考古调查显示，从3 -4世纪到12 -13世纪，在同一块土地上有一个大型墓地，火葬和非火葬都有。银质窖藏藏在最早的墓地tarand墓附近(Tamla et al. 2011)。这使我们可以得出结论，Linnakse窖藏是迄今为止唯一一个来自爱沙尼亚铁器时代晚期的窖藏，其发现背景得到事实证明，明显与一个古老的埋葬地点有关(Leimus et al. 2014)。本文着重介绍了林纳克斯窖藏中一件银器的研究和研究成果。值得注意的是，最初被认为是维京时代晚期广泛使用的银币的一部分的小物品，经过仔细检查，证明是一种罕见的装饰碎片。由于这类物品以前从未在爱沙尼亚发现过，我认为有必要发表一篇关于这一物品的文章，以便将有关信息传递给科学界。运用考古研究的方法，从碎片中重建了整个物品，并确定了装饰的原始形状、功能和起源。在这个过程中，我深入研究了类似物品的生产技术。考古计量学是科学方法和技术在考古调查中的应用，通常被视为所谓传统考古学和其他研究领域之间的联系(Murray 2001, 105)。考古研究的目的是利用其他科学领域的技术，尽可能多地获得有关生产考古物品的材料和技术、工匠及其技能、工具、工作环境、专业化等方面的信息，并在更广泛的范围内了解当时的生产、贸易和文化环境(Olin 1982;耶伦1982;阿斯皮纳发表1986;Wisseman & Williams 1993;Killick & Young 1997;Edwards & Vandenabeele 2012)。为了确定这件物品的可能起源，我在邻国和更远地区的考古收藏中寻找了相似之处。塔林理工大学材料研究科学中心对碎片的材料成分进行了分析(分析报告2015)。这个19 × 12毫米和1毫米厚的银片碎片，有三个直的一面和一个弯曲的一面，来自于一个装饰，其中直径1.8毫米的异型金属丝被焊接到弯曲的一面(图1)。很可能这个易碎的物品是为了交易目的而被刀或剪刀切割的。与切割或撕裂不同，柔软而薄的银片的边缘只有在用刀或剪刀切割时才能保持直。碎片表面难以察觉的淡黄色光泽可能表明镀金已磨损。如果物品是镀金的，很可能是使用了混合材料。一种古老的金工艺术，在我们这个时代的头几个世纪被广泛使用，当时它取代了在物品上锻造薄金片或用胶水(如蛋清)固定金片的方法。汞合金的本质是相当简单的:黄金溶解在375度的汞中，产生大量的汞合金，然后涂在要镀金的物品上。…
{"title":"Bracteate Pendant from the Linnakse Hoard: Archaeometric Discussion of the Silver Artefact/ Brakteaatripats Linnakse Aardes: Hobedast Eseme Arheomeetriline Kasitlus","authors":"Ulle Tamla","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2016.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2016.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction In the late summer of 2010, a history enthusiast Erkki Heinsalu discovered a Late Viking Age (tpq 1059) hoard from a field in the northern part of the Linnakse village in central Harjumaa. 1311 coins, two small silver bars, some silver beads and pieces of hack silver had been placed into a hand-made clay vessel with a narrow opening and lay as a rather compact assemblage amongst the vessel fragments at the depth of 25-30 cm in a soil without any traces of a cultural layer (Kiudsoo & Russow 2011, 225 f., fig. 3). Archaeological investigations of the find location revealed that a large burial ground had been on the same field with both cremation and un-cremated burials from the 3rd-4th century until the 12th-13th century. The silver hoard had been hidden in the vicinity of the earliest burial site the tarand grave (Tamla et al. 2011). This allows us to conclude that the Linnakse hoard is so far the only one from the Late Iron Age hoards in Estonia where the find context, proved by facts, refers clearly to connections with an old burial place (Leimus et al. 2014). The article concentrates on the study and research results of a piece of silver from the Linnakse hoard. It is important to note that the small item that was initially considered to be part of a widely used Late Viking Age silver coin proved, at closer inspection, to be a fragment of a rare decoration. Since such items had previously never been found in Estonia, I considered it necessary to publish an article about this item and so pass information about it on to scientific circles. An archaeometric study method was applied to reconstruct the whole item from its fragment and to establish the original shape, function and origin of the decoration. In the process I delved into the production technologies of analogous items. Archaeometry is the application of scientific methods and techniques to archaeological investigation and often looked upon as a link between the so-called traditional science of archaeology and other research areas (Murray 2001, 105). The objective of archaeometric studies is to use techniques from other scientific fields to obtain as much information as possible about the materials and techniques used for the production of archaeological items, about the craftsmen and their skills, tools, working environments, specialization, etc. and to learn about the production, trade and cultural environment of the time on a broader scale (Olin 1982; Yellen 1982; Aspinall 1986; Wisseman & Williams 1993; Killick & Young 1997; Edwards & Vandenabeele 2012). To establish the possible origin of the item I looked for parallels in archaeological collections in the neighbouring countries as well as more distant regions. The analysis of the material composition of the fragment was made at the Science Centre of Materials Research of the Tallinn University of Technology (Analysis report 2015). External observation of the item and conclusions about its production The 19 x 12 mm and 1","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74605295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
E. Lightfoot, Magdalena Naum, V. Kadakas, E. Russow
We would like to thank Liina Maldre for her help with the animal remains and Raili Allmae for their help with the human remains, also Mare Aun for consultations about Kaberla cemetery and Kaire Tooming for consultations about Puhavaimu cemetery. The authors would also like to thank Ligia Trombetta-Lima, Catherine Kneale and James Rolfe (University of Cambridge) for their help with isotopic sample analysis. Emma Lightfoot would like to thank Darwin College, University of Cambridge for financial support. The article was written by the support of research projects of the Estonian Ministry of Education and Science (ETF9405 and IUT18-8).
{"title":"The influence of social status and ethnicity on diet in mediaeval Tallinn as seen through stable isotope analysis","authors":"E. Lightfoot, Magdalena Naum, V. Kadakas, E. Russow","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2016.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2016.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"We would like to thank Liina Maldre for her help with the animal remains and Raili Allmae for their help with the human remains, also Mare Aun for consultations about Kaberla cemetery and Kaire Tooming for consultations about Puhavaimu cemetery. The authors would also like to thank Ligia Trombetta-Lima, Catherine Kneale and James Rolfe (University of Cambridge) for their help with isotopic sample analysis. Emma Lightfoot would like to thank Darwin College, University of Cambridge for financial support. The article was written by the support of research projects of the Estonian Ministry of Education and Science (ETF9405 and IUT18-8).","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81987556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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