{"title":"2. DAS ARBEITSGEBIET","authors":"U. Sperling","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2014.2S.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2014.2S.03","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87069108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pendants from Aseri and Ojaveski and their find contexts In 1950 a stone grave known as "Aseri kalme" (Aseri grave), was partly damaged in Virumaa, in north-east Estonia, while digging a trench for the Tallinn-Narva road (see Fig. 4). During the work human bones and bronze objects were found, including an oval brooch (RM A 5: 269) but also bronze chains, ornamental pins, rivets, etc. In the following year salvage excavations were organised at the site by Osvald Saadre (Saadre 1952). In the course of the excavations it was discovered that the stone grave had originally been founded at the buried edge of the klint. The inhumations, three of them preserved in situ, were buried together with shepherd's crook pins. Some of the burials had been damaged, therefore single pins or parts of them were found all over the grave. Even though the constructions of the grave were partly disturbed by later burials and the road trench it was still possible to follow some rows and cists made of stones. According to the find material the grave was erected during the 1st-2nd century AD and classifies as an early tarand-grave. Finds from the next period, the Roman Iron Age (50-450 AD), are generally well represented in Virumaa, but could not be found here, except for a single closed ring (RM A 5: 293). The next period of grave use is marked by several finds from cremations. Bracelets with thick terminals, cross-headed pins, bronze chains, rivets, etc. were found from the site. This is the period of grave use most discussed in academic articles. Marika Magi-Lougas has dated the bracelets to the Pre-Viking Age (1995, 277), controversially Toomas Tamla placed the artefacts to the end of the 11th century-beginning of the 12th century (1991, 141 f.). Some bracelets have been in fire (e.g. RM A 5: 77, 80, 88) and some were deliberately broken (RM A 5: 71, 81, 86, 95). Two pins have also been deliberately broken, one into two (RM A 5: 76, 83) another into four pieces (RM A 5: 74, 75, 78, 79). The latter was in the same set together with two broken bracelets and other similarly treated objects. From the same period of use a skull was found together with a headgear made of bronze spirals and rings (RM A 5: 45). So it seems that at the beginning of the Late Iron Age cremation burials with grave goods that had been in fire and were deliberately broken, were brought to the stone-grave. Later some inhumations, of which a skull with the headgear is preserved, were added to the grave. Bones from cremation and inhumation burials were found all over the stone setting. The third period of use belongs to the Early Modern Period. At least one inhumation of an adult has been preserved with a bronze spiral ring and a tin signet ring (RM A 5: 219) around its fingers. In addition, another signet ring (RM A 5: 176) was found. The shield of the latter continues seamlessly to the ring and according to the typology based on the south-Estonian rural cemeteries could be dated to the end of the 16th
1950年，在爱沙尼亚东北部的Virumaa，一座被称为“Aseri kalme”(Aseri坟墓)的石头坟墓在为塔林-纳尔瓦公路挖掘沟渠时被部分损坏(见图4)。在工作期间，发现了人骨和青铜器，包括一个椭圆形胸针(RM a 5:26 9)，还有青铜链，装饰别针，铆钉等。在接下来的一年里，Osvald Saadre (Saadre 1952)在现场组织了打捞挖掘。在挖掘过程中，人们发现这个石墓最初是建在克林特的边缘。其中三具遗体保存在原地，与牧羊人的弯针一起埋葬。有些墓葬已经损坏，因此在坟墓里到处都是单个的别针或它们的一部分。尽管坟墓的建筑部分受到后来的埋葬和道路沟的干扰，但仍然可以沿着一些石头砌成的行列和洞穴走下去。根据发现的材料，该坟墓建于公元1 -2世纪，被归类为早期的塔兰德坟墓。下一个时期，罗马铁器时代(公元50-450年)的发现通常在Virumaa有很好的代表，但在这里找不到，除了一个封闭的环(RM a 5: 293)。下一时期的坟墓使用标志着几个火葬的发现。在现场发现了带有粗端子的手镯、十字头别针、青铜链、铆钉等。这是学术文章中讨论最多的严肃使用时期。Marika Magi-Lougas认为手镯的年代是维京人之前的时代(1995,277)，而Toomas Tamla则认为手镯的年代是11世纪末- 12世纪初(1991,141 f.)。有些手镯被烧过(例如RM A 5:7 7、80、88)，有些手镯被故意损坏(RM A 5:7 1、81、86、95)。两个引脚也被故意打破，一个分成两个(RM A 5:76, 83)另一个分成四个(RM A 5:74, 75, 78, 79)。后者与两个破碎的手镯和其他类似处理的物品放在一起。在同一时期，人们发现了一个头骨和一顶由青铜螺旋和圆环制成的头饰(RM a 5:45)。因此，似乎在铁器时代晚期初期，火葬的墓葬被带到石墓中，这些墓葬中有被烧过并被故意破坏的墓葬。后来，一些人的尸体被添加到坟墓中，其中一个带有头饰的头骨被保存了下来。火葬和人葬时留下的骨头遍布整个石棺。第三个使用阶段属于近代早期。至少有一具成年人的尸体被保存下来，手指上有一个青铜螺旋环和一个锡图章戒指(RM a 5:219)。此外，还发现了另一枚图章戒指(RM a5: 176)。后者的盾与戒指无缝相连，根据基于爱沙尼亚南部农村墓地的类型学，可以追溯到16世纪末至17世纪初(Valk 1991, 191)。因此，在铁器时代晚期和中世纪至现代早期，石墓在最初的建立之后也被用来埋葬。因此，这些墓葬被带到石头坟墓，后来可能在1500年的时间里变成了一堆石头。最独特的发现是一个带有t形十字架的吊坠，此前在爱沙尼亚考古学中从未被讨论过(图1)。这是一个相当小的物品，直径2.6厘米，厚2毫米，直径5毫米。该挂件采用双面模具制作，不切断铸造残渣。因此，中央十字架的形式仍然模糊，整个项目给人一种未完成的印象。类似的吊坠，没有经过修饰，是已知的——比如12 -13世纪的人葬墓地的十字吊坠(见Kurisoo 2012, 216)。由于吊坠缺乏最后的点睛之笔，似乎未经抛光的饰品既适合使用也适合销售。…
{"title":"Pendants of St. Anthony Cross with the Crucifixion from Estonia-Possible Badges of a Folk pilgrimage/Antoniuse Risti Kujulised Krutsifiksiga Ripatsid Eestist-Voimalikud Rahvaliku Palverannu Margid","authors":"T. Jonuks, Lauri Joosu","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2013.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2013.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"Pendants from Aseri and Ojaveski and their find contexts In 1950 a stone grave known as \"Aseri kalme\" (Aseri grave), was partly damaged in Virumaa, in north-east Estonia, while digging a trench for the Tallinn-Narva road (see Fig. 4). During the work human bones and bronze objects were found, including an oval brooch (RM A 5: 269) but also bronze chains, ornamental pins, rivets, etc. In the following year salvage excavations were organised at the site by Osvald Saadre (Saadre 1952). In the course of the excavations it was discovered that the stone grave had originally been founded at the buried edge of the klint. The inhumations, three of them preserved in situ, were buried together with shepherd's crook pins. Some of the burials had been damaged, therefore single pins or parts of them were found all over the grave. Even though the constructions of the grave were partly disturbed by later burials and the road trench it was still possible to follow some rows and cists made of stones. According to the find material the grave was erected during the 1st-2nd century AD and classifies as an early tarand-grave. Finds from the next period, the Roman Iron Age (50-450 AD), are generally well represented in Virumaa, but could not be found here, except for a single closed ring (RM A 5: 293). The next period of grave use is marked by several finds from cremations. Bracelets with thick terminals, cross-headed pins, bronze chains, rivets, etc. were found from the site. This is the period of grave use most discussed in academic articles. Marika Magi-Lougas has dated the bracelets to the Pre-Viking Age (1995, 277), controversially Toomas Tamla placed the artefacts to the end of the 11th century-beginning of the 12th century (1991, 141 f.). Some bracelets have been in fire (e.g. RM A 5: 77, 80, 88) and some were deliberately broken (RM A 5: 71, 81, 86, 95). Two pins have also been deliberately broken, one into two (RM A 5: 76, 83) another into four pieces (RM A 5: 74, 75, 78, 79). The latter was in the same set together with two broken bracelets and other similarly treated objects. From the same period of use a skull was found together with a headgear made of bronze spirals and rings (RM A 5: 45). So it seems that at the beginning of the Late Iron Age cremation burials with grave goods that had been in fire and were deliberately broken, were brought to the stone-grave. Later some inhumations, of which a skull with the headgear is preserved, were added to the grave. Bones from cremation and inhumation burials were found all over the stone setting. The third period of use belongs to the Early Modern Period. At least one inhumation of an adult has been preserved with a bronze spiral ring and a tin signet ring (RM A 5: 219) around its fingers. In addition, another signet ring (RM A 5: 176) was found. The shield of the latter continues seamlessly to the ring and according to the typology based on the south-Estonian rural cemeteries could be dated to the end of the 16th","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75703234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction In the area that makes up modern-day Estonia, medieval brick buildings have been found in several different towns. Despite this fact, medieval brick-making has still not yet been specifically studied. As the production of bricks as a field of research on its own has been somewhat neglected, even less attention has been given to its different aspects, which bear witness to brick-making, such as for example the waste-bricks. Through archaeology, we can detect a revival of brick production in Lombardy, northern Italy, shortly before the middle of the 12th century. In the middle of the 12th century the use of this technique spread to northern Europe, to both Germany and Denmark (Kristensen 2007, 230). During the late 12th and the first half of 13th century the use of brick technology spread quickly over the territories of Poland, Pomerania and Prussia (Herrmann 2012, 266), and to many other parts of Europe, particularly to places which lacked good building stone (Kristensen 2007, 230). The brick building has been noted to arrive in the present day Swedish and Baltic region in the 13 th century (Ratilainen 2012a, 15 f., and references therein). In the northern Baltic, masonry skills along with brick building supposedly arrived in Finland in the late 13 th century (Drake 2007, 115; see also Harjula & Immonen 2012, 184). From the 13 th century, brick became prevalent in ambitious architecture in Pomerania (Biermann 2012, 266). The most important creators of early brick architecture in these regions were monastic orders and orders of knights (Herrmann 2012, 266). The oldest brickyards in Prussia, which belonged to the Dominican Order, emerged in Kulm and in Elbing. Whether they provided the material only for the construction of the respective monasteries or also for the other urban construction companies is uncertain (Torbus 1998, 316). It is worth mentioning that many of the earliest examples of brick buildings represent the highest quality of brick production and building techniques (Herrmann 2012, 266). Brick-making (Fig. 1) was one of the prerequisites for the implementation of various construction projects which were run by noblemen. Aristocracy was responsible for remodelling the landscape in addition to creating designed landscapes. Noblemen were involved in planning and re-planning villages and open fields, markets and boroughs, in founding and remodelling churches and monasteries, and so on (Hansson 2006, 20). The creation of monuments was thus a way for local communities to gain prestige, but also a way of showing a new attitude towards nature. Castles, churches, monasteries, towns and manors all gave the places where they were situated a special meaning in the local society, often of different kinds of power (op. cit., 39). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Brick-making strongly depends on the availability of clay. Once appropriate clay is located to make brick, there are six basic steps in brick-making: (1) mining, or "winning"; (2) preparation
{"title":"BRICK-MAKING IN MEDIEVAL LIVONIA - THE ESTONIAN EXAMPLE","authors":"R. Bernotas","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2013.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2013.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction In the area that makes up modern-day Estonia, medieval brick buildings have been found in several different towns. Despite this fact, medieval brick-making has still not yet been specifically studied. As the production of bricks as a field of research on its own has been somewhat neglected, even less attention has been given to its different aspects, which bear witness to brick-making, such as for example the waste-bricks. Through archaeology, we can detect a revival of brick production in Lombardy, northern Italy, shortly before the middle of the 12th century. In the middle of the 12th century the use of this technique spread to northern Europe, to both Germany and Denmark (Kristensen 2007, 230). During the late 12th and the first half of 13th century the use of brick technology spread quickly over the territories of Poland, Pomerania and Prussia (Herrmann 2012, 266), and to many other parts of Europe, particularly to places which lacked good building stone (Kristensen 2007, 230). The brick building has been noted to arrive in the present day Swedish and Baltic region in the 13 th century (Ratilainen 2012a, 15 f., and references therein). In the northern Baltic, masonry skills along with brick building supposedly arrived in Finland in the late 13 th century (Drake 2007, 115; see also Harjula & Immonen 2012, 184). From the 13 th century, brick became prevalent in ambitious architecture in Pomerania (Biermann 2012, 266). The most important creators of early brick architecture in these regions were monastic orders and orders of knights (Herrmann 2012, 266). The oldest brickyards in Prussia, which belonged to the Dominican Order, emerged in Kulm and in Elbing. Whether they provided the material only for the construction of the respective monasteries or also for the other urban construction companies is uncertain (Torbus 1998, 316). It is worth mentioning that many of the earliest examples of brick buildings represent the highest quality of brick production and building techniques (Herrmann 2012, 266). Brick-making (Fig. 1) was one of the prerequisites for the implementation of various construction projects which were run by noblemen. Aristocracy was responsible for remodelling the landscape in addition to creating designed landscapes. Noblemen were involved in planning and re-planning villages and open fields, markets and boroughs, in founding and remodelling churches and monasteries, and so on (Hansson 2006, 20). The creation of monuments was thus a way for local communities to gain prestige, but also a way of showing a new attitude towards nature. Castles, churches, monasteries, towns and manors all gave the places where they were situated a special meaning in the local society, often of different kinds of power (op. cit., 39). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Brick-making strongly depends on the availability of clay. Once appropriate clay is located to make brick, there are six basic steps in brick-making: (1) mining, or \"winning\"; (2) preparation","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80288286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the surroundings of Lake Kahala in northern Estonia, which is the richest area in Estonia in terms of Bronze Age stone graves, over twenty graves have been archaeologically excavated in different decades of the 20th century. Only five of them, however, have been excavated in their entirety with proper documentation. Human skeletal remains from two such stonecist graves, Nos 5 and 70 at Sondlamagi, Muuksi, were recently radiocarbon-dated as part of a research programme for studying the chronology and mortuary practices of stone-cist graves. Altogether 13 AMS dates comprise most of the burials in the mentioned graves. The results reveal that the graves were built before 1100 and 800 BC, respectively, and are thus slightly older than previously thought, which necessitates the reconsideration of the dating of such graves. In both graves the inhumations outside of stone cists are of a Bronze Age date and are roughly contemporary with the inhumations inside the cists. This is notable since in some stone-cist grave burials of the outside inhumations are much later insertions to the grave. The burnt bones of grave 5, however, may date from the Roman Iron Age, and cremation(s) remains of an Iron Age date may also have been present in grave 70. The comparison of radiocarbon dates and artefact finds suggests that in the mid-Pre-Roman Iron Age grave 70 was used for some (ritual) practices in which burial was of secondary importance if practised at all. Along with these outlined topics, the article discusses a few details concerning the graves’ structure, the burial practices (primary versus secondary) and the find assemblage.
{"title":"NEW RADIOCARBON DATES FOR TWO STONE- CIST GRAVES AT MUUKSI, NORTHERN ESTONIA","authors":"M. Laneman, V. Lang","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2013.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2013.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"In the surroundings of Lake Kahala in northern Estonia, which is the richest area in Estonia in terms of Bronze Age stone graves, over twenty graves have been archaeologically excavated in different decades of the 20th century. Only five of them, however, have been excavated in their entirety with proper documentation. Human skeletal remains from two such stonecist graves, Nos 5 and 70 at Sondlamagi, Muuksi, were recently radiocarbon-dated as part of a research programme for studying the chronology and mortuary practices of stone-cist graves. Altogether 13 AMS dates comprise most of the burials in the mentioned graves. The results reveal that the graves were built before 1100 and 800 BC, respectively, and are thus slightly older than previously thought, which necessitates the reconsideration of the dating of such graves. In both graves the inhumations outside of stone cists are of a Bronze Age date and are roughly contemporary with the inhumations inside the cists. This is notable since in some stone-cist grave burials of the outside inhumations are much later insertions to the grave. The burnt bones of grave 5, however, may date from the Roman Iron Age, and cremation(s) remains of an Iron Age date may also have been present in grave 70. The comparison of radiocarbon dates and artefact finds suggests that in the mid-Pre-Roman Iron Age grave 70 was used for some (ritual) practices in which burial was of secondary importance if practised at all. Along with these outlined topics, the article discusses a few details concerning the graves’ structure, the burial practices (primary versus secondary) and the find assemblage.","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82223659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction Among the nine medieval towns in the territory of the present-day Estonia, Viljandi was one of the four members of the Hanseatic League. The inland town of Viljandi was situated next to the castle of the Livonian Order, one of the mightiest in Livonia, and it has widely been suggested that the development of the town was heavily dependant on the castle. However, the traces of the Medieval Period still visible in Viljandi today are all but numerous. In addition to the castle ruins, only the church of St. John, and the location of the main streets within the medieval town date back to the Middle Ages. The medieval town was fully destroyed during the Livonian War (1558-1583) and the following Polish-Swedish Wars (1600-1622/23), and town privileges were granted anew to Viljandi only in 1783. A few remains of buildings dating from the Middle Ages have been recorded during archaeological investigations, but it is impossible to reconstruct the town structure solely on that basis. Written sources concerning medieval Viljandi are also far from abundant (see the following chapter). Thus, investigators have turned to other sources. A long-established tradition for research is the analysis of town plans (Neumann 1911; for Viljandi: Alttoa 1978). Other sources for studying the medieval period in Viljandi and especially the formation of the medieval town are the finds collected during archaeological excavations. These have also been discussed in regard to Viljandi (Valk 1993; 1995; 2005; Haak 2005 (1)), but a detailed analysis of the finds from the early contexts needs another research. A great share of archaeological finds from Viljandi, although originating from rescue investigations, has been collected from stratified contexts, thus making context-based analysis possible. As usual, the strata that have deposited just upon the virgin soil have been better preserved than those originating from the periods of well-established urban life. In the case of Viljandi, strata from the 13th-14th centuries and those connected to the destructions caused by the Livonian War (from 1560 onwards) have yielded most of the finds. In the present study, we concentrate on the former contexts, in an attempt to reconstruct the pattern of town formation in Viljandi. As mentioned above, the data concerning buildings from that period are extremely scarce, most likely due to the fact that wood and other organic materials survive only in certain circumstances in Viljandi, namely in waterlogged contexts, which are not very numerous. Thus, in most cases we have little if any clue from where the strata unearthed during archaeological investigations actually originated. Taking this into account, our main objective was the reinvestigation of the collected finds, and the drawing of conclusions on that basis. Investigation of the genesis of Viljandi on the basis of written sources As the medieval town archives of Viljandi have not been preserved, there exist only limited data abo
{"title":"ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TOWN OF VILJANDI IN THE LIGHT OF EARLIEST ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIND COMPLEXES","authors":"Arvi Haak, E. Russow","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction Among the nine medieval towns in the territory of the present-day Estonia, Viljandi was one of the four members of the Hanseatic League. The inland town of Viljandi was situated next to the castle of the Livonian Order, one of the mightiest in Livonia, and it has widely been suggested that the development of the town was heavily dependant on the castle. However, the traces of the Medieval Period still visible in Viljandi today are all but numerous. In addition to the castle ruins, only the church of St. John, and the location of the main streets within the medieval town date back to the Middle Ages. The medieval town was fully destroyed during the Livonian War (1558-1583) and the following Polish-Swedish Wars (1600-1622/23), and town privileges were granted anew to Viljandi only in 1783. A few remains of buildings dating from the Middle Ages have been recorded during archaeological investigations, but it is impossible to reconstruct the town structure solely on that basis. Written sources concerning medieval Viljandi are also far from abundant (see the following chapter). Thus, investigators have turned to other sources. A long-established tradition for research is the analysis of town plans (Neumann 1911; for Viljandi: Alttoa 1978). Other sources for studying the medieval period in Viljandi and especially the formation of the medieval town are the finds collected during archaeological excavations. These have also been discussed in regard to Viljandi (Valk 1993; 1995; 2005; Haak 2005 (1)), but a detailed analysis of the finds from the early contexts needs another research. A great share of archaeological finds from Viljandi, although originating from rescue investigations, has been collected from stratified contexts, thus making context-based analysis possible. As usual, the strata that have deposited just upon the virgin soil have been better preserved than those originating from the periods of well-established urban life. In the case of Viljandi, strata from the 13th-14th centuries and those connected to the destructions caused by the Livonian War (from 1560 onwards) have yielded most of the finds. In the present study, we concentrate on the former contexts, in an attempt to reconstruct the pattern of town formation in Viljandi. As mentioned above, the data concerning buildings from that period are extremely scarce, most likely due to the fact that wood and other organic materials survive only in certain circumstances in Viljandi, namely in waterlogged contexts, which are not very numerous. Thus, in most cases we have little if any clue from where the strata unearthed during archaeological investigations actually originated. Taking this into account, our main objective was the reinvestigation of the collected finds, and the drawing of conclusions on that basis. Investigation of the genesis of Viljandi on the basis of written sources As the medieval town archives of Viljandi have not been preserved, there exist only limited data abo","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.04","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72528437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Auli Bläuer, K. Korkeakoski-Väisänen, L. Arppe, J. Kantanen
Introduction A Bronze Age monumental cairn situated at Selkakangas in Viikkala (Nakkila county) in the Satakunta region of western Finland was excavated in 1978-1981 by the Department of Archaeology of the University of Turku (Fig. 1). The cairn was poor in finds: only burnt bone and unburnt cattle teeth were recovered. Burnt bones were analysed and demonstrated to be human in origin (Vormisto 1985, 151 ff.). At the time of the excavations no finds that could date the structure were found, nor was enough organic material obtainable for radiocarbon-dating methods available at that time. During the excavations cattle teeth were interpreted as modern, it was believed that Bronze Age unburnt bone could not have survived in the acid soil of Finland (Kuokkanen & Korkeakoski-Vaisanen 1985; Vormisto 1985, 151 f.). However, the large size of the cairn, the presence of a stone slab cist and the height (30 m) above modern sea level all showed dating to the Early Bronze Age (Salo 1981, 176; Kuokkanen & Korkeakoski-Vaisanen 1985, 10, 15 f.). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] New research and new research methods opened further possibilities for investigating the Selkakangas cairn. In 2010 one of the cattle teeth was radiocarbon dated and shown to date to the Early Bronze Age (3086 [+ or -] 30 BP, 1430-1270 cal BC, Hela 2496) (Blauer & Kantanen 2013). This is the oldest radiocarbon dated cattle bone found in mainland Finland to date. As radiocarbon dating of burnt bone became possible, the cremations were also dated. The living conditions and environment of the cattle in Bronze Age Satakunta were studied using isotopic analyses. This article presents new results from the Selkakangas cairn and these are discussed in the context of general Bronze Age ritu al and economy. Bronze Age economy To date only one radiocarbon-dated Stone Age domestic animal bone has been found from the Finnish mainland--a sheep or goat bone from a Late Neolithic Kiukainen culture site in Pietarsaari (3679 [+ or -] 33 BP, 2200-1950 cal BC, Ua-43043) (Blauer & Kantanen 2013). In Aland the oldest dated domestic animal bone dates to approximately the same Late Neolithic period, ca 2000 cal BC (Stora 2000, 70 f.). The signs of the earliest agriculture in Satakunta area date to the late Stone Age (Vuorela 1991, 8 ff.; Vuorela & Hicks 1996), when the first cultivated clearings emerged. The very first signs of cereal cultivation visible in the pollen record in the Satakunta area are from Harjavalta 3480 [+ or -] 90 BP (1920-1700 cal BC, Hel-2404) and Huittinen (1700-1800 cal BC, Hel-357), where the soil was suitable for primitive cultivation (Vuorela 1991, 17 ff.). However, even if sporadic cultivation and one domestic animal bone are associated with Kiukainen culture, site location and faunal analyses indicate increasing reliance on marine resources and especially seal hunting (Zvelebil 1981, 160; Edgren 1998, 112; Blauer & Kantanen 2013). The following Bronze Age coastal culture seems to be connected both t
{"title":"Bronze Age cattle teeth and cremations from a monumental burial cairn in Selkäkangas, Finland: new radiocarbon dates and isotopic analysis","authors":"Auli Bläuer, K. Korkeakoski-Väisänen, L. Arppe, J. Kantanen","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.01","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction A Bronze Age monumental cairn situated at Selkakangas in Viikkala (Nakkila county) in the Satakunta region of western Finland was excavated in 1978-1981 by the Department of Archaeology of the University of Turku (Fig. 1). The cairn was poor in finds: only burnt bone and unburnt cattle teeth were recovered. Burnt bones were analysed and demonstrated to be human in origin (Vormisto 1985, 151 ff.). At the time of the excavations no finds that could date the structure were found, nor was enough organic material obtainable for radiocarbon-dating methods available at that time. During the excavations cattle teeth were interpreted as modern, it was believed that Bronze Age unburnt bone could not have survived in the acid soil of Finland (Kuokkanen & Korkeakoski-Vaisanen 1985; Vormisto 1985, 151 f.). However, the large size of the cairn, the presence of a stone slab cist and the height (30 m) above modern sea level all showed dating to the Early Bronze Age (Salo 1981, 176; Kuokkanen & Korkeakoski-Vaisanen 1985, 10, 15 f.). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] New research and new research methods opened further possibilities for investigating the Selkakangas cairn. In 2010 one of the cattle teeth was radiocarbon dated and shown to date to the Early Bronze Age (3086 [+ or -] 30 BP, 1430-1270 cal BC, Hela 2496) (Blauer & Kantanen 2013). This is the oldest radiocarbon dated cattle bone found in mainland Finland to date. As radiocarbon dating of burnt bone became possible, the cremations were also dated. The living conditions and environment of the cattle in Bronze Age Satakunta were studied using isotopic analyses. This article presents new results from the Selkakangas cairn and these are discussed in the context of general Bronze Age ritu al and economy. Bronze Age economy To date only one radiocarbon-dated Stone Age domestic animal bone has been found from the Finnish mainland--a sheep or goat bone from a Late Neolithic Kiukainen culture site in Pietarsaari (3679 [+ or -] 33 BP, 2200-1950 cal BC, Ua-43043) (Blauer & Kantanen 2013). In Aland the oldest dated domestic animal bone dates to approximately the same Late Neolithic period, ca 2000 cal BC (Stora 2000, 70 f.). The signs of the earliest agriculture in Satakunta area date to the late Stone Age (Vuorela 1991, 8 ff.; Vuorela & Hicks 1996), when the first cultivated clearings emerged. The very first signs of cereal cultivation visible in the pollen record in the Satakunta area are from Harjavalta 3480 [+ or -] 90 BP (1920-1700 cal BC, Hel-2404) and Huittinen (1700-1800 cal BC, Hel-357), where the soil was suitable for primitive cultivation (Vuorela 1991, 17 ff.). However, even if sporadic cultivation and one domestic animal bone are associated with Kiukainen culture, site location and faunal analyses indicate increasing reliance on marine resources and especially seal hunting (Zvelebil 1981, 160; Edgren 1998, 112; Blauer & Kantanen 2013). The following Bronze Age coastal culture seems to be connected both t","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88278040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction The Late Bronze Age (about 1300/1100-500 BC) was the time when fortified settlements first appeared as part of the settlement pattern in the eastern Baltic region (Fig. 1). At many of these settlements no traces of significant fortifications have been discovered, but in such cases they have been built in places with natural defensive qualities (Lang 2007a, 55 ff.; 2007b, 39 ff.). The oldest fortified settlements in the Baltic countries come from Lithuania, where they were already established in the last quarter of the 2nd millennium BC; in Latvia they appeared at the end of the 2nd millennium BC (Lang 2007a, 67). The fortified settlements in Estonia date to the first half of the 1st millennium BC (op. cit., 57 ff.). Fortified settlements are indicators of important social and economic changes that took place in the eastern Baltic region at that time. They were centres of authority, as well as of trade and crafts, and played an important role in the organization of bronze circulation (Lang 2007b, 77 ff.). The most important craft was probably bronze casting, witnessed by numerous clay moulds and their fragments found at such settlements (Vasks 1994, pl. XV, XVI; Grigalaviciene 1995, 102 ff.; Sperling 2006, 37 ff.; 2011, 90 ff.). Pottery-making was also of great importance, lots of fragments of both coarse-grained and fine-grained ceramic vessels have been found (Vasks 1994, pl. XVIII ff.; Grigalaviciene 1995, 202 ff., figs 117 ff.; Sperling 2006, 42 ff.; 2011, 157 ff.; Lang 2007a, 125 ff., fgs 58 ff.). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Bone and antler artefacts constitute the most numerous find group after ceramic vessels and clay moulds. The large number of bone and antler artefacts among the finds from the Bronze Age sites demonstrates the importance of bone and antler as raw materials in the society of the period. Although simple ad hoc tools are represented among them, a certain standardization of selected material and shape is characteristic of many bone tool types in the period under discussion. Such artefact types were e.g. bone arrow- and spearheads, harpoon heads and hoes or ard points made of antler, awls of goat/sheep metapodials, antler spoons and handles (e.g. Luik & Maldre 2007; Luik 2011; 2013; Luik et al. 2011). Such standardization probably reflects some degree of organization and control in bone and antler-working. Some foreign bronze artefacts have been replicated in more easily available local materials--bone and antler. For example double buttons imitating Scandinavian bronze double buttons and tutuli were made from antler (Luik & Ots 2007). Bone has been used to make decorative pins in shapes resembling bronze specimens spread across Scandinavia and central Europe. Some of these imitations are carved very skilfully, requiring certain skills and experience from their producer (Lang & Luik in print). People never copy things blindly; copying often involves the idea that the copy gains some power from the thing copied (Hodder 2012
{"title":"Late Bronze Age Bone Crafting in the Eastern Baltic: Standardization of Artefact Types and Individual ingenuity/Noorema Pronksiaja Luutootlemisest Laanemere Idakaldal: Esemetuupide Standardiseerumine Ja Luutootleja Leidlikkus","authors":"H. Luik","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2013.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction The Late Bronze Age (about 1300/1100-500 BC) was the time when fortified settlements first appeared as part of the settlement pattern in the eastern Baltic region (Fig. 1). At many of these settlements no traces of significant fortifications have been discovered, but in such cases they have been built in places with natural defensive qualities (Lang 2007a, 55 ff.; 2007b, 39 ff.). The oldest fortified settlements in the Baltic countries come from Lithuania, where they were already established in the last quarter of the 2nd millennium BC; in Latvia they appeared at the end of the 2nd millennium BC (Lang 2007a, 67). The fortified settlements in Estonia date to the first half of the 1st millennium BC (op. cit., 57 ff.). Fortified settlements are indicators of important social and economic changes that took place in the eastern Baltic region at that time. They were centres of authority, as well as of trade and crafts, and played an important role in the organization of bronze circulation (Lang 2007b, 77 ff.). The most important craft was probably bronze casting, witnessed by numerous clay moulds and their fragments found at such settlements (Vasks 1994, pl. XV, XVI; Grigalaviciene 1995, 102 ff.; Sperling 2006, 37 ff.; 2011, 90 ff.). Pottery-making was also of great importance, lots of fragments of both coarse-grained and fine-grained ceramic vessels have been found (Vasks 1994, pl. XVIII ff.; Grigalaviciene 1995, 202 ff., figs 117 ff.; Sperling 2006, 42 ff.; 2011, 157 ff.; Lang 2007a, 125 ff., fgs 58 ff.). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Bone and antler artefacts constitute the most numerous find group after ceramic vessels and clay moulds. The large number of bone and antler artefacts among the finds from the Bronze Age sites demonstrates the importance of bone and antler as raw materials in the society of the period. Although simple ad hoc tools are represented among them, a certain standardization of selected material and shape is characteristic of many bone tool types in the period under discussion. Such artefact types were e.g. bone arrow- and spearheads, harpoon heads and hoes or ard points made of antler, awls of goat/sheep metapodials, antler spoons and handles (e.g. Luik & Maldre 2007; Luik 2011; 2013; Luik et al. 2011). Such standardization probably reflects some degree of organization and control in bone and antler-working. Some foreign bronze artefacts have been replicated in more easily available local materials--bone and antler. For example double buttons imitating Scandinavian bronze double buttons and tutuli were made from antler (Luik & Ots 2007). Bone has been used to make decorative pins in shapes resembling bronze specimens spread across Scandinavia and central Europe. Some of these imitations are carved very skilfully, requiring certain skills and experience from their producer (Lang & Luik in print). People never copy things blindly; copying often involves the idea that the copy gains some power from the thing copied (Hodder 2012","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78444600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction In 536-541 AD a short-term and sudden cooling took place in the northern hemisphere which has caught the attention of researchers only quite recently. In 1983, Richard Stothers and Michael Rampino published a list of volcanic eruptions prior to 630 AD known from historical sources (Stothers & Rampino 1983). Their list included a veil of dust or dry fog that darkened the sky for almost a year in 536-537 AD and caused crop failure. Dendrochronologist Mike Baillie found physical evidence of the event studying the tree rings of Irish oak (Baillie 1994). During the last decades, numerous publications (e.g. Randsborg 1997; Axboe 1999; 2001a; 2001b; Baillie 1999; Keys 1999; Gunn 2000; Hoilund Nielsen 2006; Graslund 2008; Graslund & Price 2012; Arrhenius 2013) have discussed the historical significance and impact of the 536-537 event as well as its archaeological manifestations and written sources. The emergence of this new research topic is due to recent advancements in climate reconstructions based on natural science. Having access to much higher-resolution climate records makes it possible to discuss the demographic, economic, and cultural impacts of climate change more precisely (Widgren 2012, 126). The event in question appears clearly in the growth rings of trees in the northern hemisphere, namely in the common oak (Quercus robur) and families of pine (Pinus). Tree rings show abnormally little growth in 536 and the following years. A similar pattern has been found in tree rings from 540 in the southern hemisphere, for example in southern Chile and Argentina (Baillie 1999; 2007; Gunn 2000; Jones 2000; Young 2000 and citations therein). Tree rings of the northern hemisphere show that growth was hampered in two periods. After recovery a new, even sharper drop emerged in 540-541 (D'Arrigo et al. 2001, 240). According to tree rings, extraordinarily cold weather continued in the northern hemisphere until the year 545 (Graslund & Price 2012, 430 and citations therein). Traces of the event can be found in ice cores from Greenland and Antarctica. The earliest studies referred to the high sulphuric acid content of ice deposits in Greenland from around 540 which indicate the volcanic origin of the event (see Stothers & Rampino 1983; Stothers 1999). Later researchers have also found evidence of substantial sulphate deposits in ice layers from Greenland and Antarctica, supporting the notion of volcanic dust (e.g. Traufetter et al. 2004; Larsen et al. 2008; Ferris et al. 2011). Most scientists who have studied the causes of the event of 536 have concluded that it was caused by an immense volcanic eruption in the tropical zone of Earth (see Stothers & Rampino 1983; Stothers 1999; Larsen et al. 2008). Several volcanoes and places have been proposed (see Stothers 1984; Keys 1999; Wohletz 2000). The most convincing evidence so far refers to the Tierra Blanca Joven eruption of the Ilopango caldera in central El Salvador (Dull et al. 2001; 2010; Oppenheim
公元536-541年，北半球发生了一次短暂而突然的降温，直到最近才引起研究人员的注意。1983年，Richard Stothers和Michael Rampino发表了一份从历史资料中得知的公元630年之前的火山爆发列表(Stothers & Rampino 1983)。他们的名单包括在公元536年至537年期间，一层灰尘或干雾使天空变暗了近一年，导致作物歉收。树木年代学家Mike Baillie在研究爱尔兰橡树的年轮时发现了这一事件的物理证据(Baillie 1994)。在过去的几十年里，许多出版物(如Randsborg 1997;Axboe 1999;2001年;2001 b;柏丽1999;键1999;耿氏2000;Hoilund Nielsen 2006;Graslund 2008;Graslund & Price 2012;阿伦尼乌斯2013)讨论了536-537事件的历史意义和影响，以及它的考古表现和书面来源。这一新的研究课题的出现是由于基于自然科学的气候重建的最新进展。有了更高分辨率的气候记录，就可以更准确地讨论气候变化对人口、经济和文化的影响(Widgren 2012, 126)。这一事件在北半球树木的年轮中表现得很明显，即在普通橡树(栎)和松树科(松)中。树木年轮在536年和之后的年份显示出异常的小生长。在南半球的树木年轮中也发现了类似的模式，例如在智利南部和阿根廷(Baillie 1999;2007;耿氏2000;琼斯2000年;Young 2000和引文)。北半球的树木年轮显示，生长在两个时期受到阻碍。在恢复之后，在540-541年出现了新的、更大的下降(D'Arrigo et al. 2001, 240)。根据树木年轮，北半球异常寒冷的天气一直持续到公元545年(Graslund & Price 2012, 430和其中的引文)。这一事件的痕迹可以在格陵兰岛和南极洲的冰芯中找到。最早的研究提到大约540年格陵兰岛冰沉积物的高硫酸含量，这表明该事件的火山起源(见Stothers & Rampino 1983;Stothers 1999)。后来的研究人员也在格陵兰岛和南极洲的冰层中发现了大量硫酸盐沉积的证据，支持了火山尘埃的概念(例如，Traufetter等人，2004;Larsen et al. 2008;Ferris et al. 2011)。大多数研究过536年大爆炸原因的科学家得出结论，它是由地球热带地区的一次巨大的火山喷发引起的(见Stothers & Rampino 1983;Stothers 1999;Larsen et al. 2008)。已经提出了几个火山和地方(见Stothers 1984;键1999;Wohletz 2000)。迄今为止最令人信服的证据是萨尔瓦多中部Ilopango火山口在Tierra Blanca Joven的喷发(Dull et al. 2001;2010;Oppenheimer 2011, 254 ff.)。其他人则认为彗星或陨石爆炸造成了这一事件(Baillie 1999;2007;Rigby et al. 2004)。在格陵兰岛536-537年的冰层中发现的磁铁矿和硅酸盐球粒支持这种替代解释(Abbott et al. 2008)。类似的球体在澳大利亚北部的卡奔塔利亚湾的一个疑似陨坑中被发现(Abbott et al. 2008;Subt et al. 2010)。因此，自然科学家对536-537年气候异常的原因没有达成一致意见。然而，根据树木年轮，这是近2000年来对生态系统最严重的冲击(Baillie 2007, 106)。Antti Arjava(2006)研究了536-537年这一非同寻常事件的地中海来源的书面证据。在其中的一些资料中，似乎在一年多的时间里，在地中海地区可以观察到太阳变暗。叙利亚主教米迦勒在他12世纪的编年史中引用了6世纪教会历史学家以弗所的约翰的话:“它每天大约照耀四个小时，但这光仍然只是一个微弱的阴影。”．．．
{"title":"THE IMPACT OF THE CLIMATE CATASTROPHE OF 536–537 AD IN ESTONIA AND NEIGHBOURING AREAS","authors":"A. Tvauri","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2014.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2014.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction In 536-541 AD a short-term and sudden cooling took place in the northern hemisphere which has caught the attention of researchers only quite recently. In 1983, Richard Stothers and Michael Rampino published a list of volcanic eruptions prior to 630 AD known from historical sources (Stothers & Rampino 1983). Their list included a veil of dust or dry fog that darkened the sky for almost a year in 536-537 AD and caused crop failure. Dendrochronologist Mike Baillie found physical evidence of the event studying the tree rings of Irish oak (Baillie 1994). During the last decades, numerous publications (e.g. Randsborg 1997; Axboe 1999; 2001a; 2001b; Baillie 1999; Keys 1999; Gunn 2000; Hoilund Nielsen 2006; Graslund 2008; Graslund & Price 2012; Arrhenius 2013) have discussed the historical significance and impact of the 536-537 event as well as its archaeological manifestations and written sources. The emergence of this new research topic is due to recent advancements in climate reconstructions based on natural science. Having access to much higher-resolution climate records makes it possible to discuss the demographic, economic, and cultural impacts of climate change more precisely (Widgren 2012, 126). The event in question appears clearly in the growth rings of trees in the northern hemisphere, namely in the common oak (Quercus robur) and families of pine (Pinus). Tree rings show abnormally little growth in 536 and the following years. A similar pattern has been found in tree rings from 540 in the southern hemisphere, for example in southern Chile and Argentina (Baillie 1999; 2007; Gunn 2000; Jones 2000; Young 2000 and citations therein). Tree rings of the northern hemisphere show that growth was hampered in two periods. After recovery a new, even sharper drop emerged in 540-541 (D'Arrigo et al. 2001, 240). According to tree rings, extraordinarily cold weather continued in the northern hemisphere until the year 545 (Graslund & Price 2012, 430 and citations therein). Traces of the event can be found in ice cores from Greenland and Antarctica. The earliest studies referred to the high sulphuric acid content of ice deposits in Greenland from around 540 which indicate the volcanic origin of the event (see Stothers & Rampino 1983; Stothers 1999). Later researchers have also found evidence of substantial sulphate deposits in ice layers from Greenland and Antarctica, supporting the notion of volcanic dust (e.g. Traufetter et al. 2004; Larsen et al. 2008; Ferris et al. 2011). Most scientists who have studied the causes of the event of 536 have concluded that it was caused by an immense volcanic eruption in the tropical zone of Earth (see Stothers & Rampino 1983; Stothers 1999; Larsen et al. 2008). Several volcanoes and places have been proposed (see Stothers 1984; Keys 1999; Wohletz 2000). The most convincing evidence so far refers to the Tierra Blanca Joven eruption of the Ilopango caldera in central El Salvador (Dull et al. 2001; 2010; Oppenheim","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89495308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"10. DIE STEINGERÄTE IN DEN SIEDLUNGEN","authors":"U. Sperling","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2014.2S.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2014.2S.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85267183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article I will discuss some of the changes in the townscape of Tartu in the 14th century and analyze how these changes could have been related to the re-planning of the town area. The topics examined in this article cover the medieval waste management, the erection of stone buildings, the existence and purpose of the defences in the riverside part of the town, and the workers behind all the construction activities in Tartu. The present research suggests that the disposal of waste was regulated by the town laws which were valid only within the limits of the town area, enclosed by town wall, and therefore did not apply to the suburbs. In earlier studies, the introduction of brick buildings to Tartu has been dated from the end of the 14th century to the 15th century. Based on new information, the
{"title":"NEW INSIGHTS ON THE CHANGES OF TOWNSCAPE IN 14TH-CENTURY TARTU","authors":"R. Bernotas","doi":"10.3176/ARCH.2012.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3176/ARCH.2012.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I will discuss some of the changes in the townscape of Tartu in the 14th century and analyze how these changes could have been related to the re-planning of the town area. The topics examined in this article cover the medieval waste management, the erection of stone buildings, the existence and purpose of the defences in the riverside part of the town, and the workers behind all the construction activities in Tartu. The present research suggests that the disposal of waste was regulated by the town laws which were valid only within the limits of the town area, enclosed by town wall, and therefore did not apply to the suburbs. In earlier studies, the introduction of brick buildings to Tartu has been dated from the end of the 14th century to the 15th century. Based on new information, the","PeriodicalId":42767,"journal":{"name":"Estonian Journal of Archaeology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75153095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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