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Institutional Determinants for Representation of Indigent Defendants: Evidence from Russia 贫困被告代理的制度决定因素:来自俄罗斯的证据
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-05-27 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10035
A. Kazun
Little is known about the motives of lawyers who provide free legal assistance in countries that lack both a developed professional community and developed institutions related to the rule of law. Based on a survey of 3,317 criminal defense lawyers (advokaty) in 35 regions of Russia, we analyze the provision of two types of free legal services: participation in legal proceedings “on appointment” (po naznacheniyu) and the provision of pro bono legal assistance. We show that work on appointment usually involves lawyers with low social capital and a lack of regular clients. In contrast, pro bono legal assistance is encouraged by lawyers’ organizations. It is typically provided by professionals with a high level of social capital and with values aimed at maintaining an excellent professional reputation. We conclude that the provision of free legal services might best be stimulated within the professional community rather than by the government.
在缺乏发达的专业社区和发达的法治机构的国家,提供免费法律援助的律师的动机鲜为人知。基于对俄罗斯35个地区的3317名刑事辩护律师(辩护律师)的调查,我们分析了提供两种类型的免费法律服务:“预约”参与法律诉讼(po naznacheniyu)和提供无偿法律援助。我们表明,预约工作通常涉及社会资本较低且缺乏固定客户的律师。相反,无偿法律援助是由律师组织鼓励的。它通常由具有高水平社会资本和价值观的专业人士提供,旨在保持良好的专业声誉。我们的结论是,提供免费法律服务最好由专业团体而不是由政府来推动。
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引用次数: 0
In Memoriam Aleksandr L. Makovskii 纪念亚历山大·l·马可夫斯基
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10046
F. Feldbrugge, W. B. Simons
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引用次数: 0
Personal Autonomy and its Direct Constitutional Limits – a Polish Perspective 个人自治及其直接的宪法限制——波兰视角
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10043
Jan Podkowik
The article discusses the concept of personal autonomy as a constitutional fundamental right protected by the Polish Constitution of 1997. Autonomy is not only a constitutional value of an unspecified character but also a right with its own specific normative content. Personal autonomy, also called the right to self-determination, is rooted in natural law. The scope of its constitutional protection is determined and – simultaneously – limited by constitutional standards of an absolute character such as human dignity, non-discrimination, and the like. Autonomy as a constitutional right may be subjected to further restrictions imposed by the legislator in accordance with the principle of proportionality. The legal status of an individual’s right to self determination is thus determined by all the prohibitions and orders resulting directly from the Constitution as well as sub-constitutional statutory provisions which respect the principle of proportionality requirements.
人身自治权作为一项宪法基本权利,受到1997年波兰宪法的保护。自治权既是一种不明确性质的宪法价值,也是一种具有特定规范性内容的权利。人身自治,又称自决权,植根于自然法。其宪法保护的范围是由诸如人的尊严、不歧视等具有绝对性质的宪法标准决定并同时受到限制的。自治作为一项宪法权利,可受到立法者根据相称性原则施加的进一步限制。因此,个人自决权的法律地位是由《宪法》以及尊重相称性要求原则的次宪法法律规定直接产生的所有禁令和命令决定的。
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引用次数: 0
The Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and Internalization: Lessons from the Western Balkans 保护少数民族和内部化框架公约:西巴尔干的经验教训
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10042
E. Craig
The precise form of internalization of the provisions of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in domestic law is crucial in ensuring its long-term effectiveness. Experiences in the Western Balkans raise important questions about the role of minority (or community) rights legislation in deeply divided societies. This article uses the case-studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the Republic of North Macedonia to highlight key themes and limitations that have emerged. Comparative analysis reveals a surprising divergence of approaches to internalization in the region. The article further demonstrates that the ‘nation-cum-state paradigm’ remains prevalent, despite the premise of universality. It argues that such legislation can play an important symbolic and practical role, but that legal internalization needs to be seen as an ongoing process. It concludes that attention needs to be given to ensuring the continued particularization and adaptation of such legislation in light of both the limitations and changing circumstances, providing a key lesson also for other divided societies.
将欧洲委员会《保护少数民族框架公约》的各项规定在国内法中内部化的确切形式对于确保其长期效力是至关重要的。西巴尔干的经验提出了关于少数民族(或社区)权利立法在严重分裂的社会中的作用的重要问题。本文通过对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那、科索沃和北马其顿共和国的案例研究来强调已经出现的关键主题和局限性。比较分析揭示了该地区内部化方法的惊人差异。文章进一步证明,尽管以普遍性为前提,“民族与国家范式”仍然普遍存在。它认为,这种立法可以发挥重要的象征和实际作用,但法律内部化需要被视为一个持续的进程。它的结论是,必须注意确保根据局限性和不断变化的情况继续使这种立法具体化和加以调整,这也为其他分裂的社会提供了一个关键的教训。
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引用次数: 0
Carl Schmitt in Hungary: Constitutional Crisis in the Shadow of Covid-19 卡尔·施密特在匈牙利:新冠肺炎阴影下的宪法危机
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10024
G. Mészáros
This paper discusses the Hungarian constitutionalism and the emergency model which can be called an ‘autocratic’ emergency model in which the government’s main aim is to create an emergency regime without real threat. That was the case in Hungary before 2020, but as the new coronavirus flourished the Hungarian constitutionalism and the rule of law withered. As the article asserts the declaration of the state of danger was unconstitutional because human epidemic is not involved in the listing of the constitution. The constitutional concerns have become even more complicated after the acceptance of the “Enabling Act” which gave unconstrained power for the Government. The spirit of Carl Schmitt’s theory is again emerged. As the coronavirus and its immediate effect necessitated extra-legal measures, the threshold between the rule of law and exceptionalism was fading swiftly and legal constitutionalism became a pleasant memory.
本文讨论了匈牙利的宪政和紧急状态模式,可以称为“专制”紧急状态模式,其中政府的主要目的是建立一个没有真正威胁的紧急状态政权。2020年之前匈牙利就是这种情况,但随着新型冠状病毒的肆虐,匈牙利的宪政和法治枯萎了。正如该条所断言的那样,宣布进入危险状态是违宪的,因为人类流行病不包括在宪法的清单中。在接受给予政府不受限制的权力的“授权法”之后,宪法问题变得更加复杂。卡尔·施密特的理论精神再次显现。由于新冠疫情及其直接影响,需要采取法外措施,法治与例外主义之间的界限正在迅速消失,法律宪政成为美好的记忆。
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引用次数: 7
Protection of Property Rights in Crimea: The Tools of International Investment Law compared to the Mechanism of the European Convention on Human Rights 克里米亚的产权保护:国际投资法的工具与欧洲人权公约机制的比较
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10044
M. Krimmer
The Crimean conflict has been a challenge to the international community not only politically since the role of international law has now been questioned, especially concerning its interpretation and even applicability. As Crimea now falls into the category of an annexed/occupied territory, it is worth examining whether effective protection is afforded to property rights relating to foreign direct investments (fdi s) on Crimean territory. Foreign Direct Investments are usually protected by bilateral investment treaties (bit s) and this paper examines whether the Russia-Ukraine bit can guarantee an effective protection for property and also what other tools may exist for guarantee this protection. The article shows that there are two different “toolkits” which can protect investors’ property rights. Thus, not only the Russia-Ukraine bit can guarantee effective protection of property protection but also another tool, which is the European Convention on Human Rights. Both tools, the Russia-Ukraine bit and the echr protect the property rights and can co-exist.
克里米亚冲突不仅在政治上是对国际社会的挑战,因为国际法的作用现在受到质疑,特别是在其解释甚至适用性方面。由于克里米亚现在属于被吞并/被占领领土的范畴,因此值得研究的是,与克里米亚领土上的外国直接投资(fdi)有关的产权是否得到了有效保护。外国直接投资通常受到双边投资条约(bit s)的保护,本文考察了俄罗斯-乌克兰bit是否能保证对财产的有效保护,以及可能存在哪些其他工具来保证这种保护。本文表明,保护投资者产权有两种不同的“工具箱”。因此,不仅俄乌协议可以保证财产保护的有效保护,而且还有另一个工具,即《欧洲人权公约》。俄罗斯-乌克兰条约和欧洲人权条约这两种工具都保护产权,可以共存。
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引用次数: 1
Making Sense of the Political Question Doctrine: The Case of Kosovo 解读政治问题主义:以科索沃为例
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-BJA10041
Violeta Beširević
Ever since it was announced in Madison v. Marbury, and articulated in Baker v. Carr, the political question doctrine that tends to exclude ‘mega politics’ from judicial check has been a controversial tool of judicial abstention. Not only that it is not universally applied, but it seems also to be losing significance even in countries of its usual influence due to extensive judicialization of ‘mega politics,’ which implies that there is no claim which the courts will not hear. Based on the judicialization of the Kosovo conflict, this paper shows why the doctrine deserves to be revived and even transplanted in jurisdictions outside its usual reach, particularly in disputes regarding real-life unilateral secession.
自从在麦迪逊诉马布里案(Madison v. Marbury)中宣布并在贝克诉卡尔案(Baker v. Carr)中阐明这一原则以来,倾向于将“大政治”排除在司法检查之外的政治问题原则一直是一种有争议的司法弃权工具。它不仅没有被普遍适用,而且由于“大政治”的广泛司法化,它似乎也在失去其通常影响力的国家的重要性,这意味着没有法院不会审理的索赔。本文以科索沃冲突的司法化为基础,说明了为什么该原则值得在其通常范围之外的司法管辖区恢复甚至移植,特别是在现实生活中有关单方面分离的争端中。
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引用次数: 1
Defending Democracy and the Rule of Law in the Era of Post-Enlargement 在后东扩时代捍卫民主与法治
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10037
K. Schmalenbach
This contribution critically analyses the four limbs of the EU’s defence mechanism upholding the rule of law within the Union. The first being the individual post accession rule of law mechanism, introduced by the Commission in 2006 for the two new member states Bulgaria and Rumania. The second, and arguably most powerful limb, involves the EU Court of Justice conducting a judicial review of a member state’s rule of law situation, which is of far greater concern for reviewed members than the so-called “nuclear” last-resort option of Art. 7 teu ’s sanction mechanism (fourth limb) that is politically difficult to enact. With a view to the politically fraught Art. 7 teu, the Commission introduced a new “early warning” rule of law framework in 2014 which pre-emptively enables exploring dialogue-based solutions to rule-of law issues as they emerge (third limb).
这篇文章批判性地分析了维护欧盟内部法治的欧盟防卫机制的四个方面。第一个是欧盟委员会于2006年为两个新成员国保加利亚和罗马尼亚引入的个别加入后法治机制。第二个,可以说是最强大的分支,涉及欧盟法院对成员国的法治状况进行司法审查,这比欧盟第7条制裁机制(第四个分支)中所谓的“核”最后手段选项更受受审查成员国的关注,因为后者在政治上难以实施。针对充满政治意味的第7条第2款,欧盟委员会在2014年推出了一个新的“预警”法治框架,在出现法治问题时先发制人地探索基于对话的解决方案(第三部分)。
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引用次数: 1
The Practices of ‘Splitting’ and ‘Common Accord’ Under Scrutiny: the European Parliament‘s Request for an Opinion of the European Court of Justice on the Istanbul Convention 审视中的“分裂”与“共同协议”实践:欧洲议会请求欧洲法院就《伊斯坦布尔公约》发表意见
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10039
E. Samoilova
With all eyes on the recent global COVID-19 pandemic, another pandemic has been growing in the shadows: violence against women. The Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention creates a legal framework in order to protect women against all forms of violence. Its ratification process, however, has faced considerable challenges, particularly in the Central and Eastern European Member States. This article discusses the basic elements of the Istanbul Convention, reflects on the ratification process in the EU and its Member States, and sets out the main legal issues raised in the European Parliament’s request for an opinion (A-1/19 of 22 November 2019) to the Court of Justice of the European Union. Special focus is put on the choice of the correct EU legal basis and the practices of ‘splitting’ and ‘common accord’. This article argues that the European Parliament’s request for an opinion provides the perfect opportunity for the Court of Justice of the European Union to further clarify the law and the practice of concluding mixed agreements by the EU and its Member States.
在所有人都关注最近的全球COVID-19大流行之际,另一种大流行正在阴影中蔓延:对妇女的暴力行为。欧洲委员会的《伊斯坦布尔公约》建立了一个法律框架,以保护妇女免受一切形式的暴力。但是,其批准进程面临相当大的挑战,特别是在中欧和东欧成员国。本文讨论了《伊斯坦布尔公约》的基本要素,反思了欧盟及其成员国的批准程序,并阐述了欧洲议会向欧盟法院提出的征求意见请求(2019年11月22日的A-1/19)中提出的主要法律问题。特别关注正确的欧盟法律基础的选择以及“分裂”和“共同协议”的实践。本文认为,欧洲议会的征求意见为欧盟法院进一步澄清欧盟及其成员国缔结混合协定的法律和实践提供了绝佳的机会。
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引用次数: 2
Indicators for Monitoring Implementation of EU Equality Directives 监测欧盟平等指令执行情况的指标
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10038
E. Lantschner
The present article discusses the usefulness of indicators in monitoring not only the legal transposition but also the practical implementation of the two Equality Directives adopted in 2000. It focuses on those provisions of the Directives which have assigned a particular role to ngos, both in reacting to discrimination as well as in preventing discrimination and promoting equality. Indicators have been developed on the basis of a comparative review of transposition and implementation, including case studies on Romania, Hungary and Croatia. Considering the great potential of ngos in contributing to achieve the aims of the Directives and the current worrying trends as to how they are supported in (or obstructed from) taking up their role, the article proposes using these indicators not only in the pre-accession context but also for regular monitoring of all EU member states.
本文讨论了指标在监测法律转换以及2000年通过的两项平等指令的实际执行方面的有用性。它的重点是指示中赋予非政府组织在对付歧视以及防止歧视和促进平等方面的特殊作用的那些规定。根据对换位和执行情况的比较审查,包括对罗马尼亚、匈牙利和克罗地亚的个案研究,拟订了指标。考虑到非政府组织在促进实现《指令》目标方面的巨大潜力,以及目前关于如何支持(或阻碍)它们发挥作用的令人担忧的趋势,文章建议不仅在加入前的背景下使用这些指标,而且还应用于对所有欧盟成员国的定期监测。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Review of Central and East European Law
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