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4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-48010000
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引用次数: 0
The Unfolding Illiberalism in Hungary 在匈牙利展开的非自由主义
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10071
Tímea Drinóczi
The emerging literature on illiberalisms offers a framework for detecting whether or not a special Hungarian illiberalism has been unfolding. Over the last 12 years, Hungary’s former liberal constitutionalist nature has been changed to illiberal constitutionalism. This transformation of the constitutional system recently culminated with the fourth consecutive electoral victory of Viktor Orbán in April 2022. Nevertheless, the possible ideological nature of Orbán’s regime has been understudied so far. Drawing on some newly published literature on illiberalisms, I claim that changes in electoral law (2014), the revised approach to the relationship between EU law and domestic law (2016 and 2021), and identity rights (2013, 2019–2020), along with the preceding political narratives, can be viewed as seeds from which a special, state-driven illiberalism has been growing in Hungary. If it is so, it could be concluded that Hungarian illiberalism is based on and the result of two factors: i) the translation of illiberal speech into the language of the law, and ii) the creation of intertwined identities for the constitution, the state, and citizens, which are based on (ethno)nationalism, sovereigntism, traditionalism and heteronormativity against mainly EU obligations and Western values.
新兴的反自由主义文献提供了一个框架,可以用来检测匈牙利的一种特殊的反自由主义是否正在展开。在过去的12年里,匈牙利从前的自由宪政本质已经转变为非自由宪政。这一宪政体制的转变最近以2022年4月维克多Orbán连续第四次赢得选举而达到高潮。然而,到目前为止,Orbán政权可能的意识形态性质还没有得到充分的研究。根据一些新发表的关于非自由主义的文献,我声称选举法(2014年)的变化,欧盟法与国内法(2016年和2021年)之间关系的修订方法,以及身份权利(2013年,2019年至2020年),以及之前的政治叙述,可以被视为一种特殊的,国家驱动的非自由主义在匈牙利生长的种子。如果是这样的话,可以得出结论,匈牙利的非自由主义基于两个因素:1)将非自由主义言论翻译成法律语言;2)创造了宪法、国家和公民相互交织的身份认同,这些身份认同基于(种族)民族主义、主权主义、传统主义和反欧盟义务和西方价值观的异规范。
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引用次数: 2
Civil Limitation Statutes and International Arbitration in Central Asia: not Business as Usual 中亚的民事诉讼时效法规与国际仲裁:并非一切照旧
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10073
I. Bantekas
It is generally agreed that statutory limitations applicable to civil proceedings have no place in international arbitration proceedings, unless these have been specifically accepted by the parties; are imposed by mandatory laws, or; otherwise compelled by public policy. In equal measure, the process and recognition of enforcement awards should not be subjected to any statutory limitations, as such limitations are absent in the New York Convention and generally excluded by reference to transnational legal instruments, such as the uncitral Model Law. Investor and commercial actors operating in Central Asia should be cautious when embroiled in disputes with state entities because of the latter tend to protract and delay negotiations in order to impose statutory limitations to claims. It is imperative that upon commencement of negotiations foreign entities take appropriate measures to ensure that their claim is not undergoing a ticking time-ban. This may be achieved by serving the other party with an official notice as to the commencement of negotiations and a statement that this is not a substitute of a civil suit or arbitral proceedings. Equally, one of the parties may trigger arbitral proceedings but ask the arbitrators to suspend all hearings until after the termination of negotiations.
一般认为,适用于民事诉讼的法定时效不适用于国际仲裁程序,除非当事人已明确接受;受强制性法律所强制,或;否则就会被公共政策所迫。同样,执行裁决的程序和承认也不应受到任何法定限制,因为《纽约公约》中没有这种限制,而且根据跨国法律文书,例如《贸易法委员会示范法》,一般也不应受到这种限制。在中亚经营的投资者和商业行为者在卷入与国家实体的争端时应保持谨慎,因为后者往往拖延和拖延谈判,以便对索赔施加法定限制。在谈判开始时,外国实体必须采取适当措施,确保它们的要求不受时间限制。这可以通过向另一方送达一份关于谈判开始的正式通知和一份声明来实现,该声明不能替代民事诉讼或仲裁程序。同样,当事一方可以启动仲裁程序,但要求仲裁员暂停所有听证,直至谈判结束。
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引用次数: 0
The Interplay between Ukraine’s Domestic Legislation on Conflict and Uncontrolled Territories and its Strategic Use of ‘Lawfare’ before Russia’s 2022 Invasion of Ukraine – A Troubled Nexus? 在俄罗斯2022年入侵乌克兰之前,乌克兰关于冲突和不受控制领土的国内立法与“法律战”的战略使用之间的相互作用——一个陷入困境的关系?
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10070
M. Rabinovych
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 can be seen as a culmination of eight years of its aggression against Ukraine, including its annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the control of the two ‘People’s Republics’ in Donbas. Before the invasion, the Ukrainian authorities had actively expressed their politico-legal stance on the conflict, using lawfare against the Russian Federation, e.g. at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the International Court of Justice (icj), and the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea (itlos). In this context, the paper explores the interplay between Ukraine’s domestic legislation regarding the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s control of the People’s Republics in Donbas prior to the invasion, and Ukraine’s use of lawfare against Russia with a focus on policy and legal coherence. It is demonstrated that, while Ukraine’s lawfare strategy regarding Crimea had been in line with domestic legislation, Russia’s use of proxies in eastern Ukraine and the challenges of the Minsk peace process led to incoherence between Ukraine’s domestic laws and its use of lawfare. Though Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine is a game-changer, both for Ukraine’s domestic legislation and its use of lawfare, the analysis contributes to an understanding of the nexus between domestic and international law in Ukraine prior to the invasion and explores the implications such a nexus will have for Ukraine’s future lawfare against Russia, including the most recent icj case relating to the interpretation, application, and fulfillment of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
俄罗斯在2022年2月24日对乌克兰的全面入侵可以被视为其对乌克兰八年侵略的高潮,包括2014年3月吞并克里米亚和控制顿巴斯的两个“人民共和国”。在入侵之前,乌克兰当局曾积极表达其对冲突的政治-法律立场,在欧洲人权法院、国际法院和国际海洋法法庭对俄罗斯联邦进行诉讼。在此背景下,本文探讨了乌克兰关于吞并克里米亚和俄罗斯在入侵前控制顿巴斯人民共和国的国内立法之间的相互作用,以及乌克兰对俄罗斯使用法律战的重点是政策和法律一致性。研究表明,虽然乌克兰在克里米亚问题上的法律战战略符合国内立法,但俄罗斯在乌克兰东部使用代理人以及明斯克和平进程的挑战导致乌克兰国内法与法律战之间的不一致性。尽管俄罗斯2022年入侵乌克兰对乌克兰的国内立法和法律战的使用都是一个改变游戏规则的事件,但本文的分析有助于理解入侵前乌克兰国内法和国际法之间的联系,并探讨这种联系对乌克兰未来针对俄罗斯的法律战的影响,包括最近与1948年《种族灭绝公约》的解释、适用和履行有关的国际法院案件。
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引用次数: 1
Troubled Nexuses Between International and Domestic Law in the Post-Soviet Space 后苏联空间中国际法与国内法的复杂联系
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-47030001
Cindy Wittke, M. Rabinovych
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引用次数: 0
International Law in Central Asia: Practices and Doctrines 中亚国际法:实践与理论
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10072
S. Sayapin
Since their independence in 1991, the states of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) have become increasingly important as regional and international actors. They have joined the United Nations (UN) as well as regional organizations, such as the Commonwealth of Independent States (cis), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (csto), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (sco), and the Eurasian Economic Union (eaeu). International law has played an important role in the processes of state-building and integration these countries have undergone, yet it has not always been consistently accepted as a policy tool and academic discipline. In particular, building a stable nexus between the practice of international law and academic research on the subject remains a challenge. This article provides an overview of Central Asian practices and doctrines of international law with a focus on international peace and security, international organizations, international environmental law, human rights, international humanitarian and criminal law, and international investment arbitration. It concludes with recommendations for more successful promotion and implementation of international law in the region.
自1991年独立以来,中亚国家(哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦)作为地区和国际角色变得越来越重要。中国加入了联合国以及独联体、集体安全条约组织、上海合作组织、欧亚经济联盟等区域性组织。国际法在这些国家所经历的国家建设和一体化进程中发挥了重要作用,但它并不总是一贯地被接受为一种政策工具和学术学科。特别是,在国际法实践和关于这一主题的学术研究之间建立稳定的联系仍然是一项挑战。本文概述了中亚的国际法实践和理论,重点是国际和平与安全、国际组织、国际环境法、人权、国际人道主义法和刑法以及国际投资仲裁。报告最后提出了在该区域更成功地促进和执行国际法的建议。
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引用次数: 0
‘Shaming’ the Court: Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and the Politics of Constitutional Law in the Post-Euromaidan Era “羞辱”法院:乌克兰宪法法院和后亲欧盟时代的宪法政治
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10069
Andrii Nekoliak
Since the Euromaidan events of 2014, Ukraine has embarked on a reformist trajectory to ‘Europeanize’ the country and deliver the promise of good governance to its citizens. The series of legislative and public policy reforms that followed had financial and ideological support from Ukraine’s Western partners. To date, studies have focused on documenting and analyzing the course of international donors’ involvement in Ukraine’s reforms. What is lacking, however, is an analysis of the many different domestic responses to external pressure from donors to implement reforms. Examining Ukraine’s Constitutional Court case law on judicial self-government and anti-corruption from 2020, this article examines this court’s legal response to the politics of reform led by international donors and domestic actors in Ukraine. It reveals the problematic nature of constitutional decision-making in a country that has recently been facing considerable pressure from political incumbents and civil society. The article identifies a pattern that characterizes the political process (a ‘troubled nexus’) around the reforms in Ukraine and draws a parallel between Ukrainian developments and the situation in Moldova and Georgia, two countries that have been confronted with similar reform challenges since the enactment of the respective Association Agreements with the EU in 2016.
自2014年的亲欧盟运动以来,乌克兰走上了改革的轨道,将国家“欧洲化”,并向其公民提供良好治理的承诺。随后的一系列立法和公共政策改革得到了乌克兰西方伙伴的财政和意识形态支持。迄今为止,研究主要集中在记录和分析国际捐助者参与乌克兰改革的过程。然而,缺乏的是对许多不同的国内应对捐助者实施改革的外部压力的分析。本文考察了乌克兰宪法法院自2020年以来关于司法自治和反腐败的判例法,考察了该法院对乌克兰国际捐助者和国内行动者领导的改革政治的法律回应。它揭示了一个国家宪法决策的问题本质,这个国家最近一直面临着来自现任政治家和民间社会的相当大的压力。文章指出了围绕乌克兰改革的政治进程(“麻烦的联系”)的一种模式,并将乌克兰的发展与摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚的局势进行了比较,这两个国家自2016年与欧盟签署联邦制协议以来,都面临着类似的改革挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Rights Consciousness in Hungary and Some Comparative Remarks. Could an Increasing Level of Rights Consciousness Challenge the Autocratic Tradition? 匈牙利的权利意识及其比较评述。日益增强的权利意识能否挑战专制传统?
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-28 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10066
B. Fekete, A. Bartha, Gyorgy Gajduschek, Fruzsina Gulya
This article addresses the issue of rights consciousness in the context of the Hungarian legal culture. The paper first elaborates the theoretical and conceptual framework, then it describes the research design used for the empirical investigation. The empirical section of the article presents the findings about the Hungarian empirical analysis on rights consciousness with some comparative remarks, and then it reflects on the historically shaped socio-legal embeddedness of rights consciousness patterns in Hungary. In conclusion, the paper points out that the apparent broadening of rights consciousness as a normative pattern may counterbalance the widespread legal alienation rooted in the state Socialist past. Whether this transformation may mitigate the recent autocratic power aspirations is still an open question.
本文论述了匈牙利法律文化背景下的权利意识问题。本文首先阐述了理论框架和概念框架,然后描述了实证研究的研究设计。文章的实证部分介绍了匈牙利对权利意识的实证分析结果,并进行了一些比较评论,然后反思了匈牙利权利意识模式在历史上形成的社会法律嵌入性。最后,本文指出,作为一种规范模式,权利意识的明显扩大可能会抵消植根于过去国家社会主义的广泛的法律异化。这种转变是否会减轻最近的专制权力愿望仍然是一个悬而未决的问题。
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引用次数: 2
Backsliding into Judicial Oligarchy? The Cautionary Tale of Georgia’s Failed Judicial Reforms, Informal Judicial Networks and Limited Access to Leadership Positions 退回到司法寡头?格鲁吉亚失败的司法改革、非正式的司法网络和获得领导职位的机会有限的警示故事
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-28 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10067
N. Tsereteli
This article investigates the formal and informal factors behind the persistence of judicial oligarchies in post-communist countries despite large-scale reforms. This case study on Georgia reveals that formal positions of power in these judiciaries can be monopolized by a close-knit group, with a handful of influential judges (i.e. judicial oligarchs) at the top of its hierarchical structure. Drawing on in-depth interviews with sitting as well as former judges and other stakeholders of reform processes, the article attributes the failure to dismantle the rule of judicial oligarchs at least partly to legislative flaws and loopholes. More importantly, it warns about the reliance of judicial oligarchs on informal rules and practices to undermine formal rules and procedures meant to facilitate the meaningful participation of all judges in governing the judiciary. It uncovers informal mechanisms allowing the network of powerful judges to suppress the emergence of competing judicial networks and cement itself into leadership positions. Finally, the article reflects on the implications of these findings for designing and implementing judicial reforms in Georgia and beyond.
本文考察了后共产主义国家尽管进行了大规模改革,但司法寡头政治持续存在的正式和非正式因素。对格鲁吉亚的案例研究表明,这些司法机构的正式权力职位可能被一个关系密切的集团垄断,少数有影响力的法官(即司法寡头)处于其等级结构的顶端。通过对现任和前任法官以及改革进程的其他利益相关者的深入采访,文章将未能解除司法寡头统治的原因至少部分归咎于立法缺陷和漏洞。更重要的是,报告警告说,司法寡头依赖非正式规则和做法,破坏旨在促进所有法官有意义地参与管理司法的正式规则和程序。它揭示了非正式的机制,允许强大的法官网络压制竞争性司法网络的出现,并巩固自己的领导地位。最后,本文反映了这些发现对格鲁吉亚及其他地区设计和实施司法改革的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Russian Approach to the Permissibility of Examining Jurors in the Light of Foreign Law: Reflecting on the Arguments of the Russian Constitutional Court 外国法律视野下的俄罗斯陪审员可容性探析——对俄罗斯宪法法院论据的反思
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-28 DOI: 10.1163/15730352-bja10065
A. Chirninov
This article examines the landmark Aliev case decided by the Russian Constitutional Court in 2020. In this case, the Constitutional Court was expected to determine whether jurors must be prohibited from testifying about the outside influence they were subjected to during deliberation. The paper discusses what is right and wrong with the Constitutional Court’s judgment and assesses the quality of its argumentation. The paper explores how the Constitutional Court’s approach compares and contrasts with other countries’ approaches and briefly outlines the structure of legislative reforms that need to be undertaken in Russia in the light of foreign experience. Overall, the author concludes that the integrity of jurors in Russia should be protected not by enabling jurors to testify at their discretion but by strengthening their legal immunity, which will strike an optimal balance between competing constitutional values.
本文考察了2020年俄罗斯宪法法院判决的具有里程碑意义的阿利耶夫案。在这一案件中,预计宪法法院将决定是否必须禁止陪审员就他们在审议期间受到的外部影响作证。本文讨论了宪法法院判决的对与错,并对其论证的质量进行了评价。本文探讨了宪法法院的做法如何与其他国家的做法进行比较和对比,并根据外国经验简要概述了俄罗斯需要进行的立法改革结构。总的来说,作者的结论是,保护俄罗斯陪审员的廉正不应通过使陪审员能够自行作证,而应通过加强他们的法律豁免权,这将在相互竞争的宪法价值之间取得最佳平衡。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Review of Central and East European Law
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