Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135832
P. Trivedi, S. Singh
What explains the success of the Bhartiya Janta Party in the 18th Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha election? Hindutva gets the due credit but the socio-political dynamics beneath Hindutva is often sidelined in political discussions. What makes Hindutva appealing? Is Hindutva a fixed ideology or an ever-evolving one? How does Hindutva correspond with the lived realities of people? How does Hindutva plug the alternative discourse of Social Justice? How does Hindutva redefine Dalit politics? While exploring these questions, the article seeks to shift the discourse from the site of culture-identity-ideology to the site of social and political-economic changes. While tracking the trajectory and nature of Hindutva politics, the article also indicates some of the trends that emerged during this election. Based on qualitative data, the article argues that it was essentially the dynamic nature of Hindutva that outwitted social justice politics.
{"title":"What Lies Beneath the Successes of Hindutva: Reading the Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections 2022","authors":"P. Trivedi, S. Singh","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135832","url":null,"abstract":"What explains the success of the Bhartiya Janta Party in the 18th Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha election? Hindutva gets the due credit but the socio-political dynamics beneath Hindutva is often sidelined in political discussions. What makes Hindutva appealing? Is Hindutva a fixed ideology or an ever-evolving one? How does Hindutva correspond with the lived realities of people? How does Hindutva plug the alternative discourse of Social Justice? How does Hindutva redefine Dalit politics? While exploring these questions, the article seeks to shift the discourse from the site of culture-identity-ideology to the site of social and political-economic changes. While tracking the trajectory and nature of Hindutva politics, the article also indicates some of the trends that emerged during this election. Based on qualitative data, the article argues that it was essentially the dynamic nature of Hindutva that outwitted social justice politics.","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"214 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45118744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135814
Janaki Srinivasan
‘But what about the four elements?’ For the past few years that I have been teaching the introductory course on political theory at the master’s level, at least a few students have worriedly posed this question while we were on the topic of the state. While this response reflects the hold of the standard guide-book level one-true definition of the state on a typical political science student in India, it also is an indication that some of my experiments with in teaching political theory were in the required direction. Their limitations need to be acknowledged at the outset. They are limitations of my own capacities, as reflected in varying success levels, and of those imposed by an institutional structure that does not allow for much autonomy or innovation in course structures and evaluation formats as is the case with most higher education institutions in the country. The standard definition of the state (as an institution characterized by sovereignty, population, territory and government), and of other concepts as (un)digested by students at the undergraduate level, is integral to creating an allergy towards theory, a feature one is most likely to find among students entering a postgraduate political science course, with the exception of those with undergraduate degrees from a few select universities and colleges. While the University Grants Commission (UGC) developed a master syllabus for undergraduate programmes as part of its push towards the Choice Based Credit System (CBCS) in 2015, these have not been adopted outside of the central university network.2 Even as this model syllabus does retain the problems discussed in the following sections, the prior education in theory among a majority of students necessitates a curriculum design for the postgraduate courses that can both debrief and introduce the subject before venturing into any in-depth examination of the field. With the new National Education Policy (NEP) incorporating CBCS and expanding its scope to facilitate inter-university transfer of credits, it is important to address concerns about the implications of uniformity
{"title":"Teaching the State in Political Theory: Notes Towards an Alternative Framework","authors":"Janaki Srinivasan","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135814","url":null,"abstract":"‘But what about the four elements?’ For the past few years that I have been teaching the introductory course on political theory at the master’s level, at least a few students have worriedly posed this question while we were on the topic of the state. While this response reflects the hold of the standard guide-book level one-true definition of the state on a typical political science student in India, it also is an indication that some of my experiments with in teaching political theory were in the required direction. Their limitations need to be acknowledged at the outset. They are limitations of my own capacities, as reflected in varying success levels, and of those imposed by an institutional structure that does not allow for much autonomy or innovation in course structures and evaluation formats as is the case with most higher education institutions in the country. The standard definition of the state (as an institution characterized by sovereignty, population, territory and government), and of other concepts as (un)digested by students at the undergraduate level, is integral to creating an allergy towards theory, a feature one is most likely to find among students entering a postgraduate political science course, with the exception of those with undergraduate degrees from a few select universities and colleges. While the University Grants Commission (UGC) developed a master syllabus for undergraduate programmes as part of its push towards the Choice Based Credit System (CBCS) in 2015, these have not been adopted outside of the central university network.2 Even as this model syllabus does retain the problems discussed in the following sections, the prior education in theory among a majority of students necessitates a curriculum design for the postgraduate courses that can both debrief and introduce the subject before venturing into any in-depth examination of the field. With the new National Education Policy (NEP) incorporating CBCS and expanding its scope to facilitate inter-university transfer of credits, it is important to address concerns about the implications of uniformity","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"275 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46276133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221139933
Suhas Palshikar
{"title":"Editorial Note","authors":"Suhas Palshikar","doi":"10.1177/23210230221139933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221139933","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"163 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48863884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135834
A. Oak
This article traces an intricate relationship between Mahatma Gandhi’s call for Civil Disobedience (1930–1933) and the global economic slump of the 1920s experienced by Britain and colonial India. I argue that the economic hardships faced by Indians (particularly the peasant classes) forced Gandhi to revisit his sociopolitical approach to India’s nationalist movement. Despite the chronological overlap of the Great Depression (1929–1931) with Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–1933), the relation between these two major events has not been adequately explored in recent scholarship. I propose to contextualize the changes in Gandhi’s economic ideas and political strategy (often against contending ideological trends) leading to his defence of Indian peasant interests during the Gandhi–Irwin Pact and the Second Round Table Conference. Gandhi’s increasing awareness of the economic crises and Britain’s severe opposition to granting financial autonomy to India pushed Gandhi in the direction of charting a new path for economic self-reliance. This, I suggest, resulted in his nation-wide popular movement for reviving the Indian village economy in the form of the ‘Constructive Programme’ (1934–1948) in subsequent years.
{"title":"Saving Indian Villages: British Empire, the Great Depression and Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement","authors":"A. Oak","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135834","url":null,"abstract":"This article traces an intricate relationship between Mahatma Gandhi’s call for Civil Disobedience (1930–1933) and the global economic slump of the 1920s experienced by Britain and colonial India. I argue that the economic hardships faced by Indians (particularly the peasant classes) forced Gandhi to revisit his sociopolitical approach to India’s nationalist movement. Despite the chronological overlap of the Great Depression (1929–1931) with Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement (1930–1933), the relation between these two major events has not been adequately explored in recent scholarship. I propose to contextualize the changes in Gandhi’s economic ideas and political strategy (often against contending ideological trends) leading to his defence of Indian peasant interests during the Gandhi–Irwin Pact and the Second Round Table Conference. Gandhi’s increasing awareness of the economic crises and Britain’s severe opposition to granting financial autonomy to India pushed Gandhi in the direction of charting a new path for economic self-reliance. This, I suggest, resulted in his nation-wide popular movement for reviving the Indian village economy in the form of the ‘Constructive Programme’ (1934–1948) in subsequent years.","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"227 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42424844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135822
Max Kramer
We begin with a problem.2 It is something that pressures us to arrive at questions, methods, and concepts. The problem that I have been dealing with for some years now is how filmmakers make sense of audiovisual testimony in zones of conflict, in non-identitarian ways.3 ‘Making sense’ refers to the film form as it engages with a sensorium in which feelings can be created and negotiated. In saying ‘identitarian’, I speak of the ways that conflict parties apply fixed categories of cultural identity to archived, readymade facts (Udupa, 2016), in the sensorial field of what media scholar Ravi Sundaram calls a ‘crisis machine’ (Sundaram, 2020). This crisis machine circulates testimonial images as political stimuli from one media-event to the next. In doing so, it enables affective energies to be appropriated by the Hindu right. The crisis machine refers to synergies between a new phase of Hindu nationalist dominance in the media-sphere and dispersed post-Fordism (to borrow a term from Pothik Ghosh4), the current form of capitalism that fragments time-space and subjectivities while drawing on the cognitive and affective capabilities of human beings. In fact, the term identitarian does not have much to do with the theories and practices that go under the name of identity politics (see the debate in Bohrer [2019], Dean [1996], Haider [2018] and Táíwò [2022]). The identitarian capture works in the service of moral outrage and is most effectively mobilized from the far right in what are called information wars. The fallout is that egalitarian forms of political belonging become increasingly difficult to feel and articulate. My research focuses on practices of witnessing at work in the form of documentary film in zones of intractable conflicts (Bar-Tal, 2013). In these zones, dynamics of identitarian capture become exacerbated by a politics of victimhood (Bar-Tal, 2013; Datta, 2020) and also by the hypervisibility of a set number of tropes through which conflict zones are imagined. Within dispersed Post-Fordism human interactions
{"title":"Beyond the Identitarian Deadlock: Why Mobile Methods Are Useful for Studying Media in Zones of Conflict","authors":"Max Kramer","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135822","url":null,"abstract":"We begin with a problem.2 It is something that pressures us to arrive at questions, methods, and concepts. The problem that I have been dealing with for some years now is how filmmakers make sense of audiovisual testimony in zones of conflict, in non-identitarian ways.3 ‘Making sense’ refers to the film form as it engages with a sensorium in which feelings can be created and negotiated. In saying ‘identitarian’, I speak of the ways that conflict parties apply fixed categories of cultural identity to archived, readymade facts (Udupa, 2016), in the sensorial field of what media scholar Ravi Sundaram calls a ‘crisis machine’ (Sundaram, 2020). This crisis machine circulates testimonial images as political stimuli from one media-event to the next. In doing so, it enables affective energies to be appropriated by the Hindu right. The crisis machine refers to synergies between a new phase of Hindu nationalist dominance in the media-sphere and dispersed post-Fordism (to borrow a term from Pothik Ghosh4), the current form of capitalism that fragments time-space and subjectivities while drawing on the cognitive and affective capabilities of human beings. In fact, the term identitarian does not have much to do with the theories and practices that go under the name of identity politics (see the debate in Bohrer [2019], Dean [1996], Haider [2018] and Táíwò [2022]). The identitarian capture works in the service of moral outrage and is most effectively mobilized from the far right in what are called information wars. The fallout is that egalitarian forms of political belonging become increasingly difficult to feel and articulate. My research focuses on practices of witnessing at work in the form of documentary film in zones of intractable conflicts (Bar-Tal, 2013). In these zones, dynamics of identitarian capture become exacerbated by a politics of victimhood (Bar-Tal, 2013; Datta, 2020) and also by the hypervisibility of a set number of tropes through which conflict zones are imagined. Within dispersed Post-Fordism human interactions","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"289 - 297"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43052934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135839
Aryama Ghosh
The colonial masters classified Indian subjects according to animalistic iconographies of rebel tiger or docile elephant. Even prior to the colonial imaginings, orientalist gaze associated elephant with the Indian geographical imagery. After decolonization, due to circumstantial necessities India, one of the biggest elephant suppliers to Europe, started to gift elephants to war-stricken zoos not as merchandize but as envoys of peace and goodwill. This subverted the long tradition of environmental domination. This article argues that Nehru’s elephant gift diplomacy utilized the long-standing orientalist iconography to practise India’s soft power. Apart from that he successfully incorporated a colonial icon and rebranded it as nation’s diplomatic emblem.
{"title":"Nehru’s Elephant Envoys: Animal Modernity, Orientalist Gaze and India’s Soft Power","authors":"Aryama Ghosh","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135839","url":null,"abstract":"The colonial masters classified Indian subjects according to animalistic iconographies of rebel tiger or docile elephant. Even prior to the colonial imaginings, orientalist gaze associated elephant with the Indian geographical imagery. After decolonization, due to circumstantial necessities India, one of the biggest elephant suppliers to Europe, started to gift elephants to war-stricken zoos not as merchandize but as envoys of peace and goodwill. This subverted the long tradition of environmental domination. This article argues that Nehru’s elephant gift diplomacy utilized the long-standing orientalist iconography to practise India’s soft power. Apart from that he successfully incorporated a colonial icon and rebranded it as nation’s diplomatic emblem.","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"242 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43422688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135825
Partha Chatterjee
This article traces the separate trajectories of the Indian state and the Indian nation since independence. The state machinery, largely inherited from colonial times, retained its imperial character, which facilitated the integration of the princely states. The negotiated transfer of power also created the myth that the state was prior to the nation whose sovereign people gave itself a new constitution. The Indian nation, on the other hand, was imagined differently in each regional language. Thus, while there was certainly the concept of an Indian nation, it looked different from each linguistic perspective. Further, the idea of the Indian nation was also contested in each region. This article surveys the political process by which these two trajectories were sought to be united, first in the period of Congress dominance until 1967, then under the authoritarian leadership of Indira Gandhi, followed by the relative loosening of the federal structure in the 1990s, and culminating in the present attempt to impose the Hindu majoritarian conception of the nation, nurtured in particular in the Hindi language, on the Indian nation state. Looking at the forces that oppose this hegemonic attempt, the article argues that only a genuinely federal conception of the nation in which each part is given equal respect can effectively challenge Hindutva hegemony.
{"title":"State and Nation: Shall the Twain Ever Meet?","authors":"Partha Chatterjee","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135825","url":null,"abstract":"This article traces the separate trajectories of the Indian state and the Indian nation since independence. The state machinery, largely inherited from colonial times, retained its imperial character, which facilitated the integration of the princely states. The negotiated transfer of power also created the myth that the state was prior to the nation whose sovereign people gave itself a new constitution. The Indian nation, on the other hand, was imagined differently in each regional language. Thus, while there was certainly the concept of an Indian nation, it looked different from each linguistic perspective. Further, the idea of the Indian nation was also contested in each region. This article surveys the political process by which these two trajectories were sought to be united, first in the period of Congress dominance until 1967, then under the authoritarian leadership of Indira Gandhi, followed by the relative loosening of the federal structure in the 1990s, and culminating in the present attempt to impose the Hindu majoritarian conception of the nation, nurtured in particular in the Hindi language, on the Indian nation state. Looking at the forces that oppose this hegemonic attempt, the article argues that only a genuinely federal conception of the nation in which each part is given equal respect can effectively challenge Hindutva hegemony.","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"164 - 175"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41906196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135830
Sudhir Kumar Suthar, Shailza Singh
Globally, it is in the recent past that the concerns for pedagogy in international relations (IR) have gained a new momentum despite the study of the discipline being more than a century old. Teaching–learning IR in India is also in an urgent need of one. Recently, much attention is drawn towards the necessity of greater theoretical rigour in Indian scholarship on IR to match global standards and her increasing visibility as an emerging power on the global scene (Paul, 2017). While the appeal of IR as a discipline is increasing among students at the undergraduate, post-graduate and research levels, evolving a robust pedagogy that encapsulates the relevance of the discipline to students from the vantage point of this part of the world is a challenge that teachers imparting knowledge about IR in India constantly struggle with. For long, the syllabi at the undergraduate level in various universities across the country did not touch upon the theoretical aspects at all (Bajpai & Mallavarappu, 2005), confining the focus to Cold War history and foreign policy. Introduction to theories and theoretical engagement with problems and issues in IR only took place at the post-graduate level in universities such as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), University of Delhi (DU)3, Jadavpur University and in South Asian University (SAU) in the recent past. While JNU has an entire school dedicated to the study of IR (including programmes on area studies, international economy and trade), DU offered only a couple of papers in the master’s programme as subdiscipline of political science. The SAU also has a department dedicated to IR. With successive syllabus revision exercises in DU, the IR courses have been invested with rich theoretical content, and also the number of papers associated with relevant themes in IR has been significantly increased. However, the pedagogical concerns still loom large. How to navigate through the challenge of not making the discipline look like something which makes more sense from a Western lens only, where concerns that affect the post-colonial/global south/developing countries/non-Western countries, either Teaching–Learning Politics in India
{"title":"Teaching International Relations in Indian Universities: Issues and Challenges","authors":"Sudhir Kumar Suthar, Shailza Singh","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135830","url":null,"abstract":"Globally, it is in the recent past that the concerns for pedagogy in international relations (IR) have gained a new momentum despite the study of the discipline being more than a century old. Teaching–learning IR in India is also in an urgent need of one. Recently, much attention is drawn towards the necessity of greater theoretical rigour in Indian scholarship on IR to match global standards and her increasing visibility as an emerging power on the global scene (Paul, 2017). While the appeal of IR as a discipline is increasing among students at the undergraduate, post-graduate and research levels, evolving a robust pedagogy that encapsulates the relevance of the discipline to students from the vantage point of this part of the world is a challenge that teachers imparting knowledge about IR in India constantly struggle with. For long, the syllabi at the undergraduate level in various universities across the country did not touch upon the theoretical aspects at all (Bajpai & Mallavarappu, 2005), confining the focus to Cold War history and foreign policy. Introduction to theories and theoretical engagement with problems and issues in IR only took place at the post-graduate level in universities such as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), University of Delhi (DU)3, Jadavpur University and in South Asian University (SAU) in the recent past. While JNU has an entire school dedicated to the study of IR (including programmes on area studies, international economy and trade), DU offered only a couple of papers in the master’s programme as subdiscipline of political science. The SAU also has a department dedicated to IR. With successive syllabus revision exercises in DU, the IR courses have been invested with rich theoretical content, and also the number of papers associated with relevant themes in IR has been significantly increased. However, the pedagogical concerns still loom large. How to navigate through the challenge of not making the discipline look like something which makes more sense from a Western lens only, where concerns that affect the post-colonial/global south/developing countries/non-Western countries, either Teaching–Learning Politics in India","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"283 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47014344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Akhil Ranjan Dutta, Hindutva Regime in Assam: Saffron in the Rainbow and Nani Gopal Mahanta, Citizenship Debate over NRC & CAA: Assam and the Politics of History","authors":"Papia Sengupta","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135819","url":null,"abstract":"Akhil Ranjan Dutta, Hindutva Regime in Assam: Saffron in the Rainbow. SAGE Publications. 2021. 329 pages. ₹1295. ISBN: 9789391370411. Nani Gopal Mahanta, Citizenship Debate over NRC & CAA: Assam and the Politics of History. SAGE Publications. 2021. 326 pages. ₹1395. ISBN: 9789391370299.","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"298 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47318549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Koushiki Dasgupta, Sadhus in Indian Politics: Dynamics of Hindutva","authors":"Shashank Chaturvedi","doi":"10.1177/23210230221135824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23210230221135824","url":null,"abstract":"Koushiki Dasgupta, Sadhus in Indian Politics: Dynamics of Hindutva. New Delhi: SAGE Publications. 2021. 284 pages. ₹847. ISBN: 9789391370961.","PeriodicalId":42918,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Indian Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":"300 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47689576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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