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Book review: Amit Ahuja and Devesh Kapur (Eds), Internal Security in India: Violence, Order and the State 书评:Amit Ahuja 和 Devesh Kapur(编著),《印度的国内安全》:暴力、秩序与国家
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203804
Sharmila Purkayastha
Amit Ahuja and Devesh Kapur (Eds), Internal Security in India: Violence, Order and the State. New York: Oxford University Press, 2023, 393 pp., ₹525.
Amit Ahuja和Devesh Kapur主编,《印度的内部安全:暴力、秩序和国家》。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2023,393页,525卢比。
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引用次数: 0
Media Exposure and Vote Choice in India, 1996–2019 1996-2019 年印度的媒体曝光与投票选择
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203795
Shreyas Sardesai
This article examines the relationship between media consumption and voting choices in India in the context of increasing exposure to media, both traditional and new. Using media exposure-related data from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies’ (CSDS) national election surveys since 1996, it makes a few key assertions. Historically, there has been a positive relationship between traditional news media exposure and voting for the BJP, i.e., the greater the voters’ TV and newspaper consumption, the higher their support for the BJP. With respect to the Congress party, the tendency has generally been the opposite. This pattern now extends to social media exposure as well. However, this impact of media exposure on voting preferences that’s visible at the broad level weakens considerably when slicing the data further by socio-demographic factors. It has been found that the trend of the BJP’s vote share rising with increasing exposure to media is not consistent across the categories of age, education, and caste during many elections. If there is one election, however, that bucked this trend, it was the 2014 Lok Sabha election. The article argues that the BJP was successful in recognizing this and capitalized on it through an extensive media and communications campaign in 2014.
本文检视印度媒体消费与投票选择之间的关系,背景是传统与新媒体的曝光不断增加。利用发展中社会研究中心(CSDS)自1996年以来的全国选举调查中与媒体曝光相关的数据,该报告得出了一些关键结论。从历史上看,传统新闻媒体曝光与对人民党的投票之间存在正相关关系,即选民的电视和报纸消费越多,他们对人民党的支持就越高。对于国大党来说,趋势总体上是相反的。这种模式现在也延伸到了社交媒体上。然而,媒体曝光对投票偏好的影响在广泛层面上是可见的,当通过社会人口因素进一步细分数据时,这种影响会大大减弱。人们发现,在许多选举中,人民党的选票份额随着媒体曝光率的增加而上升的趋势,在年龄、教育和种姓类别中并不一致。然而,如果说有一次选举逆转了这一趋势,那就是2014年的人民院选举。文章认为,人民党成功地认识到了这一点,并在2014年通过广泛的媒体和沟通活动利用了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Teaching International Relations Through Films 通过电影教授国际关系
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203789
Rajdeep Pakanati
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Atul Mishra, The Sovereign Lives of India and Pakistan: Post-partition Statehood in South Asia 书评:Atul Mishra,《印度和巴基斯坦的主权生活》:南亚分裂后的国家地位
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203794
Robert Mizo
Atul Mishra, The Sovereign Lives of India and Pakistan: Post-partition Statehood in South Asia. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2021, 300 pp., ₹1,495.
阿图尔·米什拉:《印度和巴基斯坦的主权生活:南亚分治后的国家地位》新德里:牛津大学出版社,2021年,300页,1495卢比。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Mayur R. Suresh, Terror Trials: Life and Law in Delhi Courts 书评:Mayur R. Suresh,《恐怖审判》:德里法院的生活与法律
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231204673
Sakshi Rai
Mayur R. Suresh, Terror Trials: Life and Law in Delhi Courts. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2023, 272 pages, ₹1,135.
Mayur R. Suresh,恐怖审判:德里法院的生活和法律。海德拉巴:东方黑天鹅,2023年,272页,1135卢比。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Vasanthi Srinivasan, Virtue and Human Ends: Political Ideas From Indian Classics 书评:瓦桑蒂-斯里尼瓦桑,《美德与人类目的:印度经典中的政治思想
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203872
Priyanka Jha
Vasanthi Srinivasan, Virtue and Human Ends: Political Ideas From Indian Classics. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2021, 202 pages, ₹685.
《美德与人类目的:来自印度经典的政治思想》。海德拉巴:《东方黑天鹅》,2021年,202页,685卢比。
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引用次数: 0
Dewan Chaman Lall: From Trade Unions to the Indian Union, 1946–1966 德万-查曼-拉尔从工会到印度联邦,1946-1966 年
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203771
R. Ankit
This article is about the afterlife of Dewan Chaman Lall’s interwar internationalism. Exploring the trajectory of his public career from 1946, it shows how Lall, an Oxford-educated trade unionist, and an ally of India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, took a nationalist turn in his later political interventions on/after (a) Partition of British India, (b) the dispute on the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, and (c) on the government of India’s worsening border relations with the People’s Republic of China. Simultaneously, his understandings on issues like press freedom/official secrets, evacuee property exchange/sale, Sikh linguistic autonomy and labour/capital equation turned status quo-ist. By putting together his contributions on these national questions and juxtaposing them vis-à-vis his earlier avatar, this article also signifies the shift that took place in the perspectives of those who, like Lall, hitherto enveloped by empire, emerged in nation-statehood post-1945.
这篇文章是关于德万·查曼·拉尔的两次世界大战之间的国际主义的来世。本书探讨了拉尔自1946年以来的政治生涯轨迹,展示了这位毕业于牛津大学的工会会员、印度首任总理贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁(Jawaharlal Nehru)的盟友,是如何在随后的政治干预中转向民族主义的:(a)英属印度分治,(b)关于查谟和克什米尔土邦的争端,以及(c)印度政府与中华人民共和国日益恶化的边境关系。同时,他对新闻自由/官方机密、撤离者财产交换/出售、锡克教语言自治和劳动力/资本等式等问题的理解变成了现状主义。通过将他对这些国家问题的贡献放在一起,并将其与-à-vis他早期的化身并置,这篇文章也表明了那些像拉尔一样,迄今为止被帝国包围的人的观点发生了转变,1945年后出现了民族国家。
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引用次数: 0
The Shifting Trajectories of Hindutva: Bharat Sevashram Sangha and the Making of a Saffron Wave in Contemporary West Bengal 印度教的变迁轨迹:印度教僧侣协会与当代西孟加拉邦藏红花浪潮的形成
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203769
Koushiki Dasgupta
This article strives to explore the ways in which the politics of Hindutva, as represented by the Sangh Parivar, permeated new organizational and ideological spaces in Bengal following the Lok Sabha election of 2014. The article specifically delves into the case of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha, a significant Hindu spiritual and philanthropic entity in Bengal. The Bharat Sevashram Sangha and the Sangh-Parivar represent distinct but interconnected manifestations of the broader Hindutva ideology. With a focus on the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s position on the configuration of Hindutva, this article revolves around deciphering the intricate interplay between religion and politics within the context of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s engagement with the Hindu right-wing organizations. Moreover, the article seeks to unveil how the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s spiritual and cultural visions converged with a strategic political consciousness and potentially paved the way for the emergence of new opportunities for right-wing political forces within the state.
本文试图探讨2014年人民院选举后,以Sangh Parivar为代表的印度教政治是如何渗透到孟加拉新的组织和意识形态空间的。这篇文章特别深入研究了Bharat Sevashram Sangha的案例,这是孟加拉邦一个重要的印度教精神和慈善实体。Bharat Sevashram Sangha和Sangh-Parivar代表了更广泛的印度教意识形态的不同但相互关联的表现。这篇文章将重点放在Bharat Sevashram Sangha对Hindutva配置的立场上,围绕着在Bharat Sevashram Sangha与印度教右翼组织接触的背景下,解读宗教与政治之间错综复杂的相互作用。此外,这篇文章试图揭示Bharat Sevashram Sangha的精神和文化愿景是如何与战略政治意识融合在一起的,并有可能为印度右翼政治力量的出现铺平道路。
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引用次数: 0
Caste, Class and Vote: Consolidation of the Privileged and Dispersal of Underprivileged 种姓、阶级和选票:特权阶层的整合与弱势群体的分散
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203792
Suhas Palshikar, Jyoti Mishra
This article attempts to examine the combined impact of caste and class on voting choices. By using data from National Election Studies conducted by Lokniti from 1996 to 2019, the article seeks to situate the findings in the larger temporal frame of a quarter of a century. This allows us to also examine if changing patterns of party competition affect the impact of caste–class combined. The article argues that two patterns emerge: one is the consolidation of the more privileged social sections in terms of class and caste and the other is the dispersal of the less privileged. The latter, by virtue of their political dispersal, are unable to shape as a political force in both electoral politics and in agenda setting. This finding is partly an extension of the earlier findings that politics of backward castes hit a dead-end and politics of the poor never emerged as an all-India political alternative. Together with the earlier experience, the findings in this article throw light on the limits of democratization and on the prospects of politics of the less privileged sections across the country.
本文试图考察种姓和阶级对投票选择的综合影响。通过使用洛尼尼从1996年到2019年进行的全国选举研究的数据,这篇文章试图将这些发现置于四分之一个世纪的更大时间框架内。这也使我们能够检查政党竞争模式的变化是否会影响种姓阶级组合的影响。文章认为,出现了两种模式:一种是在阶级和种姓方面更有特权的社会阶层的巩固,另一种是较少特权的分散。后者由于政治上的分散,无法在选举政治和议程制定方面形成政治力量。这一发现在一定程度上延伸了先前的发现,即落后种姓的政治陷入了死胡同,穷人的政治从未成为全印度的政治选择。结合先前的经验,本文的调查结果阐明了民主化的局限性以及全国各地较不享有特权的阶层的政治前景。
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引用次数: 0
Comparative Assessments of Indian Democracy 印度民主的比较评估
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231166182
Dishil Shrimankar
In this short note, I wish to underline some of the issues relating to teaching Indian democracy in a comparative perspective. I will underline my own experiences of teaching Indian democracy to a largely Western audience in the United Kingdom. I have been employed, first as a teaching fellow, then as a postdoctoral research fellow and finally as a lecturer in several different British universities. The core substantive part of my teaching has been to teach courses on Indian democracy to undergraduate students. I have taught the Indian experience with democracy as part of a larger course on democratic development to firstand second-year undergraduate students. However, the bulk of my teaching on Indian democracy has been as a specialist third-year course on Indian democracy and Indian politics. In all the classes I have taught on Indian democracy, the main aim has been to understand how India’s experiences inform, and revises, major theories of comparative politics, be it democratic consolidation, economic development, or political violence. At the same time, I have attempted to debunk the picture of Indian citizens and its voters as non-strategic, irrational agents. Finally, in this note, I will also underline how Indian democracy and its politics are very good examples of teaching several research design elements. In this note, I will pick different examples from my own teaching of Indian democracy to underline how Indian politics and its democracy challenges some of the core theories in comparative politics. I will also highlight why India’s exceptionalism is not down to non-strategic, irrational voters and how all this helps drive through several important research design themes.
在这篇简短的文章中,我想强调从比较的角度教授印度民主的一些问题。我将强调我自己在英国向西方观众讲授印度民主的经历。我曾在几所不同的英国大学担任过讲师,先是助教,然后是博士后研究员,最后是讲师。我教学的核心内容是给本科生讲授印度民主的课程。我曾将印度的民主经历作为一门关于民主发展的大型课程的一部分教授给一年级二年级的本科生。然而,我在印度民主方面的大部分教学都是作为印度民主和印度政治的专业三年级课程。在我所教授的所有关于印度民主的课程中,主要目的是了解印度的经验如何影响和修正比较政治的主要理论,无论是民主巩固、经济发展还是政治暴力。与此同时,我试图揭穿印度公民及其选民作为非战略性、非理性代理人的形象。最后,在这篇文章中,我还将强调印度的民主及其政治如何成为教授几个研究设计元素的很好的例子。在这篇文章中,我将从我自己教授的印度民主中挑选不同的例子,来强调印度政治及其民主如何挑战比较政治学中的一些核心理论。我还将强调,为什么印度的例外论并非归结于非战略性的、非理性的选民,以及这一切如何有助于推动几个重要的研究设计主题。
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Studies in Indian Politics
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