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Book review: Nazima Parveen, Contested Homelands: Politics of Space and Identity 书评:纳齐玛-帕尔文,《有争议的家园》:空间与身份政治
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231204671
Shruti A. Dubey
Nazima Parveen, Contested Homelands: Politics of Space and Identity. New Delhi: Bloomsbury, 2021, 311 pages, ₹1,299.
《有争议的国土:空间与身份的政治》,Nazima Parveen著。新德里:布卢姆斯伯里出版社,2021,311页,1299卢比。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Ideology in Indian Politics: Why Do Elite and Mass Politics Differ? 印度政治中的经济意识形态:精英政治与大众政治为何不同?
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231209450
Rahul Verma, Pradeep K. Chhibber
A long line of scholarship has argued that ideological division structures party politics in many parts of the world. In India, however, there is a long-held consensus that the parties do not sort themselves ideologically, especially regarding economic policymaking. The paper analyses National Election Studies data between 1996 and 2019 by Lokniti-CSDS, and shows that voters cluster around the centre-left position on economic issues. Nevertheless, there are discernible ideological differences among the party members. The Bhartiya Janata Party members are more likely to favour privatisation, and members of Left parties prefer labour rights. These ideological differences are also evident in our analysis of the manifestos of political parties since 1952 and an expert survey conducted in 2022. We argue that these elite differences in economic policy do not translate into mass politics because all political parties present the State as the solution to economic deprivation. The rise of welfare populism in Indian politics in the past two decades, we suggest, is a result of centralisation within political parties in which the welfare promises are directly linked to the party leaders.
许多学者认为,意识形态的分歧构成了世界上许多地方的政党政治。然而,在印度,有一个长期的共识,即各政党不会在意识形态上对自己进行分类,尤其是在经济政策制定方面。该论文分析了Lokniti-CSDS在1996年至2019年期间的全国选举研究数据,并表明选民在经济问题上聚集在中左翼立场。然而,党员之间存在着明显的意识形态差异。印度人民党(Bhartiya Janata Party)的成员更倾向于私有化,而左翼政党的成员更倾向于劳工权利。在我们对1952年以来各政党宣言的分析和2022年进行的一项专家调查中,这些意识形态差异也很明显。我们认为,这些精英阶层在经济政策上的差异不会转化为大众政治,因为所有政党都把国家说成是解决经济剥夺的办法。我们认为,过去二十年来印度政治中福利民粹主义的兴起是政党内部集权的结果,在这些政党中,福利承诺直接与政党领导人联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Kishalay Bhattacharjee, Where the Madness Lies: Citizen Accounts of Identity and Nationalism 书评:Kishalay Bhattacharjee, Where the Madness Lies:公民对身份认同和民族主义的叙述
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203793
Jigyasa Sogarwal
Kishalay Bhattacharjee, Where the Madness Lies: Citizen Accounts of Identity and Nationalism. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2023, 287 pages, ₹950.
基沙莱·巴塔查尔吉:《疯狂在哪里:公民对身份和民族主义的描述》新德里:东方黑天鹅出版社,2023年,287页,950卢比。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial Note 编辑说明
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231205899
Suhas Palshikar
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引用次数: 0
The Urban Voter: Emerging Trend and Changing Pattern 城市选民:新趋势和不断变化的模式
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203797
Sanjay Kumar
The recent phenomenon of growing urbanization in India has shifted the focus from rural vote to urban vote in electoral politics. The discussion on urban politics and urban vote revolves largely around two issues—first the issue of turnout and second, a somewhat different political choice among the urban voters compared to the rural voters. The two issues have been highlighted by the fact that urban constituencies have registered lower turnout compared to the turnout in rural constituencies. Among the former, the constituencies of big metropolitan cities register much lower turnout compared to the constituencies of small and medium towns. Results of various elections in the past indicate that the backbone of electoral support of the BJP during the late 1990s is its strong support among the urban voters. The BJP’s strong support base among the urban voters enabled it to emerge as the single largest party in the Lok Sabha during the 1998 and 1999 Lok Sabha elections enabling it to form a coalition government along with other regional parties. This article tries to seek answers to the question, why do we see this distinct difference in voting patterns among rural and urban voters, especially till 2009 Lok Sabha elections, though it has changed somewhat during the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections? Is it because the rural India and Urban India represent two different kinds of voters, or is it because the issues and concerns of rural and urban voters are vastly different from each other which make them vote differently?
近年来,随着印度城市化进程的加快,选举政治的焦点从农村投票转向城市投票。关于城市政治和城市投票的讨论主要围绕两个问题展开:首先是投票率问题,其次是城市选民与农村选民的政治选择有所不同。城市选区的投票率低于农村选区的投票率,这一事实凸显了这两个问题。其中,广域市的投票率比中小城市低得多。过去的各种选举结果表明,在20世纪90年代末,人民党的选举支持的支柱是其在城市选民中的强大支持。人民党在城市选民中的强大支持基础使其在1998年和1999年的人民院选举中成为人民院最大的单一政党,使其能够与其他地区政党组成联合政府。本文试图寻找这个问题的答案,为什么我们看到农村和城市选民的投票模式存在明显差异,特别是在2009年人民院选举之前,尽管在2014年和2019年人民院选举期间有所改变?是因为农村和城市选民代表着两种不同的选民,还是因为农村和城市选民所关心的问题和关注的问题截然不同,导致他们的投票方式不同?
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引用次数: 0
From the Nation’s ‘Steel Frame’ to Insubordinate Workers: Tracing Changes in the Figure of the Post-colonial Civil Servant from 1947 to 1966 从国家的 "钢架 "到不服从命令的工人:追溯 1947 至 1966 年后殖民时期公务员形象的变化
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203772
Vipin Krishna
The Indian Civil Service, and consequently, the Indian bureaucracy, was reformed periodically, starting in 1854, then in 1966, and then later in 2007. Each process of reform generated a set of reports known as the Administrative Reforms Commission reports which provide us with an analytical picture of the mode of historical state-rationality espoused at that time. While, usually, these reports were aimed at reforming the bureaucracy, they also betrayed the anxieties of the Indian state itself. Primarily using these reports from the 1966 period, this article examines the post-colonial Indian bureaucracy through three facets, namely, aesthetic imagery, Public Administration, and the notion of the public. Ultimately, it attempts to track changes in state-ideology from 1947 to 1966, through the figure of the civil servant.
从1854年开始,然后是1966年,再后来是2007年,印度的公务员制度以及印度的官僚机构都进行了定期改革。每一个改革过程都产生了一套被称为行政改革委员会报告的报告,这些报告为我们提供了当时所支持的历史国家理性模式的分析图景。虽然这些报告通常旨在改革官僚机构,但它们也暴露了印度政府本身的焦虑。本文主要利用这些1966年期间的报告,从美学意象、公共管理和公众观念三个方面考察了后殖民时期的印度官僚机构。最后,它试图通过公务员的形象来追踪从1947年到1966年国家意识形态的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Obituary 讣告
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231206852
Suhas Palshikar
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引用次数: 0
Electoral Participation and Political Choice Among Muslims 穆斯林的选举参与和政治选择
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203796
Mohd. Sanjeer Alam
Muslims are the largest minority group in India. As a minority group, their electoral participation and expression has drawn wide religious attention of scholars. However, much of the discussion around Muslims’ electoral participation and political preference is either based on speculations or on sketchy field studies. This article, drawing upon large scale representative surveys, analyses Muslims’ electoral participation and choices since 1990s. It argues that inferences about the community’s electoral behaviour at the national level are misleading. Its electoral behaviour can better be understood by locating them in politically differentiated contexts.
穆斯林是印度最大的少数民族。作为少数民族,他们的选举参与和表达引起了宗教学者的广泛关注。然而,关于穆斯林的选举参与和政治偏好的许多讨论要么是基于猜测,要么是粗略的实地研究。本文通过大规模代表性调查,分析了20世纪90年代以来穆斯林的选举参与和选择情况。它认为,在国家层面上对社区选举行为的推断是具有误导性的。通过将其置于政治差异的背景中,可以更好地理解其选举行为。
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引用次数: 0
Age and Party Choice: Generational Shift in India 年龄与政党选择:印度的代际转变
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231203784
K. Kailash, Orcid Id
India is in the throes of a massive demographic turn. People born and brought up after 1986 constitute the bulk of the population. Studies elsewhere show that generational replacement transforms societies and can play a key role in changing the political attitudes and behaviour of the electorate. Over the last few general elections the Indian National Congress has witnessed a steady decline in support, while the Bharatiya Janata Party has seen a surge in support. This article examines whether the decline of the Congress party is linked to a demographic shift that is taking place. The study demonstrates that generations as socio-historical space helps us nuance party-choice explanations.
印度正处于人口结构巨大转变的阵痛之中。1986年以后出生和长大的人构成了人口的大部分。其他地方的研究表明,代际更替会改变社会,并在改变选民的政治态度和行为方面发挥关键作用。在过去几次大选中,印度国民大会党(Indian National Congress)的支持率稳步下降,而印度人民党(Bharatiya Janata Party)的支持率飙升。本文探讨了国大党的衰落是否与正在发生的人口结构变化有关。该研究表明,世代作为社会历史空间有助于我们对政党选择的解释进行细微的区分。
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引用次数: 0
Mapping Class and Electoral Participation in India from 1996 to 2019 绘制 1996 年至 2019 年印度的阶级和选举参与图
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231206649
Divya Vaid
This article studies the relation between class and electoral participation. While the relation between political participation and many demographic variables such as caste, gender, age and location has been well researched in India, the same is not the case for the relation between class and electoral participation. Multiple measures of class (income, asset-wealth, occupation and education) are explored and conceptualized in this article, following which these measures of class are operationalized using the National Election Study datasets covering a twenty-three-year period (1996–2019). Each of these measures is used to trace the relation of class with two outcomes of electoral participation (turnout and party vote share) over time. Disaggregation by gender, locality and caste is provided. Finally, regression analysis to study the impact of these variables on turnout and vote share reveals the complexity of class. We find a complex picture of turnout and party choice with variation across different class measures. More significantly, variations in results raise questions about the usefulness of existing class indices. Further, we find that the type of measure being used affects different outcomes differently. For turnout, income and wealth seem to be better predictors, and for party vote share, subjective class is a better fit, whereas asset-wealth displays opposite patterns to income and subjective class in some instances.
本文主要研究阶级与选举参与的关系。虽然政治参与与许多人口变量(如种姓、性别、年龄和地点)之间的关系在印度得到了很好的研究,但阶级与选举参与之间的关系却并非如此。本文对阶级的多种衡量标准(收入、资产财富、职业和教育)进行了探索和概念化,随后使用涵盖23年(1996-2019)的国家选举研究数据集对这些阶级衡量标准进行了操作。这些措施中的每一个都用于追踪阶级与选举参与的两个结果(投票率和政党投票份额)随时间的关系。按性别、地区和种姓分类。最后通过回归分析研究这些变量对投票率和投票率的影响,揭示了阶级的复杂性。我们发现投票率和政党选择的复杂情况在不同的阶级措施中有所不同。更重要的是,结果的变化引发了对现有类别指数有用性的质疑。此外,我们发现所使用的测量类型对不同结果的影响是不同的。对于投票率,收入和财富似乎是更好的预测因素,而对于政党投票份额,主观阶层更适合,而资产财富在某些情况下与收入和主观阶层表现相反的模式。
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Studies in Indian Politics
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