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Book Review: Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal and Suman Nath. People-Party-Policy Interplay in India: Micro-dynamics of Everyday Politics in West Bengal, c. 2008–2016 书评:Jyotiprasad Chatterjee和Suprio Basu。左前后:理解西孟加拉邦和苏曼纳特的波利波顿动力学。印度人-党-政策的相互作用:西孟加拉邦日常政治的微观动力学,c. 2008-2016
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999218
A. Guha
Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal. New Delhi, India: Sage. 2020. 255 pages. ₹1,195. Suman Nath. People-Party-Policy Interplay in India: Micro-dynamics of Everyday Politics in West Bengal, c. 2008–2016. New Delhi, India: Routledge. 2020. 221 pages. ₹995.
Jyotiprasad Chatterjee和Suprio Basu。左前后:了解西孟加拉邦波利波顿的动态。印度新德里:Sage, 2020。255页。₹1195。Suman纳。印度人-党-政策的相互作用:西孟加拉邦日常政治的微观动力学,c. 2008-2016。印度新德里:劳特利奇出版社,2020。221页。₹995。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Madhav Khosla. India’s Founding Moment: The Constitution of a Most Surprising Democracy 书评:Madhav Khosla。印度的建国时刻:最令人惊讶的民主国家的宪法
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999216
Alisha Dhingra
Madhav Khosla. India’s Founding Moment: The Constitution of a Most Surprising Democracy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 2020. 219 pages. ₹599.
Madhav斯拉。印度的建国时刻:最令人惊讶的民主国家的宪法。剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2020。219页。₹599。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Ujjwal Kumar Singh and Anupama Roy. Election Commission of India: Institutionalising Democratic Uncertainties 书评:Ujjwal Kumar Singh和Anupama Roy。印度选举委员会:民主不确定性制度化
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999215
V. Tripathi
Ujjwal Kumar Singh and Anupama Roy. Election Commission of India: Institutionalising Democratic Uncertainties. New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press. 2019. 366 pages. ₹1,100.
Ujjwal Kumar Singh和Anupama Roy。印度选举委员会:制度化民主的不确定性。印度新德里:牛津大学出版社,2019。366页。₹1100。
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引用次数: 0
Generations of Constitutional Studies 几代宪法研究
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999240
Anupama Krishnan, K. Kailash
A paper on the Indian Constitution and its working is de rigueur in both undergraduate and postgraduate programmes in political science across Indian universities. When the two of us exchanged notes comparing what we read on the Indian Constitution at similar points of time in our educational journey, we realized that studying the constitution has been a lively area of interest, and there has been an impressive increase in scholarly work over the years. In the last decade, it has been approached from a variety of disciplinary paths causing a veritable explosion almost as if constitutional studies are the most fashionable field of research. This massive accumulation has created a conundrum of mixed feelings. On the one hand, these studies from scholarly discussions in different spheres have substantially enriched our knowledge and understanding of the constitution and its working. On the other hand, the cumulation of knowledge can also be overwhelming for both students and teachers alike. What was basic or essential reading two decades ago is one of the many texts in the field. While we cannot discard or ignore the scholarship that comes earlier in chronological time, we cannot, at the same time, cover the literature in the field given the time constraints. Moreover, these studies also approach the field from various disciplinary angles underlining multiple pathways to a topic. How do we then get over this dilemma caused by an embarrassment of riches? We attempt to map a framework that could serve as a teaching-learning framework to make sense of the vast corpus of work. We divide the literature in the field into four generations.2 The term ‘generation’ here denotes a collective identity in terms of ideas, approaches, methods and a sequence. A generation Studies in Indian Politics 9(1) 124–131, 2021 © 2021 Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies Reprints and permissions: in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999240 journals.sagepub.com/home/inp
在印度各大学的政治学本科生和研究生课程中,一篇关于印度宪法及其工作的论文都是必不可少的。当我们两人交换笔记,比较我们在教育之旅中类似时间点阅读的印度宪法时,我们意识到研究宪法一直是一个有趣的领域,多年来学术工作也有了令人印象深刻的增长。在过去的十年里,人们从各种学科途径来研究它,这引起了一场名副其实的爆炸,几乎就好像宪法研究是最时尚的研究领域。这种巨大的积累造成了一个复杂的情感难题。一方面,这些来自不同领域学术讨论的研究极大地丰富了我们对宪法及其工作的知识和理解。另一方面,知识的积累对学生和老师来说也可能是压倒性的。二十年前的基础或基本阅读是该领域众多文本之一。虽然我们不能放弃或忽视按时间顺序较早出现的学术,但考虑到时间限制,我们不能同时涵盖该领域的文献。此外,这些研究还从不同的学科角度探讨了该领域,强调了一个主题的多种途径。那么,我们该如何克服这种因财富尴尬而造成的困境呢?我们试图绘制一个可以作为教学框架的框架,以理解大量的工作。我们将该领域的文献分为四代。2这里的“一代”一词表示在思想、方法、方法和序列方面的集体身份。《印度政治的一代研究》9(1)124–1312021©2021 Lokniti,发展中社会研究中心转载和许可:in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india DOI:10.1177/221023021899240 journals.sagepub.com/home/inp
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引用次数: 0
Can the Popular Disembody Populism? Students and the Re-appropriation of the Nationalist Floating Signifier in Contemporary Indian Politics 民众能脱离民粹主义吗?学生与当代印度政治中民族主义浮动能指的再占有
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-08 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999140
Jean‐Thomas Martelli
This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India’s independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters’ short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a ‘derivative’ nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.
这篇民族志记述了印度独立以来规模最大的反政府抗议活动之一的历程。它考察了学生——最初是活动家,后来是第一次参与者——在明确对裁决豁免的挑战方面的关键作用,不仅通过直接反对,而且通过颠覆其声称代表权的方式。更具体地说,正是对高层普遍存在的反体制和反精英话语的战略重用,同时用包容性取代了其多数主义,使抗议者能够摆脱现任印度总理的民粹主义模式。抗议者的短暂成功是通过大众化而实现的,大众化以一种分散的方式体现在匿名、和平和女性化的抗议群众中。民众通过援引政府部分共享的“衍生”民族主义剧目,成功地利用了人民的主张,并通过利用印度宪法、国旗和国歌等爱国归属的浮动符号,清空了其反少数民族的潜台词。通过探讨相对较小的政治化学生群体如何利用校园生态及其邻近空间作为动员不那么政治化的群体的领土和思想节点,文章强调了它们在当代印度民主中表达异议的政治意义。
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引用次数: 2
State, Floods and Politics of Knowledge: A Case of the Mahananda Basin of Bihar 国家、洪水与知识政治——以比哈尔邦Mahananda盆地为例
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-08 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999177
P. Jha
This article identifies two main perspectives on flood control: the traditional and the modern hydrological. The objective here is to look at the contest between them from the point of view of the politics of knowledge. The traditional perspective views floods as a part of life and focuses on people’s wisdom or local knowledge of flood control. The hydrological approach, on the other hand, is mostly concerned with taming a river and views floods as a disaster that ought to be controlled and possibly eliminated. This perspective dominates the policy of the post-colonial state in India. There are five vantage points, such as historical context, state policy, political economy, collective action and epistemology, to understand the politics of knowledge around floods. In the first section, through history we discuss the transition from the colonial to post-colonial India on the issues of floods, dams and embankments. The second section of this article describes the flood policy and politics around it, from Patna Flood Conference (1937) to Disaster Management Act, 2005. In Political Economy section the article explores the link between land-holdings, tenancy and floods and also observes how agriculture has changed due to floods. The fourth section, Forms of Collective Action, explores the politics of collective action. Epistemology section presents the debate of lokvidyavs versus rajyavidya or living with floods versus hydrological knowledge.
本文从传统水文和现代水文两个方面阐述了防洪的主要观点。这里的目的是从知识政治的角度来看待他们之间的竞争。传统观点将洪水视为生活的一部分,并关注人们的智慧或当地的防洪知识。另一方面,水文方法主要关注驯服河流,并将洪水视为一种应该控制并可能消除的灾难。这种观点主导了印度后殖民国家的政策。从历史语境、国家政策、政治经济学、集体行动和认识论五个角度来理解洪水知识政治。在第一节中,我们通过历史讨论了从殖民地到后殖民地的印度在洪水、水坝和堤坝问题上的转变。本文的第二部分描述了从1937年巴特那洪水会议到2005年《灾害管理法》的洪水政策和政治。在政治经济学部分,文章探讨了土地持有、租赁和洪水之间的联系,并观察了农业如何因洪水而发生变化。第四部分,集体行动的形式,探讨集体行动的政治性。认识论部分介绍了lokvidyavs与rajyavidya或生活在洪水中与水文知识的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Politics of Knowledge in Development: Explorations in Seed Sovereignty 发展中的知识政治:对种子主权的探索
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-08 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999179
Pushpa Singh
There is an existing debate on the epistemic hegemony of the knowledge system of industrial agriculture. The two sides posit a critique and offer alternatives from already existing practices of agriculture. Most often, the critique is on hard material grounds, while the alternatives are offered in terms of the recovery of a cultural set of practices. This article posits a fresh critique to complement the existing one and expands the scope of the alternative to make critical appraisals of existing knowledge systems. For the first, it critically analyses each of the presumptions that underlie the argument of the dominant vision and for the second, this article identifies, analyses and aims to foreground those perspectives that contested major policy decisions and the reasons for their subsequent marginalization. The issue of seed sovereignty—that of women farmers specially, retaining the authority to breed and propagate seeds for farming—is the focal point of this study.
关于工业化农业知识体系的认识霸权问题一直存在争议。双方提出了一种批评,并提供了现有农业实践的替代方案。大多数情况下,批评是基于硬物质基础,而替代方案是根据一套文化实践的恢复提供的。本文提出了一种新的批评来补充现有的批评,并扩大了对现有知识系统进行批判性评估的替代方案的范围。首先,它批判性地分析了支撑主导观点的每一个假设;其次,本文确定、分析并旨在突出那些对重大政策决定有争议的观点,以及它们随后被边缘化的原因。种子主权问题——特别是女性农民,保留培育和传播农业种子的权力——是本研究的焦点。
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引用次数: 2
The Politics of Knowledge in Development: An Analytical Frame 发展中的知识政治:一个分析框架
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-08 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999176
Madhulika Banerjee
The parameters of modern knowledge systems are clearly showing fault lines—that if there is a continuation of the technological systems at the heart of development, neglecting the twin issues of ecology and equity—there is a serious threat to human existence. This article seeks to answer a specific question: in the context of the twenty-first century search of offering alternatives to the hegemonic development paradigm, what kind of knowledges of production in society could possibly be best developed at this point in history? It argues that the answer lies in ‘already existing knowledge systems ( AEKS)’, accompanied by critical thinking on production, distribution and consumption systems. Locating the production of knowledge in five spaces—historical context, policy formulation, political economic structures, forms of collective action and articulation of contested epistemologies—it argues that when AEKS are understood both in form and transformation in these spaces, that the possibilities they offer for substantial alternatives can be explored.
现代知识系统的参数清楚地表明了断层线——如果发展的核心技术系统继续存在,忽视了生态和公平这两个问题——就会对人类的生存构成严重威胁。这篇文章试图回答一个具体的问题:在21世纪寻求霸权发展范式的替代方案的背景下,在历史的这一点上,什么样的社会生产知识可能得到最好的发展?它认为,答案在于“现有的知识系统(AEKS)”,并伴随着对生产、分配和消费系统的批判性思考。将知识的生产定位在五个空间——历史背景、政策制定、政治经济结构、集体行动的形式和有争议的认识论的表达——它认为,当AEKS在这些空间中的形式和转变都被理解时,它们为实质性替代品提供的可能性就可以被探索。
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引用次数: 4
Technology and Collective Action Event Size: Lessons for India 技术与集体行动活动规模:印度的经验教训
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-08 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999231
William O’Brochta
An event is a geographically and temporally focused ‘nonroutine, collective and public’ action aimed at making broad social or political claims (Olzak, 1989, p. 124). Event attendance matters for how the event is perceived and reported on by citizens, the media and political leaders (Biggs, 2018; McPhail & McCarthy, 2004). Scholars of Indian politics have measured event size with proxies: using deaths, injuries, or the number of First Information Reports (FIRs) filed to quantify riot size and relying on newspaper-based estimates of the size of other collective action events (Bhavnani & Lacina, 2015; Varshney & Wilkinson, 1996). Is there a way to improve our event size estimates in order to more effectively study this critical indicator of event success and impact? Political scientists have recently developed methods for detecting event size using data from technology-based sources, including geolocation, social media activity and social media photos. In some contexts, these methods comport well with existing newspaper-based measures of event size, and their automated nature reduces cost and eases implementation compared to traditional newspaper searches (Botta et al., 2015). In this note, I apply technology-based event size measures to Indian events. I argue that the way that events develop in India makes using technology-based data to estimate event size particularly difficult. I take as my case the 2019 and 2020 protests surrounding the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and related causes in Delhi. These protests were highly publicized, politicized and contested, with public campaigns waged on social media. Drawing on fieldwork at key protest sites, a review of social media data and media reports, I find that strategic choices on behalf of both protesters and the government made estimating event size using technological data quite challenging. I then discuss some ways that event size measurement techniques can be adapted for the Indian context. Studies in Indian Politics 9(1) 118–123, 2021 © 2021 Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies Reprints and permissions: in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999231 journals.sagepub.com/home/inp
事件是一种以地理和时间为重点的“非常规、集体和公共”行动,旨在提出广泛的社会或政治主张(Olzak,1989,第124页)。出席活动对公民、媒体和政治领导人如何看待和报道活动至关重要(Biggs,2018;McPhail和McCarthy,2004年)。印度政治学者用代理来衡量事件规模:使用死亡、受伤或提交的首次信息报告数量来量化骚乱规模,并依赖于报纸对其他集体行动事件规模的估计(Bhavnani&Lacina,2015;Varshney和Wilkinson,1996)。有没有办法改进我们对活动规模的估计,以便更有效地研究活动成功和影响的这一关键指标?政治科学家最近开发了利用基于技术的来源的数据检测事件规模的方法,包括地理位置、社交媒体活动和社交媒体照片。在某些情况下,这些方法与现有的基于报纸的事件规模测量非常吻合,与传统的报纸搜索相比,它们的自动化性质降低了成本并简化了实施(Botta等人,2015)。在本说明中,我将基于技术的活动规模衡量标准应用于印度的活动。我认为,印度事件的发展方式使得使用基于技术的数据来估计事件规模变得特别困难。我以2019年和2020年德里围绕《公民身份修正法案》(CAA)和相关事业的抗议活动为例。这些抗议活动被高度宣传、政治化和争议化,并在社交媒体上发起了公开运动。根据对主要抗议地点的实地调查、对社交媒体数据和媒体报道的审查,我发现代表抗议者和政府的战略选择使得使用技术数据估计活动规模变得非常具有挑战性。然后,我讨论了事件规模测量技术可以适应印度背景的一些方法。《印度政治研究》9(1)118–1232021©2021 Lokniti,发展中社会研究中心转载和许可:in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india DOI:10.1177/231023021999231 journals.sagepub.com/home/inp
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引用次数: 0
Engendering Political Labour: Findings from a Kerala Village 产生政治劳动:喀拉拉邦一个村庄的调查结果
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-27 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999142
Anamika Ajay
Literature on Indian politics has largely under-examined the role of the family in shaping party politics with the exception of the studies on dynasticism. There is a paucity of research that looks at the complex ways in which intimate lives and party politics are intertwined. This article contributes to the existing feminist analyses of Indian party politics by conceptualizing politics and political labour in a way that does not exclude the role of the family. It presents the case study of a village in northern Kerala, which has been witnessing heightened political conflicts to show how personal experiences and family disputes get politicized. As domestic and political spheres bleed into each other, political parties become hugely dependent on feminine ideals and women’s everyday labour, affects and sociality to survive electoral competitions. Yet, the patriarchal family and masculinized local party leadership use gender ideologies to celebrate hypermasculine political participation, undervalue women’s labour and limit their political aspirations.
关于印度政治的文献在很大程度上低估了家庭在塑造政党政治中的作用,但对王朝主义的研究除外。对亲密生活和政党政治交织在一起的复杂方式的研究很少。本文通过对政治和政治劳动的概念化,在不排除家庭角色的情况下,为现有的印度政党政治的女权主义分析做出了贡献。它介绍了喀拉拉邦北部一个村庄的案例研究,该村庄见证了政治冲突的加剧,以表明个人经历和家庭纠纷是如何被政治化的。随着家庭和政治领域的相互渗透,政党在很大程度上依赖女性理想和女性的日常劳动、影响力和社会性来在选举竞争中生存。然而,父权制家庭和男性化的地方党领导层利用性别意识形态来庆祝超男性化的政治参与,低估妇女的劳动价值,并限制她们的政治抱负。
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引用次数: 0
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Studies in Indian Politics
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