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Strongman: The Extraordinary Leaders of India and the Philippines 强人:印度和菲律宾的杰出领导人
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231166184
A. E. Ruud
Both Narendra Modi and Rodrigo Duterte stand out as leaders that epitomise their respective reigns in ways that previous leaders did not. A juxtaposition of their political personae allows us to investigate a contemporary political phenomenon, that of the elected strongman leader. This article makes three points from this juxtaposition: (a) They presided over a period of ‘democratic backsliding’. (b) They came with social media. (c) They are their own message and that message is that they are extraordinary leaders, above ordinary constraints. This article concludes that they represent strongman politics—where they as their people’s representative engage in acts symbolic of the people’s sovereignty. In an age of discontent with democracy, new and social media have allowed them to portray themselves as true defenders of ‘the people’.
纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)和罗德里戈·杜特尔特(Rodrigo Duterte)都是杰出的领导人,他们以前任领导人所没有的方式体现了各自的统治。将他们的政治人物并置,可以让我们调查当代的一种政治现象,即民选强人领导人的政治现象。这篇文章从这种并置中提出了三点:(a)他们主持了一段“民主倒退”时期。(b) 他们带来了社交媒体。(c) 他们是自己的信息,这一信息是,他们是非凡的领导者,超越了普通的限制。这篇文章的结论是,他们代表着强人政治——他们作为人民的代表,从事着象征人民主权的行为。在一个对民主不满的时代,新媒体和社交媒体让他们把自己描绘成“人民”的真正捍卫者。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial Note 编者按语
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231168931
Suhas Palshikar
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引用次数: 0
Hindu Nationalism and Right-wing Ecology: RSS, Modi and Motherland Post-2014 印度教民族主义与右翼生态:RSS、莫迪与2014年后的祖国
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231166197
Mukul Sharma
This article analyses the environmental politics of Hindu nationalism in India after 2014, which is deeply enmeshed with aggressive nationalism. Taking as its case study articles, newspaper reports and visuals published in the Organiser, a leading magazine of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), it focuses on four ubiquitous environmental themes—imagination of a great Hindu motherland; icons of mother embodied in river and animal; climate change and renewable energy and the idealization of Prime Minister Modi as an environmental saviour—that are visible in its pages. Through these themes, India is projected as a great ancient ecological Hindu nation while hatred and violence are directed against ‘polluted’ Muslims. The ascendancy of Hindu nationalists to power since 2014 has indeed resulted in radical changes which have signalled multiple governmental ‘green’ initiatives and brought climate change and renewable energy to the centre stage. However, and as this article illustrates, these are couched in an optic of purity and pollution, as well as caste and religion, on the one hand, and mobilization of corporations and mega ‘clean’ industrial projects, on the other, which are propagated in the name of people, development and environment.
本文分析了2014年后印度印度教民族主义的环境政治。它以Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(RSS)的主要杂志《组织者》上发表的案例研究文章、报纸报道和视觉效果为中心,关注四个无处不在的环境主题——对伟大印度教祖国的想象;河流和动物身上体现的母亲形象;气候变化和可再生能源,以及莫迪总理作为环境救世主的理想化——这些都可以在其页面上看到。通过这些主题,印度被描绘成一个伟大的古代生态印度教国家,而仇恨和暴力则针对“被污染”的穆斯林。自2014年以来,印度教民族主义者掌权确实带来了根本性的变化,这标志着政府的多项“绿色”举措,并将气候变化和可再生能源带到了中心舞台。然而,正如本文所示,这些都是以纯洁和污染、种姓和宗教的视角表达的,另一方面是以人民、发展和环境的名义宣传的公司和大型“清洁”工业项目的动员。
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引用次数: 1
‘Documents of Power’: Historical Method and the Study of Politics “权力文献”:历史方法与政治学研究
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231166179
Tanweer Fazal
to the historian’s mind
历史学家的想法
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引用次数: 0
Anticipating the Threat of Democratic Majoritarianism: Ambedkar on Constitutional Design and Ideology Critique, 1941–1948 预见民主多数主义的威胁:安贝德卡论宪法设计与意识形态批判,1941-1948
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230231166196
Rahul Govind
This article analyses B. R. Ambedkar’s works written between 1941 and 1948, and it discerns a central set of concerns and arguments in this otherwise diverse corpus. It argues that since universal franchise as a political principle is uncontroversial, Ambedkar’s primary concern is geared towards the danger of democratic majoritarianism in a society riven by historically, legally and ideologically determined forms of inequality and their logic—a danger that can only be addressed at the dual levels of institutional design and ideological critique. Reading together Pakistan or the Partition of India and What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables, the initial sections argue that Ambedkar was critical of Congress and Muslim league politics because he saw in them both, albeit in distinct ways, the affirmation of religious identity as central to the formulation of political identity. Such an orientation, in the actual mechanics of mass politics and constitutional negotiation, is therefore read as inevitably leading to conflicts including demands for Partition, but at the same time such politics avoided fundamental questions of internal critique and instituted forms of socialized inequality. It is in this context, and the imminence of Partition, that the article analyses Ambedkar’s argument for the need of both a specific institutional design (constitutional provisions) and an ideology critique (his historical research including Who were the Sudras and The Untouchables). The analysis of the demand for partition and the category of the minority can only be understood through Ambedkar’s acute historical and theoretical understanding of the nation and its history, as well as the normative demands required for institutional justice, as will be shown through a reading of this corpus.
本文分析了b·r·安贝德卡在1941年至1948年间创作的作品,并在这些不同的语料库中发现了一系列核心的关注和论点。该书认为,既然全民选举权作为一项政治原则是没有争议的,那么安贝德卡尔的主要关注点是,在一个由历史、法律和意识形态决定的不平等形式及其逻辑所撕裂的社会中,民主多数主义的危险——这种危险只能在制度设计和意识形态批判的双重层面上加以解决。把《巴基斯坦还是印度分治》和《国大党和甘地对贱民做了什么》放在一起读,开头的部分认为,安贝德卡尔批评国大党和穆斯林联盟的政治,因为他在两者身上看到,尽管方式不同,但对宗教身份的肯定是政治身份形成的核心。因此,在大众政治和宪法谈判的实际机制中,这样的取向被解读为不可避免地导致冲突,包括要求分治,但同时,这种政治避免了内部批评的基本问题,并建立了社会化不平等的形式。正是在这种背景下,以及分治迫在眉睫的情况下,本文分析了安贝德卡尔的论点,即需要一种具体的制度设计(宪法条款)和一种意识形态批判(他的历史研究包括谁是陀罗和贱民)。只有通过Ambedkar对国家及其历史的敏锐的历史和理论理解,以及对制度正义所需的规范要求,才能理解对分割需求和少数群体类别的分析,这将通过阅读该语料来展示。
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引用次数: 0
Institutional ‘Presence’ and the Indian State: The Long Narrative 制度“存在”与印度国家:长篇叙事
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135837
Anupama Roy
The long durée narrative of the state in independent India is one of accumulation of incremental and aggregate power relations arrayed in and through political institutions inhabiting a field of power. These relationships are protean, exhibiting conflicts and contestations among institutions that compete for power within the domain of the state. The ‘ebbs’ and ‘flows’ in power are visible in the state-space represented by institutional arrangements and the patterns of relationship among them. While institutions perform the function of legitimation for the state, they also manifest the crisis that besets the state, reflecting dissonance between its moral–political goals of bringing about socio-economic transformation and its ability to achieve them through ‘state-bureaucratic’ practices. The constitutional state in India can be seen as the setting where the state-idea as limited by law and as an ‘instrument’ for bringing about transformative change was situated. Institutional crises during the emergency and the uneven trajectories of institutional presence in the ensuing period show the marginalization of institutions such as Parliament and the ambivalence of the judiciary in articulating the principles underlying the constitutional consensus. A dominative presence of the executive corroding deliberative spaces making them sites of adversarial combat and the populist appeal of the ‘leader’ drawing upon communitarian emotions has paved the way for a majoritarian state.
长期以来,独立印度的国家叙事是一种渐进的和总体的权力关系的积累,这些权力关系在权力领域的政治机构中排列并通过政治机构排列。这些关系千变万化,表现出在国家领域内争夺权力的机构之间的冲突和争论。权力的“潮起潮落”在以制度安排及其关系模式为代表的国家空间中是可见的。虽然制度为国家发挥了合法化的功能,但它们也体现了困扰国家的危机,反映了其实现社会经济转型的道德-政治目标与通过“国家-官僚”实践实现这些目标的能力之间的不协调。印度的宪政国家可以被看作是受法律限制的国家理念和带来变革的“工具”所处的环境。紧急状态期间的体制危机和随后期间机构存在的不平衡轨迹表明,议会等机构处于边缘地位,司法部门在阐明宪法共识所依据的原则时态度矛盾。行政部门的支配性存在侵蚀了审议空间,使其成为对抗性战斗的场所,而“领导人”的民粹主义诉求利用了社区主义情绪,为多数主义国家铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Taxation and Accountability in Local Government: A Democratic Deficit in Andhra Pradesh 地方政府的税收和问责制:安得拉邦的民主赤字
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135826
C. Elliott
This study looks at the vibrancy of local democracy through linkages between local tax collection and accountability: When villagers pay taxes to the village panchayat are they more likely to hold the panchayat accountable? Fifty villages in Andhra Pradesh were surveyed through 500 structured interviews. The study found that in the low-tax environment where panchayats generally follow government-established minimum tax rates, the level of taxation is not politically salient and has no acknowledged impact on panchayat elections. Tax-paying villagers are more likely to participate in the panchayat when residents have connections to outside parties and officials. Except in questions regarding the fairness of internal distributions of works and services, panchayats appear more as the lowest end of the state system than as local democracies. Local government in Andhra Pradesh has a democratic deficit.
这项研究通过地方税收和问责制之间的联系来观察地方民主的活力:当村民向村委会纳税时,他们是否更有可能追究村委会的责任?通过500次结构化访谈对安得拉邦的50个村庄进行了调查。研究发现,在低税收环境中,评议会通常遵循政府制定的最低税率,税收水平在政治上并不突出,对评议会选举也没有公认的影响。当居民与外部政党和官员有联系时,纳税的村民更有可能参加评议会。除了关于作品和服务内部分配公平性的问题外,与地方民主相比,评议会更像是国家体系的最底层。安得拉邦的地方政府存在民主赤字。
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引用次数: 0
Inequality and Capitalism in India 印度的不平等和资本主义
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135850
P. Bardhan
Capitalism is usually associated with inequality. The Indian variant of capitalism creates its specific structure of inequality. The recent trends of capital concentration in India, facilitated by the political decision-making, shape particular patterns of the rise in inequalities. The nature of capitalism in India is linked to the nature of capital concentration and the low bargaining power of the labour. The article discusses these links. The article discusses the recent attempts at social and political legitimization of the prevailing kind of capitalism under the current political regime. The focus is on long-term issues, and instead of a detailed account, the attempt is to paint a picture with a very broad brush.
资本主义通常与不平等联系在一起。印度的资本主义变体创造了其独特的不平等结构。在政治决策的推动下,印度最近的资本集中趋势形成了不平等加剧的特殊模式。印度资本主义的本质与资本集中的本质和劳动力的低议价能力有关。本文将讨论这些链接。本文讨论了在当前政治体制下,主流资本主义最近在社会和政治上合法化的尝试。重点是长期问题,而不是详细的描述,试图用非常广泛的画笔描绘一幅画面。
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引用次数: 1
Sampling and Categorization of Households for Research in Urban India 印度城市家庭抽样和分类研究
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230221137633
Taruna Arora, Katie Pyle
Conventional sampling methodologies for citizens/households in urban research in India are constrained due to the lack of readily available, reliable sampling frames. Voter lists, for example, are riddled with errors and, as such may not be able to provide a robust sampling frame from which a representative sample can be drawn. The Jana–Brown Citizenship Index project consortium (Janaagraha, India; Brown University, USA) has conceptualized a unique research design that provides an alternative way on how to identify, categorize and sample households (and citizens within) in a city in a representative and meaningful way. The consortium consists of the Janaagraha Centre for Citizenship and Democracy, based in India, and the Brown Center for Contemporary South Asia, part of Brown University, USA. The methodology was designed to enable systematic data collection from citizens and households on aspects of citizenship, infrastructure and service delivery across different demographic sections of society. The article describes how (a) data on communities that are in the minority, such as Muslims, scheduled castes (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST), were used to categorize Polling Parts to allow for stratified random sampling using these strata, (b) geospatial tools such as QGIS and Google Earth were used to create base maps aligning to the established Polling Part unit, (c) the resulting maps were used to create listings of buildings, (d) how housing type categorizations were created (based on the structure/construction material/amenities, etc.) and comprised part of the building listing process, and (e) how the listings were used for sampling and to create population weights where necessary. This article describes these methodological approaches in the context of the project while highlighting advantages and challenges in application to urban research in India more generally.
由于缺乏现成、可靠的采样框架,印度城市研究中公民/家庭的传统采样方法受到限制。例如,选民名单充满了错误,因此可能无法提供一个稳健的采样框架,从中可以提取代表性样本。Jana–Brown公民指数项目联盟(印度Janaagraha;美国布朗大学)构思了一种独特的研究设计,为如何以代表性和有意义的方式识别、分类和抽样城市中的家庭(以及城市内的公民)提供了一种替代方法。该联盟由总部位于印度的Janaagraha公民与民主中心和隶属于美国布朗大学的布朗当代南亚中心组成。该方法旨在从公民和家庭中系统收集社会不同人口阶层的公民身份、基础设施和服务提供方面的数据。文章描述了(a)穆斯林、在册种姓(SC)和在册部落(ST)等少数群体的数据如何被用于对投票部分进行分类,以允许使用这些阶层进行分层随机抽样;(b)QGIS和谷歌地球等地理空间工具用于创建与已建立的投票部分单元对齐的基础地图,(c)生成的地图用于创建建筑物列表,(d)如何创建住房类型分类(基于结构/建筑材料/便利设施等)并构成建筑物列表过程的一部分,以及(e)如何使用列表进行采样并在必要时创建人口权重。本文在项目背景下描述了这些方法论方法,同时强调了在印度城市研究中应用的优势和挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Shekhar Pathak, The Chipko Movement: A People’s History 书评:谢哈尔·帕塔克,《奇普科运动:人民的历史》
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/23210230221135828
Pushpa Singh
Shekhar Pathak, The Chipko Movement: A People’s History. India: Permanent Black. 2021. 371 pages. ₹895. ISBN: 9788178245553.
谢卡尔·帕塔克,《Chipko运动:人民的历史》。印度:永久黑色,2021年。371页。₹895。ISBN: 9788178245553。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Studies in Indian Politics
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