Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002233
S. Doubleday
Abstract By the thirteenth century, it had become widely maintained that rulers had an ethical obligation to restrain their anger. Perceived violation of this “emotional regime” might be used to justify political regime change. A number of passages in the Crónica de Alfonso X depict the king of Castile-León, Alfonso X el Sabio (r. 1252–1284), as having repeatedly violated the norms governing the expression of anger, in order to legitimise the rebellion led by his eldest surviving son, Sancho. However, the more reliable passages in the chronicle suggest a different emotional narrative, implying that the king had behaved with restraint in the political realm, even at moments of high political tension. In these passages, Alfonso emerges as a ruler philosophically inclined towards conciliation rather than to conflict. This case study provides new historical material for thinking about the relationship between cognition and emotion.
到了13世纪，人们普遍认为统治者有约束自己愤怒的道德义务。对这种“情感制度”的违反可能被用来为政治制度的改变辩护。Crónica de Alfonso X的许多段落描述了Castile-León的国王，Alfonso X el Sabio(1252-1284)，为了使他幸存的长子桑丘领导的叛乱合法化，他一再违反了表达愤怒的规范。然而，编年史中更可靠的段落则给出了一种不同的情感叙述，暗示国王在政治领域表现得很克制，即使是在政治高度紧张的时刻。在这些段落中，阿方索以一个倾向于和解而非冲突的统治者的形象出现。这一案例研究为思考认知与情感的关系提供了新的历史材料。
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002238
G. Archer
in the last chapter, Turner's attempt to contextualize heresy trials is welcome, but the result is a mixed bag, again because of errors and confusions. For example, he argues that al-Mutawakkil's actions, '[c]ontrary to the usual understanding', do not define him as a Eanbal; (p. 135). But the real reason that the caliph cannot have been a Eanbal; is that, in the mid-third/ninth century, no one could be a Eanbal; (as Turner himself knows, since he quotes Christopher Melchert to that effect some seven pages later). In his conclusion, Turner asserts that, after al-Mutawakkil, no single group of sectarians could gain 'a decisive advantage. .. in determining normativity' (p. 149). But why assume that sectarians want everyone to agree with them? Declaring others out of bounds need not be about 'determining normativity'; it is just as likely to be about ensuring the purity of one's little group of faithful. In the early Islamic case, many sectarians both before and after al-Mutawakkil seem to have been content to follow their own truth and thereby ensure their own salvation. Whether others followed them or not was in most cases a matter of indifference. Of course Turner is right when he notes that caliphs were a special case: in theory at least, they were responsible for the salvation of the whole umma. But no doctrine of the imamate requires the imam to persuade others to join him. Rather, imami creeds make believers responsible for identifying and following the imam. This, pace Turner, is how the early caliphs seem to have understood their role. This book is valuable for its attempt to fit caliphal interventions into a broader political narrative. The point that AAmad ibn Eanbal's trial was not a wild divergence from the norm is well taken, and serves as a welcome corrective to arguments made by other scholars, including me. Here I should add that Turner has kind things to say about my work, for which I am grateful. But the book suffers from too many problems of definition to provide the revisionist history it promises. Under the influence of Protestant notions of religiosity, scholarship has long prioritized the inner experience and spirituality of the convert in studies of religious change. More recently, academics have historicized the very notion of conversion and put a greater emphasis on social and political dimensions as well 338 book reviews
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002241
M. Brett
address the relationship between the triumph of European time and the formation of a Turkish state. The fact that the Ottomans accepted standardised time while not disavowing other temporalities in their governance was neither part of an atavistic commitment to tradition nor part of an Orientalist tendency toward bureaucratic bloating and increasing unmanageability. Rather than adopting a negative view of Ottoman history, this volume points out that the diversity of times existing and thriving in the Ottoman Empire was an extension of the diversity of times that operated at the individual level. Koç’s essay on Saʿdullah Effendi illustrates the fact that diverse, seemingly incommensurable, worldviews could be adhered to by a single individual. In this case, a Muslim’s commitment to piety did not preclude his acceptance of the prophetic powers of astrology. Kreiser’s essay on clock towers points out how a town’s single tower served as a marker of multiple temporalities by announcing Muslim and Christian prayer times as well as the start and end of, and breaks in, the workday. These and other essays all point to an Ottoman ease with, and even adeptness at, managing social diversity. The essays in section three demonstrate the rise of standardised time within the Ottoman Empire but also how its rise was conditioned by its usefulness to the Ottoman administration. Wishnitzer’s essay on the place of standardised time in late Ottoman military reform is an illustrative example. The essays in section four deal with the Turkish Republic as the site of tensions and contradictions due to the displacement of other temporalities as standardised, European time came to dominate the functioning of daily life under the nation-state. The general set of ideas about time and temporalities in the Ottoman Empire that the essays in this volume take up and promote is compelling. The disparate topics covered mean that virtually any specialist in Ottoman Studies or the history of the Middle East will find something of interest and possibly even of conceptual and analytical inspiration in this volume.
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002229
Antonella Liuzzo Scorpo, J. Wood
History-writing has often been preoccupied with the multiple shapes, forms and expressions of violence as a subject, while in some cases the rhetorical violence of some kinds of historical writing has been used as an instrument for the cultivation of power and authority. The deeds of great men and their conflicts, as well as divine intervention in the form of retribution and punishment and the moral lessons that could be drawn from such episodes were defining features of historical writing from its earliest days. The transformation of episodes of physical violence in the world into written form, not to mention visual and material representations, has had a formative impact on individual and collective memories and identities throughout history. An exploration of the rhetoric and forms of violence, as applied to different modes and processes of history-writing, can thus help us to understand the narrative and social functions of such a ubiquitous phenomenon. In this special issue of Al-MAsaq, co-edited by Dr Antonella Liuzzo Scorpo and Dr Jamie Wood, these idea are explored in depth within the context of the Medieval Mediterranean.
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002231
Christopher Heath
Abstract The aim of this article is to consider the depiction of violence and Islamic protagonists in Erchempert's Historia Langobardorum Beneventanorum, a third/ninth-century southern Italian source that describes the prevailing political and socio-economic circumstances of the south of Italy. It will suggest that, whilst violence cannot be excised as a facet of inter-communal relations in southern mainland Italy, one should, nonetheless, exercise some caution in accepting the assertions of Western sources such as Erchempert's Historia which have a particular context and discourse. The fundamental influence of Erchempert's portrayal can, if weighted excessively, undermine a balanced view of southern Italy in the third/ninth century and his comments on the Muslims need to be understood within the context of his narrative aims.
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002239
S. Donnachie
Sarah Bowan Savant and Helena de Felipe have collected an excellent series of chapters in this volume, which considers the diverse role that genealogy has played and the uses it has been put to in ...
Sarah Bowan Savant和Helena de Felipe在本卷中收集了一系列优秀的章节，其中考虑了家谱所扮演的不同角色以及它在……
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2015.1002236
Alun Williams
Abstract This article explores themes of violence and conflict linking two Hispano-Latin chronicles of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries: the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris and the Chronica Latina Regum Castellae. There are striking contrasts in their tone and presentation of events but a remarkable similarity in the authors’ understanding of conquest as a biblical epic, often with violent images derived from Old Testament sources. The historical narrative demonstrates an awareness of scripture that conditioned the authors’ worlds. No evidence exists that the author of the Latin Chronicle knew about the earlier work, though the convergence of theme and allusion make a comparison of the two texts plausible. First, they were reasonably short chronicles dealing with specific periods rather than with the general scope of history. Second, they were written when Christian victories over the Muslims were recently celebrated events. Third, they were written to eulogise monarchs whose lives they witnessed.
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Pub Date : 2014-09-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.956487
M. Milwright
as considered through a diverse range of objects, from the most humble and ordinary to very opulent and sacred items. Together, all the contributors’ articles highlight the urge to move towards a multi-disciplinary approach that combines art history, archaeology and written sources in order to fully comprehend the essence of objects in their contexts. Although The Material and the Ideal aspires to present an integrated perspective, most essays are still based on iconographical research, neglecting the importance of developing a broader historical contextual picture. Students and experts of Byzantine/medieval art history will be delighted by the discussions proposed, while Byzantine/medieval archaeologists, on the other hand, might ask for more comparative data. Nevertheless, the volume still underlines the potential of contextualised iconographic analyses, showing how objects, their image repertory and their repercussions can be discussed through the exploration of elaborate comparisons and associations.
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Pub Date : 2014-09-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.956490
Christopher Heath
changing, in general, very little. While Nef attempts to suggest that their rule was unique by demonstrating that the precise modus operandi of the government of the island had no precedent in history – that a Norman, Christian government based primarily on previously established Islamic rule created a unique society and system of government – her overall concept is nothing new at all; the idea that new rulers simply take over and use existing governmental institutions has already been championed by other scholars of Norman Sicily, while also being highlighted by those studying Norman England, the Normans of Antioch, and myriad other examples of dynastic change throughout history. Furthermore, it would seem that this would be simple common sense – the tiny Norman minority simply would not have had the ability to impose their own governmental style on the Sicilian population, and to avoid unnecessary problems the continuation of life much as it had gone on before must have been the most sensible way of proceeding. Yet despite this limitation, the study is still of considerable value, not only for the new material it introduces and the myriad quantitative tables found in the index, but also because it corrects some errors and fills in some gaps in analysis, even if these only serve to further underscore current ideas. It should be required reading for anyone studying or researching the history of Norman Sicily.
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Pub Date : 2014-09-02DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.956482
Nicholas Morton
In recent years there has been growth in interest in the history of the crusades and yet, despite the wide range of publications that consider various crusading frontiers, few authors have turned their attention to the campaigns fought in Frankish Greece following the capture of Constantinople in 1204. The Fourth Crusade itself has of course been exhaustively researched, and authors such as Longnon, Wolff, and Lock have devoted some attention to the Latin Empire of Constantinople and its satellites but – as Chrissis quite rightly points out – a great deal more remains to be said. Crusading in Frankish Greece seeks to redress this imbalance by offering a study of papal policy towards the Franks in Romania and its neighbours between 1204 and 1282, with specific emphasis on crusading. Some consideration is given to Byzantine perspectives and the objectives of European aristocrats active in the eastern Mediterranean, but it is the actions of the pontiffs that form of the core of this study. Structurally, this monograph works phase-byphase through this period, with chapters often dedicated to a particular pontificate. Chrissis starts his analysis in the wake of the conquest of Constantinople by considering the implications of the city’s fall for Pope Innocent III. In this section, the author ably reconstructs the various pressures that moulded papal policy at this time, examining the pontiff’s motives for launching the crusade to support the Latin Empire of Constantinople in 1205. He presents this as the first crusade directed by the papacy to this region, following Rowe in his belief that Bohemond I’s campaign in 1107 was not authorised as an expedition against the Greeks. Chrissis then shows that Innocent’s commitment to this frontier was not maintained and seems to have declined somewhat after 1207. Under his successors, papal support for crusading in this area waxed and
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