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Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Similarities in the Norman Influence, Contact and “Conquests” of Sicily, Southern Italy and England 11世纪和12世纪诺曼人对西西里、意大利南部和英格兰的影响、接触和“征服”的相似之处
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.799951
Melanie L. Sartore
abstract The establishment of the so-called “Norman World” is a debated phenomenon. The influence of the Normans can be found throughout Europe in matters of politics, warfare, and cultural interaction. The empire established by the Normans from the tenth through the thirteenth centuries was based upon the fighting prowess and military might of a people led by notable men such as William the Conqueror and Robert Guiscard. The similarities and differences between the Norman conquests of the eleventh century reveal reciprocity in contact, influence, and exchange among Norman populations. Similarly, the autonomy and distinctness of Norman populations from England to the Mediterranean remained. This article explores the extent of Norman contact, areas of influence and methods of exchange during the most active Norman conquests of the Middle Ages.
所谓“诺曼世界”的建立是一个有争议的现象。诺曼人的影响可以在整个欧洲的政治、战争和文化交流中找到。诺曼人从10世纪到13世纪建立的帝国是建立在由征服者威廉和罗伯特·吉斯卡等著名人物领导的人民的战斗能力和军事力量的基础上的。11世纪诺曼征服之间的相似之处和不同之处揭示了诺曼人之间联系、影响和交流的互惠性。同样,从英格兰到地中海的诺曼人的自治权和独特性也保留了下来。本文探讨了在中世纪最活跃的诺曼征服期间,诺曼人的接触程度、影响范围和交流方法。
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引用次数: 0
The Byzantines and Saladin: Some Further Arguments 拜占庭人和萨拉丁:一些进一步的争论
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.799952
Savvas Neocleous
abstract This is the second of two articles by the same author arguing against the thesis that there was a conspiracy between the Byzantine emperors and Saladin, sultan of Egypt and Syria, against the crusader states and the Third Crusade in the 1180s. While the focus of the first article was primarily on the Latin sources, the present study shifts the focus to the Arabic primary material, hitherto largely neglected or inadequately treated by modern historians. Through a critical re-examination and re-interpretation of the Arabic sources, backed by the introduction and discussion of new Latin material when necessary, this article presents expanded arguments on the relations between the Byzantine Empire, the Sultanate of Konya and Saladin in the 1180s. The conclusions lend further support to the view that the Byzantine rulers and Saladin never concluded an alliance against the Latin settlers of Outremer and the Third Crusade.
这是同一作者的两篇文章中的第二篇,该文章反对拜占庭皇帝与埃及和叙利亚苏丹萨拉丁之间存在反对十字军国家和11世纪80年代第三次十字军东征的阴谋。虽然第一篇文章的重点主要是拉丁来源,但目前的研究将重点转移到阿拉伯语的原始材料上,迄今为止,这些材料在很大程度上被现代历史学家忽视或没有得到充分的处理。通过对阿拉伯语资料的批判性重新审视和重新解释,并在必要时引入和讨论新的拉丁材料,本文对1180年代拜占庭帝国、科尼亚苏丹国和萨拉丁之间的关系进行了扩展论证。这些结论进一步支持了这样一种观点,即拜占庭统治者和萨拉丁从未结成联盟,反对奥特雷默的拉丁定居者和第三次十字军东征。
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引用次数: 5
Coptic Language and Identity in Ayyūbid Egypt1 Ayyūbid埃及的科普特语和身份
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.799953
K. Parker
Abstract In the late Fāṭimid and Ayyūbid periods of Egyptian history, Coptic Christians finally addressed the reality that most of their community no longer understood the Coptic language but were, in fact, losing their communal identity and “figures of memory” to Arabisation and even Islamisation. A Coptic-Arabic “Renaissance” ensued whereby Coptic liturgy, theology and history were translated into Arabic, the lingua franca by this time of the Coptic populace. This creative energy extended into the artistic realm – such as iconography and painting – and ultimately strengthened the identity of the Coptic community as their situation became increasingly more restricted.
在埃及历史的Fāṭimid和Ayyūbid后期,科普特基督徒终于解决了这样一个现实,即他们社区的大多数人不再理解科普特语,但事实上,他们正在失去他们的社区身份和“记忆人物”,以阿拉伯化甚至伊斯兰化。科普特-阿拉伯“文艺复兴”随之而来,科普特人的礼拜仪式、神学和历史被翻译成阿拉伯语,这是当时科普特人的通用语。这种创造性的能量延伸到艺术领域,如肖像学和绘画,并最终加强了科普特社区的身份,因为他们的处境越来越受到限制。
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引用次数: 2
Neo-Muctazilismus?: Intention und Kontext im modernen arabischen Umgang mit dem rationalistischen Erbe des Islam Neo-Muctazilismus ?:对伊斯兰教理性遗产的书写与背景
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804324
Richard Martin
related developments of textualisation and popularisation thus profoundly transformed cultural practices linked to the production, transmission and reception of texts in Egypt and Syria over the Middle Period” (p. 197). Growing textualisation did not, however, mean the displacement of oral and aural modes of cultural transmission by writing; rather, when new cultural practices emerged they were increasingly likely to take place in written form. The main agents of popularisation were not scholars, but traders and craftsmen (“middle classes”, p. 198), who were more able to participate in cultural practices attached to or associated with the scholarly world, such as by taking part aurally in readings or by making use of new institutions such as children’s schools and libraries. Over time, increasing textualisation and popularisation began to affect the virtual monopoly that scholarly and administrative elites enjoyed over the written word. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that among such elites there developed parallel discourses about the role that the written word could play in the generation and dissemination of deviant ideas and about how writing could be used to limit and stamp out such ideas. The volume is illustrated by a number of high quality images, including three floor plans of endowments with attached schools and nineteen plates, mostly in colour, and manuscript illustrations. There is also a bibliography of works cited (pp. 202–27) and an index of names, places and subjects (pp. 228–34). As stated at the beginning of this review, Hirschler has produced a very good book. It is clearly written and argued and is well-grounded in the primary sources and secondary literature. It will be of particular interest to scholars of textual practices elsewhere in the medieval world, both Arab and beyond. Indeed, throughout the book the author demonstrates a sound grasp of important cognate literature, such as Michael Clanchy’s work on England after the Norman Conquest (From Memory to Written Record: England, 1066–1307, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 1993), and in his conclusion, points to a number of avenues for further research. Such research will be greatly facilitated by the ground-breaking work done in this book.
因此,文本化和普及的相关发展深刻地改变了与中期埃及和叙利亚文本的生产、传播和接受有关的文化习俗”(第197页)。然而,不断增长的文本化并不意味着口头和听觉文化传播模式被文字取代;相反,当新的文化习俗出现时,它们越来越有可能以书面形式出现。普及的主要代理人不是学者,而是商人和工匠(“中产阶级”,第198页),他们更有能力参与与学术世界相关的文化实践,例如通过参加口头阅读或利用儿童学校和图书馆等新机构。随着时间的推移,越来越多的文本化和普及开始影响到学术和行政精英对书面文字的虚拟垄断。因此,毫不奇怪,在这些精英中,出现了关于书面文字在产生和传播越轨思想方面可能发挥的作用以及如何使用书面文字来限制和消灭这些思想的平行话语。该卷由许多高质量的图像说明,包括三个捐赠的平面图与附属学校和19个板块,大部分是彩色的,以及手稿插图。书中还有引用作品的参考书目(第202-27页)和人名、地点和主题的索引(第228-34页)。正如本文开头所述,赫希勒写了一本非常好的书。它写得很清楚,论点也很清楚,并且有很好的一手资料和二手文献基础。它将对中世纪世界其他地方的文本实践的学者特别感兴趣,包括阿拉伯和其他地方。事实上,在整本书中,作者展示了对重要同源文献的良好把握,例如迈克尔·克兰奇关于诺曼征服后的英格兰的著作(从记忆到书面记录:英格兰,1066-1307,牛津:Wiley-Blackwell, 1993),并在他的结论中指出了一些进一步研究的途径。这本书所做的开创性工作将极大地促进这种研究。
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引用次数: 2
The Islamic Scholarly Tradition: Studies in History, Law, and Thought in Honor of Professor Michael Allan Cook 伊斯兰学术传统:历史、法律和思想研究,纪念迈克尔·艾伦·库克教授
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804321
Yasmin Amin
and the Gazelle of the Kaʿba”, Rubin offers a new reading of the Qurʾān CXI and explores the historical account of hostility between Abū Lahab and the Prophet, highlighting the literary origins of the event. “Quraysh and Their Winter and Summer Journey” attempts to provide a different interpretation of Qurʾān CVI. Through an examination of various exegetical and historical sources, Rubin offers a new reading of the chapter, originally understood to be a Medina chapter, re-dating its religious monotheistic message to the Mecca period. The next article, “Morning and Evening Prayers in Early Islam”, examines traditions and reports concerning the prayer times and their significance, also tracing their roots to pagan times. In the last article, “On the Arabian Origins of the Qur’an”, Rubin demonstrates that the word furqān has a purely Arabic origin and stands for the light of the dawn. The article also discusses the exegetical interpretations of the term as “redemption” and as “distinction between truth and falsehood”. This collection of Uri Rubin’s articles is a significant contribution to the study of the life of Muh ̇ ammad, pre-Islamic Arabia and its people’s rituals, and will be of great benefit to scholars interested in Islamic studies, Qurʾānic exegesis and the life of Muh ̇ ammad. While the articles on Muh ̇ ammad and the Qurʾān and the Qurʾānic idea of prophets and prophethood are less analytical, others, such as his review of Lüling’s work and his own “The Shrouded Messenger”, are much more critical and offer concrete textual analyses. By looking at preIslamic and post-Qurʾānic sources and in some cases juxtaposing Islamic and Jewish sources, Rubin offers a new reading of the Islamic material and makes a major contribution to the field of Islamic studies and the biography of Muh ̇ ammad.
和Ka ā ba的瞪羚”,鲁宾提供了一种新的阅读古兰经ān CXI,并探讨了阿布拉哈卜和先知之间的敌意的历史记载,突出了这一事件的文学起源。“古莱什和他们的冬夏之旅”试图提供对古兰经的不同解释ān CVI。通过对各种训诂和历史资料的考察,鲁宾对这一章提供了新的解读,最初被理解为麦地那章节,将其宗教一神论信息重新追溯到麦加时期。下一篇文章,“早期伊斯兰教的早晚祈祷”,考察了有关祈祷时间及其意义的传统和报告,也追溯了它们的根源到异教徒时代。在最后一篇文章“论古兰经的阿拉伯起源”中,鲁宾论证了furqān这个词有一个纯粹的阿拉伯起源,代表黎明的光。文章还讨论了对“救赎”和“真伪辨析”的释经解释。乌里·鲁宾(Uri Rubin)的文集对研究穆阿麦德的生活、前伊斯兰阿拉伯及其人民的仪式有重大贡献,对对伊斯兰研究、古兰经ānic注释和穆阿麦德生活感兴趣的学者将大有裨益。虽然关于穆罕默德和《古兰经》ān以及《古兰经》ānic关于先知和先知身份的观点的文章较少分析,但其他一些文章,如他对灵的作品的评论和他自己的《被包裹的使者》,则更具批判性,并提供了具体的文本分析。通过研究伊斯兰教之前和之后的古兰经ānic资料,以及在某些情况下将伊斯兰教和犹太教资料并列,鲁宾提供了对伊斯兰教材料的新解读,并对伊斯兰研究领域和穆赫阿马德传记做出了重大贡献。
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引用次数: 3
Some Reflections on Hagiology with Reference to the Early Mawlawī-Christian Relations in the Light of the Manāqib al-cārifīn 从Manāqib al-cārifīn的角度看早期宗教与基督教关系的圣徒学思考
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.799956
Şevket Küçükhüseyin
Abstract Hagiographic sources are of particular value for the study of social life in historical societies. They reflect contemporary social discourses such as how to deal with members of different religious or ethnic groups or social classes. A prime Muslim example of this genre is the Persian Manāqib al-ʿārifīn (Feats of the Knowers of God) of the Mawlawī-Dervish Aḥmad-i Aflākī written in Konya in the eighth/fourteenth century. It is dedicated to the life and deeds of the masters of the emerging brotherhood of the Mawlawiyya. This community was of outstanding importance in urban central and western Asia Minor in the eighth/fourteenth century, both as an institution of the urban middle classes and as an effective missionary, and was thus an important protagonist in the process of Islamisation. After some methodological considerations on the genre of hagiography, the article will address the issue of missionary strategies of the early Mawlawiyya on the basis of the Manāqib al-ʿĀrifīn.
摘要圣像资料对于研究历史社会的社会生活具有特殊的价值。它们反映了当代社会话语,例如如何处理不同宗教或种族群体或社会阶层的成员。这种类型的一个主要的穆斯林例子是波斯语Manāqib al- al- ārifīn(真主的知识者的壮举)的mawlawur - dervish Aḥmad-i Aflākī,写于8 / 14世纪的科尼亚。它是献给新兴的毛拉维亚兄弟会的主人们的生活和事迹的。这个团体在8 / 14世纪的小亚细亚中部和西部城市中具有突出的重要性,既是城市中产阶级的机构,也是有效的传教士,因此是伊斯兰化过程中的重要主角。本文将在对圣徒传记体论进行方法学思考后,以Manāqib al- tah Ārifīn为基础,探讨早期毛拉维亚传教士的传教策略问题。
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引用次数: 2
The Nuṣayrī-ʿAlawīs: An Introduction to the Religion, History, and Identity of the Leading Minority in Syria Nuṣayrī- alaw<e:1>:叙利亚主要少数民族的宗教、历史和身份介绍
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804325
Steve Tamari
̇ na) imposed by the Caliph al-Maʾmūn on civil servants to test their acceptance, and punish the lack thereof, of the doctrine of the created Qurʾān, which was also a Muʿtazilı̄ doctrine but opposed by popular Muslim piety – most notably by Ah ̇ mad ibn H ̇ anbal (d. 241/855). Some scholars of Islamic theology may not agree with all of Hildenbrandt’s analyses and conclusions. Nonetheless, he has presented intellectual historians and students of comparative theology with a tour de force that brings into sharper focus an intellectual debate in modern Islam, making a compelling case for modern Muslim engagement with the Muʿtazilite heritage.
(na)由哈里发al-Ma - al- al-Ma - al mūn强加给公务员,以测试他们对受造的《古兰经》ān教义的接受程度,并惩罚他们对该教义的缺乏,这也是一种Mu - tazilir - yi教义,但受到流行穆斯林虔诚的反对——最著名的是阿迈德·伊本·H·anbal(公元241/855年)。一些伊斯兰神学学者可能不同意Hildenbrandt的所有分析和结论。尽管如此,他还是向知识分子历史学家和比较神学的学生展示了他的杰作,使现代伊斯兰教的知识分子辩论更加清晰,为现代穆斯林与Mu - tazilite遗产的接触提供了一个令人信服的案例。
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引用次数: 24
The Written Word in the Medieval Arabic Lands 中世纪阿拉伯土地上的文字
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804327
J. Wood
̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a would contract marriages during his stay in a given place and divorce his wives once he decided to travel to his next destination. Waines illustrates how Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a revelled in the fact that marriage in the Maldives “is really a sort of temporary marriage” (p. 163). While acting as a judge on the islands, he tried to force women to wear Islamic dress, but without success. In another example of his flexible attitudes, Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a chastised others for the immoral act of buying Greek slave girls for prostitution, but continuously purchased slave girls throughout his travels when he could afford it. Waines also points out that Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a was scandalised by the fact that he came across matrilineal societies in sub-Saharan Africa, where women and men had platonic relationships. In the second half of the fifth chapter, Waines discusses Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a’s relationship with religious and racial “others”. He outlines a number of encounters between Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a and practitioners of Islamic legal schools other than his own Mālikı̄ school and also includes a section on Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a’s interaction with Shiʿite Muslims. Following the practice of Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a, Waines uses the terms “dissidents” and “Rāfı̄d ̇ ı̄s” (lit. rejectionists) to describe Shiʿites. In all, Waines suggests that, although Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a detested the “extreme Rāfı̄d ̇ ı̄s”, he admired their piety and hospitality. The Odyssey is a must-read for Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a enthusiasts, especially those who happen to be foodies and enjoy fantastical stories. The discerning reader is left wondering, though, whether the tales presented by Waines are a true window on the medieval world or simply a product of Ibn Bat ̇ t ̇ ūt ̇ a’s imagination. Either way, Waines has written a fascinating study of one of history’s most renowned world travellers.
他在一个地方逗留期间会结婚,一旦决定前往下一个目的地,他就会和妻子离婚。Waines描述了Ibn Bat (t) ūt (a)是如何沉醉于马尔代夫的婚姻“实际上是一种临时婚姻”(第163页)这一事实的。当他在岛上担任法官时,他试图强迫妇女穿伊斯兰服装,但没有成功。伊本·巴特(Ibn Bat) ūt (a)是他态度灵活的另一个例子,他谴责购买希腊女奴卖淫的不道德行为,但在旅行中,只要他负担得起,他就不断地购买女奴。Waines还指出,Ibn Bat (t) ūt (a)对他在撒哈拉以南非洲遇到的母系社会感到震惊,那里的女性和男性有着柏拉图式的关系。在第五章的后半部分,韦恩斯讨论了伊本·巴特(ūt)与宗教和种族“他者”的关系。他概述了伊本·Bat (t) ūt (a)与他自己的Mālikı (a)学派以外的伊斯兰法律学派的实践者之间的一些接触,还包括伊本·Bat (t) ūt (a)与什叶派穆斯林的互动。遵循伊本·Bat (t) ūt (a)的做法,Waines使用“持不同政见者”和“Rāfı (lititrejectionists)”来描述什叶派。总之,Waines认为,尽管伊本·Bat (t) ūt (a)厌恶“极端的Rāfı (d)’s”,但他钦佩他们的虔诚和好客。《奥德赛》是伊本•Bat (t) ūt (a)爱好者的必读之作,尤其是那些恰巧是美食家、喜欢奇幻故事的人。然而,眼光敏锐的读者不禁要问,韦恩斯所呈现的故事究竟是展现中世纪世界的一扇真正的窗户,还是仅仅是伊本•Bat (ūt)的想象产物。不管怎样,韦恩斯对历史上最著名的世界旅行家之一进行了引人入胜的研究。
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引用次数: 4
Writing “True Stories”: Historians and Hagiographers in the Late Antique and Medieval Near East 写“真实的故事”:古代晚期和中世纪近东的历史学家和圣徒传记作者
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804322
M. Dhada
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引用次数: 2
The Odyssey of Ibn Battuta: Uncommon Tales of a Medieval Adventurer 伊本·白图泰的奥德赛:一个中世纪冒险家的不寻常的故事
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2013-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804323
Z. M. Heern
section of several disciplines” by exposing us to “exciting new avenues of approach”. Unfortunately, a number of shortcomings undermine this objective. There is no index, the inclusion of which would have increased the usability of the volume considerably for readers, reviewers and researchers seeking to dip into the text quickly, before engaging more deeply. Furthermore, no effort is made to outline how the volume fits in the overall series of which it is a part.How, therefore, shouldwe view its contribution to understanding cultural encounters in the Late Antique andMedieval Near East? The question is particularly relevant when considering texts on early Islam, since the debate over Islam’s origins has moved well beyond the symbolic, or analogically emblematic. There is no bibliography, nor is there a list of the sources that the twelve scholars have relied on for their chapters. Even a pithy bibliography broadly surveying the themes tackled here would have made this text useful for readers other than the specialist. Additionally, there is minimal information about the authors of the chapters, leaving readers and reviewers to guess who they are, their areas of research expertise, and how these bear upon their chapters. A page or two of one-paragraph long abstracts on each author would have enabled readers to better situate the chapters and their authors and to follow up more easily on points of interest or debate. If deeper consideration had been given to the reference apparatus within the volume, the portions of the book on martyrdom, sacrifice, and exemplary life of converts imitating the life of Christ would have been rendered that much more rewarding. Instead, what we have here is a good book that nearly falls apart, and that is in desperate need of a better show-and-tell, that is to say a broader meta-contextual setting within which to embed and understand the twelve narrative gems.
通过向我们展示“令人兴奋的新途径”,几个学科的部分。不幸的是,许多缺点破坏了这一目标。没有索引,如果包含索引,将大大增加读者、审稿人和研究人员在深入研究之前快速浏览文本的可用性。此外,没有努力勾勒出该卷如何适应它所作为一部分的整个系列。因此,我们应该如何看待它对理解古代晚期和中世纪近东文化相遇的贡献?当考虑早期伊斯兰教的文本时,这个问题尤其相关,因为关于伊斯兰教起源的争论已经远远超出了象征性或类比象征性的范畴。没有参考书目,也没有12位学者在他们的章节中所依赖的来源列表。即使是一个简明的参考书目,广泛地调查了这里所处理的主题,也会使这篇文章对专家以外的读者有用。此外,关于章节作者的信息很少,让读者和审稿人猜测他们是谁,他们的研究专业领域,以及这些对他们的章节有什么影响。每个作者的一到两页一段长的摘要可以让读者更好地定位章节及其作者,并更容易地跟踪兴趣点或争论点。如果更深入地考虑卷中的参考工具,那么书中关于殉难,牺牲和模仿基督生活的皈依者的模范生活的部分将会变得更有价值。相反,我们在这里看到的是一本几乎支离破碎的好书,它迫切需要一个更好的展示和讲述方式,也就是说,一个更广泛的元语境背景,在这个背景下,我们可以嵌入和理解这十二颗叙事瑰宝。
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引用次数: 12
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Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean
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