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The Unratified Treaty between the Mamlūks and the Franks of Acre in 1268* 1268年Mamlūks与阿克法兰克人之间的未批准条约*
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.915104
Rabei G. Khamisy
Abstract In 1268, after negotiations with Baybars, King Hugh III rejected several of the sultan's terms and did not take the oath to confirm a truce. Baybars' biographer underplayed the refusal, claiming that Hugh's fear of Charles of Anjou prevented him from making a truce. Based on historical and archaeological evidence, this study draws the borders with the Mamlūks and the inner borders between the Frankish regions in 1268, 1272 and 1283, proving that the Frankish areas in 1268 were reduced to almost half of those that obtained in 1272 and 1283. Thus, this study assumes that Hugh could not have take the oath on terms that, inter alia, reduced the Frankish area to an unacceptable size. The Franks seem to have controlled more territory than they were given in the proposed 1268 treaty and it seems that Baybars' lack of interest in an attack on Acre encouraged the king to reject the truce.
1268年,在与贝巴尔斯谈判后,国王休三世拒绝了苏丹的几个条款,也没有宣誓确认休战。贝巴尔斯的传记作者对休的拒绝轻描淡写,声称休对安茹的查理的恐惧使他无法休战。根据历史和考古证据,本研究在1268年、1272年和1283年绘制了法兰克地区与Mamlūks的边界和内部边界,证明1268年法兰克地区几乎减少到1272年和1283年的一半。因此,本研究假设休不可能在宣誓时将法兰克地区缩小到不可接受的规模。法兰克人控制的领土似乎比他们在1268年条约中得到的要多,贝巴尔斯似乎对进攻阿克缺乏兴趣,这促使国王拒绝休战。
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引用次数: 2
Symbols of Authority in Medieval Islam: History, Religion and Muslim Legitimacy in the Delhi Sultanate 中世纪伊斯兰教的权威象征:德里苏丹国的历史、宗教和穆斯林合法性
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.916136
Nile Green
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引用次数: 3
The Prophet's Ascension: Cross-Cultural Encounters with the Islamic Miʿrāj Tales 先知的升天:与伊斯兰教派的跨文化相遇rāj故事
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.916134
Eliza Tasbihi
egies of the Byzantines. Finally, chapter eight presents relations between the Latin Orient and the Latin kingdoms of Antioch, Cyprus, Jerusalem, Tripoli and other territories. To sum up, although this reviewer is not fully convinced by all of the arguments put forward in this book, Van Tricht offers a distinctive interpretation of the Latin Empire of Constantinople and of the other Latin kingdoms. He presents the conquest and what followed as a renovatio of the Byzantine Empire and in the process offers an original study developed from a combination of Greek and Latin sources and a vast secondary bibliography. Overall, this is a useful study of thirteenth-century Byzantium.
拜占庭人的眼睛最后,第八章介绍了拉丁东方与拉丁王国安提阿、塞浦路斯、耶路撒冷、的黎波里和其他领土之间的关系。综上所述,尽管本评论家并不完全相信本书中提出的所有论点,但范特里希特对君士坦丁堡的拉丁帝国和其他拉丁王国提供了独特的解释。他提出了征服和随后的拜占庭帝国的革新,并在此过程中提供了一个原始的研究,从希腊和拉丁来源和大量的二手书目的组合发展。总的来说,这是对十三世纪拜占庭的有益研究。
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引用次数: 14
Vehicles of Transmission, Translation, and Transformation in Medieval Textual Culture 中世纪文本文化中的传播、翻译和转换工具
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.915119
S. England
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引用次数: 1
The Transmission and Dynamics of the Textual Sources of Islam: Essays in Honour of Harald Motzki 伊斯兰文本来源的传播与动态:纪念哈拉尔德·莫茨基的论文
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.915113
A. Belhaj
distracting from the discussion at hand, which is to demonstrate how the male-centred framing of the story has not, in her estimation, diminished Nazhūn’s place in the satiric anecdote. Hammond’s careful argument could be readily used in either an undergraduate or graduate classroom to discuss how one might think about these frames and their contents as gendered structures; rather than closing off further argument, Hammond lays the groundwork for additional discussion with further data. If Chapter 4 engages a difficult logical problem, Chapter 5, “He Desires Her?”, suggests strongly that the use of a woman’s voice in particular genres of poetry need not be interpreted in only one way. Looking at muwashshah ̇ a, “an Arabic and Hebrew genre which developed in Andalusia before the tenth century” (p. 25), she describes how this genre typically portrays women’s voices (and sexual expression) in the closing sections, and notes that this has largely been understood as men constructing women’s voices. She argues that women were also involved in the courtly musical lyrical traditions from which this genre grew, and we ought not assume automatically that all the anonymous verse was male-authored (p. 153). Hammond describes several women known to have been involved with the genre, and discusses how the verses that have been attributed to them do not manifest a unique “écriture féminine”, but a gender ambiguity that can help us to foreground and rethink our own biases when seeking something uniquely feminine in such highly stylized genres (p. 157). Although the frequent use of Arabic technical terms for genres and poetic terminology will make this text at times difficult for a non-specialist, the best recommendation might be that this reader was disappointed to reach the end. The only error spotted was a minor problem with the regnal dates for Muʿawı̄ya given on page 116. Sadly, the publisher has no plans for a paperback edition, pricing this out of range for use as a classroom text. The British Academy’s website notes that the publication series is yet another mark of the excellence of the scholars who receive its fellowships; this monograph demonstrates well the truth of that statement.
从手头的讨论中分散注意力,这是为了证明,在她看来,以男性为中心的故事框架并没有削弱Nazhūn在讽刺轶事中的地位。哈蒙德的仔细论证可以很容易地用于本科生或研究生的课堂,讨论人们如何将这些框架及其内容视为性别结构;哈蒙德没有结束进一步的争论,而是用进一步的数据为进一步的讨论奠定了基础。如果第四章涉及到一个困难的逻辑问题,第五章“他想要她?”,强烈地表明,在特定类型的诗歌中使用女性的声音不需要只从一种方式来解释。以“十世纪前在安达卢西亚发展起来的一种阿拉伯语和希伯来语流派”(第25页)为例,她在结语部分描述了这种流派如何典型地描绘女性的声音(和性表达),并指出这在很大程度上被理解为男性构建女性的声音。她认为,女性也参与了宫廷音乐抒情传统,这种流派由此发展起来,我们不应该想当然地认为所有的匿名诗都是男性创作的(第153页)。哈蒙德描述了几位与这种体裁有关的女性,并讨论了被认为是她们的诗句如何没有表现出一种独特的“女性主义”,而是一种性别模糊,这种模糊可以帮助我们在这种高度程式化的体裁中寻找独特的女性主义时,突出和反思我们自己的偏见(第157页)。尽管频繁使用阿拉伯语专业术语和诗歌术语会使本书有时对非专业人士来说很困难,但最好的建议可能是读者在读完时感到失望。唯一发现的错误是第116页《穆·阿瓦伊·雅》的官方日期有一个小问题。遗憾的是,出版商没有计划推出平装本,定价超出了课堂教材的使用范围。英国学术院的网站指出,该系列出版物是获得该学院奖学金的学者卓越的又一标志;这本专著很好地证明了这种说法的真实性。
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引用次数: 1
Kausalität in der Muʿtazilitischen Kosmologie: Das Kitāb al-Muʾaththirāt wa-miftāḥ al-muškilāt des Zayditen al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ (st. 584/1188)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.915114
Abdessamad Belhaj
(the common link), who is considered to be the narrator who transmitted a specific H ̇ adı̄th (p. 10). This method yields interesting results provided that the analysed H ̇ adı̄th has a number of different variants. Isnād-cum-matn does not aim at proving the authenticity of a H ̇ adı̄th. Rather, it seeks to establish the probable circulation of a H ̇ adı̄th in the era of Muh ̇ ammad’s Companions and their successors. In Qurʾānic studies, the chapters in this volume employ philology to explore the origins of the Qurʾān and its interpretation. Finally, contributions on modern Salafı̄sm use various approaches derived from media studies and sociology to unravel its discourses and their significance(s). With regard to our knowledge of early traditions, each study based on isnād-cummatnmoves forward the analysis of H ̇ adı̄th corpora. Less ambitious are the studies in the Qurʾānic field. They introduce exegetical figures or views that are known through the contributors’ previous work. As for the studies of Islamic movements, the authors provided insights into the localisation of radical Salafı̄sm and especially its presence on the Internet. The scholarly quality of the edition is above reproach. However, several transliteration mistakes were not corrected. For example, al-māghāzı̄ should be almaghāzı̄ (p. 49), al-dawā should be al-dawāt (p. 292) and Rumh should be Rumh ̇ (p. 449). More importantly, the absence of fiqh studies is a shortcoming of the book. H. Motzki’s contribution is more relevant to early fiqh than to modern Salafı̄sm and Qurʾānic studies. Therefore, it would have been opportune to call in scholars of early Islamic jurisprudence as well. All in all, however, the book depicts effectively the development of a number of Muslim traditions (especially H ̇ adı̄th and Qurʾān studies) from their genesis to their use in present-day Internet polemics. It is a scholarly and enjoyable work to be read.
(共同的联系),他被认为是传达了一个特定的H’adyi’ā th的叙述者(第10页)。这种方法产生了有趣的结果,假设分析的H’adyi’H有许多不同的变体。Isnād-cum-matn的目的不是证明H ' o adir ' t的真实性。更确切地说,它试图在穆阿迈德的同伴和他们的继任者的时代建立一个可能的《阿达比》的流通。在古兰经ānic研究中,本卷的章节采用文献学来探索古兰经ān的起源及其解释。最后,对现代萨拉菲派主义的贡献使用了来自媒体研究和社会学的各种方法来揭示其话语及其意义。关于我们对早期传统的认识,每次研究都基于isnād-cummatnmoves向前分析了H ā adyi ā th语料库。在古兰经ānic领域的研究没有那么雄心勃勃。他们介绍了通过贡献者以前的工作所知道的训诂人物或观点。至于对伊斯兰运动的研究,作者提供了对激进的萨拉菲派主义本地化的见解,特别是它在互联网上的存在。这个版本的学术质量无可非议。然而,有几个音译错误没有得到纠正。例如,al-māghāzı ā应该是almaghāzı ā(第49页),al- dawi ā应该是al-dawāt(第292页),Rumh应该是Rumh ā(第449页)。更重要的是,没有详细的研究是这本书的一个缺点。H. Motzki的贡献与早期的伊斯兰教有关,而不是与现代萨拉费派和古兰经ānic研究有关。因此,邀请早期伊斯兰法律学的学者也不失为一个好机会。然而,总而言之,这本书有效地描述了许多穆斯林传统的发展(特别是H’adyi’s和古兰经ān研究),从它们的起源到它们在当今互联网辩论中的使用。这是一本学术性的、令人愉快的著作。
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引用次数: 0
The Word in Arabic 阿拉伯语中的单词
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.915118
J. Druel
been reframed to address more cogently a connected series of important issues, including the impact that an era of economic austerity, and concerns over canonical purity had in catalysing the Mutʿazilite inquisition, which in turn, atrophied secular pluralism in ʿAbbāsid culture. The book contains too many spelling errors (most notably on pp. 1, 81, 137, and 271) and displays an inappropriate – to this reviewer at any rate – image on the jacket cover of a painting by Pierre-Louis Bouchard, the nineteenth-century Paris-based Orientalist artist. The said image depicts a man with a turban reclining on a divan while being entertained by cavorting female slaves. Did Caswell’s serious and largely effective effort at critical scholarship merit such a cover, I wonder?
被重新定义,以更有针对性地解决一系列相关的重要问题,包括经济紧缩时代的影响,以及对规范纯洁性的关注在催化穆特·阿齐尔特宗教裁判所中的作用,这反过来又削弱了宗教Abbāsid文化中的世俗多元化。这本书有太多的拼写错误(最明显的是在第1,81,137和271页),并且在19世纪巴黎东方主义艺术家皮埃尔-路易斯·布沙尔(Pierre-Louis Bouchard)的一幅画的封面上展示了一个不合适的图像——至少对这个评论家来说是这样。这幅画描绘了一名戴头巾的男子斜倚在沙发上,被嬉戏的女奴逗乐。我想知道,卡斯韦尔在批判性学术研究上的认真和卓有成效的努力是否值得这样一个幌子?
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引用次数: 0
The Development of Islamic Law and Society in the Maghrib: Qāḍīs, Muftīs and Family Law 马格里布伊斯兰法律与社会的发展:Qāḍīs、伊斯兰教法与家庭法
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.878432
Sarah C. Davis-Secord
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引用次数: 0
Cosmopolitan Trade Centre or Bone of Contention? Alexandria and the Crusades, 487–857/1095–1453 国际贸易中心还是争论的焦点?亚历山大和十字军东征(487-857/1095-1453
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.877196
Niall Christie
Abstract This article examines the position of Alexandria during the crusading period (487–857/1095–1453), seeking to open up the question indicated in the title for discussion. Did Alexandria's importance as a trade centre have an impact on whether or not it became the target of military attacks by the Franks? What other forms of contention was it a focus for during the period? While not claiming to provide conclusive answers, we seek at least to provide a starting point for discussion of this complex issue.
本文考察了亚历山大在十字军东征时期(487-857/1095-1453)的地位,试图打开标题中所指出的问题进行讨论。亚历山大作为贸易中心的重要性是否影响了它是否成为法兰克人军事攻击的目标?在这一时期,它还关注了哪些其他形式的争论?虽然不声称提供结论性的答案,但我们至少力求为讨论这一复杂问题提供一个起点。
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引用次数: 2
From “Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean” to “Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean” 从“伊斯兰教与中世纪地中海”到“中世纪地中海杂志”
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2014.892316
J. Steenbergen
The journal Al-Masāq was conceived in 1988 by its founding editor, Dionisius Agius, as a welcome source of inspiration for and response to changing historiographical perceptions and reconstructions of the Mediterranean space in the medieval period. At that time, there was a clear and particular need for a journal with the subtitle “Islam and theMedieval Mediterranean”. In the often unconscious periphery of the Cultural Turn in the social sciences, there was an increasing interest in research organised around transcultural and interdisciplinary medieval Mediterranean questions that explicitly integrated in their scope Islam as a complex and multi-layered socio-cultural phenomenon. After all, conceptualisations of the Mediterranean had long been plagued by binary constructions that tended to ‘other’ its Islamic side, to consider it an intruder, outsider or opponent in Mediterranean places and spaces, conceived as rooted in antiquity and only re-integrated in an emerging Europe from the later Middle Ages onwards. Arguably, this goes back to Henri Pirenne’s development in the 1920s and 1930s of the much debated thesis – famously formulated in his Mahomet et Charlemagne as “sans Mahomet, Charlemagne est inconcevable” – that medieval Europe emerged only when the Arab-Muslim empire conquered the Mediterranean space and disrupted any further continuities between Mediterranean (late) antiquity and the Latin West. On the socio-economic side of things, this particular but influential construction of Mediterranean – and European – history was to a large extent made obsolete by the longue durée structuralism – and its many offshoots – of Fernand Braudel’s La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II. A similar historical consciousness of socio-cultural medieval Mediterranean complexities and of the dynamics of cultural constructions and reproductions (whether of longue or courte durée) of a variety of Mediterranean frontiers – as in the Pirenne-thesis – was slower to catch up. Incorporating Islam into this latter problematisation was therefore an important step forward, and a journal for “Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean” served as a timely vehicle to offer some modest assistance in this respect (and the subsequent
该杂志Al-Masāq于1988年由其创始编辑Dionisius Agius构思,作为中世纪时期不断变化的史学观念和地中海空间重建的灵感和回应的受欢迎的来源。当时,人们显然特别需要一本副标题为“伊斯兰教与中世纪地中海”的杂志。在社会科学文化转向的通常无意识的边缘,围绕跨文化和跨学科的中世纪地中海问题组织的研究越来越有兴趣,这些问题明确地将伊斯兰教作为一个复杂和多层次的社会文化现象纳入其范围。毕竟,地中海的概念长期以来一直受到二元结构的困扰,这些二元结构倾向于“其他”其伊斯兰方面,将其视为地中海地区和空间的入侵者,局外人或对手,被认为植根于古代,只是从中世纪后期开始在新兴的欧洲重新整合。可以说,这可以追溯到亨利·皮雷恩(Henri Pirenne)在20世纪20年代和30年代提出的备受争议的论点——在他的著作《穆罕默德与查理曼》(Mahomet et Charlemagne)中以“无穆罕默德,查理曼最不可思议”(sans Mahomet, Charlemagne est不可思议)著称——中世纪欧洲只有在阿拉伯-穆斯林帝国征服了地中海地区,并破坏了地中海(晚期)古代与拉丁西方之间的进一步连续性时才出现。在社会经济方面的事情,但是这个特殊的建设有影响力的地中海和欧洲历史在很大程度上使过时的舌头duree结构主义——和它的许多分支的布罗代尔的La地中海等《世界报》mediterraneen伯爵de菲利普二世。类似的关于中世纪地中海社会文化复杂性的历史意识,以及关于各种地中海边界的文化建构和复制(无论是longue还是court dur)的动态的历史意识——就像在皮莱纳的论文中一样——来得比较慢。因此,将伊斯兰教纳入后一种问题化是向前迈出的重要一步,《伊斯兰教与中世纪地中海》杂志在这方面(以及随后的方面)提供了一些及时的帮助
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引用次数: 0
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Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean
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