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The Dance Company Film 舞团电影
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19346018.74.1.2.06
Pamela Krayenbuhl
©2022 by the board of trustees of the university of illinois public-facing dance media have been widely available for decades. Examples include the dance-heavy movie musicals of the 1930s–50s, competition and reality television shows like So You Think You Can Dance, and games like Dance Dance Revolution. All of these have been the subjects of inquiry for media scholars seeking to understand not only the kinds of meaning-making in which these artifacts engage, but also how dance is involved in the process.1 However, both the general public and media scholars are less familiar with media created by and for “the dance world” itself. These are normally documentary-style moving-image media consisting primarily of rehearsal or performance footage, originally created for a range of utilitarian purposes: to learn and teach choreography, to evaluate performance quality, to keep an archive of finalized dance works. Indeed, video has become a crucial tool for dancers, largely replacing written notation as a means for preserving choreography. Many dance documentation films are ephemeral—they are recorded over, deleted, discarded, or otherwise lost after their immediate utility fades. However, in some cases they are collected, preserved, and thus available for analysis. In what follows, I conduct a foray into the largely untouched and unstudied archives of such moving-image dance recordings. They have slipped through the cracks of film and media studies because they are not well known outside of the dance world; meanwhile, most dance scholars have evaluated them primarily in terms of their effectiveness as faithful records of performance events or as notations intended for restaging.2 What has therefore been overlooked in the surface-level treatment of dance documentation films is the potential for them to reveal something about their creators and the institutions they represent. Indeed, I would like to suggest that while these recordings ostensibly serve a documentary or notation-like purpose, they are perhaps even more fruitful objects of study when considered as vehicles for (re)producing professional dance institutions and practices, as dance company films. I define the dance company film as a moving-image recording that is produced specifically by or for a dance company. Thus, I wish to locate the dance company film among an array of related nontheatrical film practices: it has a great deal in common with several types of what Charles R. Acland and Haidee Wasson call “useful cinema,” such as industrial film and educational film, but it also resembles documentary film and sometimes even home movies in its rhetorics.3 While each of these cinematic modes is discrete, in my discussion of dance company film, I demonstrate how each is present to varying degrees in this hybrid form. I argue that dance company film, like the rest of useful cinema, “has as much to do with the maintenance and longevity of institutions seemingly unrelated to cinema as it does pamel
©2022伊利诺伊大学董事会面向公众的舞蹈媒体几十年来一直在广泛传播。例子包括20世纪30年代至50年代以舞蹈为主的电影音乐剧、《So You Think You Can dance》等竞赛和真人秀节目,以及《dance dance Revolution》等游戏。所有这些都是媒体学者的研究主题,他们不仅想了解这些文物所参与的意义创造,还想了解舞蹈是如何参与其中的。1然而,公众和媒体学者都不太熟悉“舞蹈世界”本身创造的媒体。这些通常是纪录片风格的动态图像媒体,主要由排练或表演片段组成,最初是为了一系列实用目的而创建的:学习和教授编舞,评估表演质量,保存最终舞蹈作品的档案。事实上,视频已经成为舞者的重要工具,在很大程度上取代了书面符号,成为保留舞蹈编排的一种手段。许多舞蹈文献电影都是短暂的——它们被录制、删除、丢弃,或者在其直接效用消失后以其他方式丢失。然而,在某些情况下,它们被收集、保存,从而可用于分析。在接下来的内容中,我对这些运动图像舞蹈录音的大部分未经处理和研究的档案进行了一次探索。他们从电影和媒体研究的缝隙中溜走了,因为他们在舞蹈界之外并不出名;与此同时,大多数舞蹈学者主要根据它们作为表演事件的忠实记录或用于重述的符号的有效性来评估它们。2因此,在舞蹈文献电影的表面处理中被忽视的是,它们有可能揭示一些关于其创作者和所代表的机构的信息。事实上,我想建议,虽然这些录音表面上是为了纪录片或类似记谱的目的,但当被视为(重新)制作专业舞蹈机构和实践的工具,如舞蹈公司电影时,它们可能是更富有成效的研究对象。我将舞蹈团电影定义为由舞蹈团专门制作或为舞蹈团制作的动态图像记录。因此,我希望将舞蹈团电影定位于一系列相关的非戏剧电影实践中:它与查尔斯·R·阿克兰和海迪·瓦森所说的“有用的电影”有很多共同点,比如工业电影和教育电影,但它在修辞上也类似于纪录片,有时甚至类似于家庭电影。3虽然这些电影模式中的每一种都是离散的,但在我对舞蹈团电影的讨论中,我展示了每一种模式是如何在不同程度上以这种混合形式呈现的。我认为,舞蹈团电影和其他有用的电影一样,华盛顿大学塔科马分校电影与媒体研究助理教授帕梅拉·克拉延布尔说:“这与似乎与电影无关的机构的维持和寿命有很大关系
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引用次数: 0
Reconstructing the Uncertain Past: Cracked Docudramas That Question Their Own Authority 重建不确定的过去:质疑自身权威的破碎纪实剧
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19346018.74.1.2.08
Jeff Rush
©2022 by the board of trustees of the university of illinois more than thirty years after Robert Rosenstone wrote the preceding words in 1988, the historian and film scholar’s critique still describes the contemporary fact-based drama and its subset, the docudrama, a factbased drama about public events, upon which this article will focus. What might be called traditional docudramas include films such as The Post (Steven Spielberg, 2017), Apollo 13 (Ron Howard, 1995), Hotel Rwanda (Terry George, 2004), and Argo (Ben Affleck, 2012). These traditional docudramas represent past events and characters as though they are fully known and knowable, their narrative transparent, and they present their “single interpretation” of history with unacknowledged authority and omniscience. As Rosenstone notes, these films not only dismiss historical alternatives but also present their factual story worlds and characters with the same certainty as do well-made fictional scripts. Steven Spielberg’s The Post, for instance, dramatizes how the publishing of the Pentagon Papers led to the Watergate break-in, a line of historical causality that is factually ambiguous,1 with the same authority with which a horror film such as Get Out (Jordan Peel, 2017) dramatizes how the zombified black characters in the Armitage household have been transformed by unwilling brain transplantation. There is a small subset of docudramas, however, that use more tentative rhetorical techniques to tell fictional stories while also raising questions of how we understand the past. This article will call such films “cracked docudramas”2 because they retain traces or suggestions of how their creators came to know and represent history. Films such as BlacKkKlansman (Spike Lee, 2018), Foxcatcher (Bennett Miller, 2014), Jackie (Pablo Larrain, 2016), The Favourite (Yorgos Lanthimos, 2018), and I, Tonya (Craig Gillespie, 2017) are cracked through their formal strategies; using unsettling or unresolved textual elements, they hint from the inside at what informed their making from without. Their intentionally disquieting constructions point the viewer to alternative histories that linger ghost-like behind the specific interpretations that their creators have chosen, offering hints of the more open representation that Rosenstone encourages. In questioning how we know the past, cracked docudramas are associated with historical metafiction, one of the dominant narrative styles of twentieth-century postmodernism. However, unlike in the most inventive or Reconstructing the Uncertain Past: Cracked Docudramas That Question Their Own Authority
在罗伯特·罗森斯通(Robert Rosenstone)于1988年写下上述文字30多年后,这位历史学家和电影学者的批评仍然描述了当代基于事实的戏剧及其子集——纪实剧(docuddrama),这是一种关于公共事件的基于事实的戏剧,本文将重点讨论这一点。传统的纪实片包括《华盛顿邮报》(史蒂文·斯皮尔伯格,2017年)、《阿波罗13号》(罗恩·霍华德,1995年)、《卢旺达旅馆》(特里·乔治,2004年)和《逃离德黑兰》(本·阿弗莱克,2012年)。这些传统的纪实剧表现过去的事件和人物,仿佛他们是完全已知和可知的,他们的叙事是透明的,他们以不被承认的权威和无所不知的方式呈现他们对历史的“单一解释”。正如罗森斯通所指出的,这些电影不仅不考虑历史的选择,而且还像制作精良的虚构剧本一样,以同样的确定性呈现真实的故事世界和人物。例如,史蒂文·斯皮尔伯格(Steven Spielberg)的《华盛顿邮报》(The Post)戏剧化地描述了五角大楼文件的公布是如何导致水门事件的,这是一条实际上模棱两可的历史因果关系,1就像恐怖电影《逃出绝命镇》(Get Out, Jordan Peel, 2017)戏剧化地描述了阿米蒂奇(Armitage)家庭中僵尸化的黑人角色是如何通过不情愿的大脑移植而转变的一样。然而,也有一小部分纪实剧,使用更多试探性的修辞技巧来讲述虚构的故事,同时提出我们如何理解过去的问题。本文将把这样的电影称为“破碎的纪实片”,因为它们保留了创作者如何认识和表现历史的痕迹或暗示。《黑党徒》(Spike Lee, 2018)、《狐狸猎手》(Bennett Miller, 2014)、《杰奎琳》(Pablo Larrain, 2016)、《宠儿》(Yorgos Lanthimos, 2018)和《我,托尼亚》(Craig Gillespie, 2017)等电影都是通过它们的正式策略破解的;他们使用令人不安或未解决的文本元素,从内部暗示是什么从外部影响了他们的创作。他们故意令人不安的结构将观众引向另一种历史,这种历史像幽灵一样徘徊在创作者所选择的特定解释背后,提供了罗森斯通所鼓励的更开放的表现的暗示。在质疑我们如何了解过去的问题上,破碎的纪实剧与历史元小说联系在一起,这是20世纪后现代主义的主要叙事风格之一。然而,与最具创意的《重建不确定的过去:质疑自己权威的破碎纪实剧》不同
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引用次数: 0
Awakening from Neoliberal Rationalities: The Ecological Conversion of Brit Marling's Protagonist in The East 从新自由主义理性中觉醒:英国作家马林在《东方》中主人公的生态转换
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19346018.74.1.2.02
Mónica Martín
©2022 by the board of trustees of the university of illinois in the east (2013), actor Brit Marling plays Jane Owen, a young and ambitious private intelligence operative who has infiltrated an underground environmentalist organization that threatens the interests of polluting corporations. As Sarah Moss—the drifter alter ego Jane plays to get access to the eco-activists’ hideout—the protagonist will embark on an eye-opening doppelganger experience that shakes her ideological principles. Her ecoutopian conversion can be read under the light of the rising discredit of a “neoliberal rationality” that economized existence and democracy (Brown 10)—a demystification of individualist, exploitative, and competitive “hunter” logics (Bauman, Liquid Times 100–03) that runs parallel to a paradigm shift “from an unquestioned anthropocentric perspective to an ecocentric one” (Willoquet-Maricondi 5). The following pages examine the three stages of Jane’s ontological transformation in the movie: first, her everyday life as a workaholic citizen comfortably settled in the neoliberal status quo; then her undercover time with eco-activists in the underground organization The East, when she learns about the art of cooperation and develops an environmental consciousness; and last, Jane’s eco-utopian turn after breaking with her former lifestyle and committing to a sustainable future. As will be argued, the film formally supports Jane’s post-neoliberal eco-utopian turn, holding that green transformative agendas require the integrating and nurturing methodological perspectives of ecology rather than utilitarian violence and counter-power dialectics.
©2022由伊利诺伊大学的董事会在东部(2013),演员布里特·马林扮演简·欧文,一个年轻的和雄心勃勃的私人情报特工渗透到地下环保组织,威胁污染企业的利益。莎拉·莫斯(Sarah moss)——简扮演的另一个流浪汉,为了进入环保主义者的藏身之处——主人公将开始一段大开眼界的二重身经历,这段经历动摇了她的思想原则。她的生态乌托邦转变可以在“新自由主义理性”日益受到质疑的背景下解读,这种理性将存在和民主经济化(Brown 10)——对个人主义、剥削和竞争的“猎人”逻辑的去神秘化(鲍曼,(Willoquet-Maricondi 5),这与“从毋庸置疑的人类中心主义视角到生态中心主义视角”的范式转变是平行的。以下几页研究了简在电影中本体论转变的三个阶段:首先,她作为一个工作狂公民的日常生活舒适地定居在新自由主义的现状中;然后,她在地下组织“东方”(the East)与环保人士一起卧底,在那里她学会了合作的艺术,培养了环保意识;最后,简改变了以前的生活方式,致力于可持续发展的未来,转向生态乌托邦。正如将要讨论的那样,这部电影正式支持简的后新自由主义生态乌托邦转向,认为绿色变革议程需要整合和培育生态学的方法论视角,而不是功利主义暴力和反权力辩证法。
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引用次数: 1
Violence against Women and Girls: Female Filmmakers Critique the Menace 针对妇女和女孩的暴力:女性电影人对威胁的批判
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19346018.74.1.2.07
Joyce Osei Owusu
the global fight against gender inequality and social injustice has grown steadily, and after many years of dedication, it has become indisputably a priority for global and national development that is reshaping policies and decision-making. The integration of the agenda for gender equality and women’s and girls’ empowerment with Ghana’s national development efforts has yielded some modest progress.1 For example, the enactment of various laws and policies has increased girls’ access to education. As a result, there are now more girls than boys in primary schools (Florence Muhanguzi 6), and there is growth in the number of women engaged in the workforce as entrepreneurs (Entsie). Regardless of these gains, new and complex forms of genderbased violence are emerging in the current technology-mediated digital environment. Examples of these are various forms of cyberviolence and cyberbullying. Besides, some age-old forms of violence against women and girls (VAWG), such as sexual assault, sexual exploitation, rape, domestic violence, female genital mutilation (FGM),2 witchcraft accusations against women, ritual servitude known as Trokosi,3 and child marriages, have persisted for centuries. Ghana’s government enshrined its commitment to women’s rights in its 1992 constitution—specifically covering protection of fundamental human rights and freedom, right to life, personal liberty, respect for human dignity, protection from slavery and forced labor, protection from discrimination, and protection of the rights of women and children. Ghana also ratified several international human rights instruments, including the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action, the 2000 Millennium Development Goals, the 2003 Maputo Protocol, the 2004 African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, and the 2015 Sustainable Development Agenda, to defend the principles of gender equality and social justice for women and girls. These international and regional agreements have informed the formulation of national policies such as the National Gender Policy and Justice for Children Policy to provide comprehensive frameworks to respond to entrenched social injustices that undermine equity for women and girls. They also led to the institutionalization of, for example, the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs in 2001, now called the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection, tasked to drive policy change and contribute to national growth by achieving equality and equity for all. Certainly, commitments to addressing gender inequality and various forms of genderbased violence are evident, even though more Violence against Women and Girls: Female Filmmakers Critique the Menace
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引用次数: 0
Stranger Things, Nostalgia, and Aesthetics 怪奇物语,怀旧和美学
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19346018.74.1.2.01
Zachary Griffith
for making costumes using Eggo boxes. Eggo also bought billboards across the country in cities named Hawkins, the fictional town in which the series is set. These billboards featured the Eggo logo with blood dripping from the E—a nod to Eleven’s frequent nosebleeds. This marketing effort culminated in two larger releases. In June, Eggo claimed to have unearthed a series of unreleased advertisements from 1985 featuring hidden teasers related to the show, which they subsequently posted across social media platforms. Following this, the company also created limitededition boxes replicating the look of the ones they sold in the 1980s—identical save for the “Limited Edition 1985 Graphics” label at the top. These retro Eggos initially were available only online through Amazon but saw a larger release in select stores across the United States following the series’ July 4 debut. The latter two examples, the ads and the box, provide an acute illustration of the hyperaestheticized nostalgia for which Stranger Things is the archetype. The ads, for instance, hinge on a nostalgia for consumer products and advertising that is entirely mediated and thus based on the recreation of an aesthetic object; the nostalgic allure of the ads, in other words, derives from their replication of the style of 1980s ads. Grainy visuals and tape distortions blanket one video showing a “typical” middle-class suburban breakfast table featuring milk, orange juice, and of course, Eggos before cutting to a screen that reads “One Eggo Can Change Everything.” These visual imperfections exist even though in the summer of 2019, the Netflix series Stranger Things (2016–present) partnered with Eggo for a marketing campaign in the build-up to the release of its highly anticipated third season. The show, which follows a group of teens and adults in small-town 1980s Indiana as they struggle to keep at bay a succession of supernatural forces unleashed following the opening of a portal to an alternate dimension, was a surprise hit following its 2016 premiere, and it quickly became the streaming service’s most recognizable original production. Eggo waffles—a favorite of Eleven, one of the show’s teen protagonists—had seen a surge in sales following the show’s premiere and gained iconic status within its fandom, so a partnership capitalizing on the hype represented a logical next step. The two franchises had previously collaborated on a trailer for the series’ second season, which premiered during Super Bowl LI, in which a vintage “L’eggo my Eggo” commercial was progressively interrupted and eventually overtaken by scenes from show’s upcoming season. The much more elaborate 2019 campaign featured a variety of tie-ins, including an Eggobranded Stranger Things spoiler blocker for fans’ internet browsers, recipes tied to each of the upcoming nine episodes, and instructions
用鸡蛋盒制作服装。Eggo还在全国各地名为霍金斯(Hawkins)的城市购买了广告牌,霍金斯是这部电视剧的虚构小镇。这些广告牌的特点是Eggo的标志,血从E-a滴下来,这是对Eleven经常流鼻血的致敬。这种营销努力最终促成了两个更大的发行。今年6月,Eggo声称发现了一系列1985年未发布的广告,其中隐藏了与该剧有关的预告片,随后他们在社交媒体平台上发布了这些广告。在此之后,该公司还制作了限量版包装盒,复制了他们在20世纪80年代销售的包装盒的外观——除了顶部的“限量版1985图形”标签外,完全相同。这些复古的Eggos最初只能通过亚马逊在线购买,但在7月4日系列首次亮相后,美国各地的部分商店都有更多的销售。后两个例子,广告和盒子,提供了超审美怀旧的一个敏锐的例证,而《怪奇物语》是原型。例如,广告依赖于对消费品和广告的怀旧,这种怀旧完全是中介的,因此基于对审美对象的再创造;换句话说,这些广告的怀旧魅力源于它们对20世纪80年代广告风格的复制。一段视频显示的是“典型的”中产阶级郊区早餐桌,有牛奶、橙汁,当然还有鸡蛋,然后切换到一个屏幕上,上面写着“一个鸡蛋可以改变一切”。尽管在2019年夏天,Netflix的电视剧《怪奇物语》(2016年至今)与Eggo合作开展了一场营销活动,为其备受期待的第三季的播出做准备,但这些视觉缺陷仍然存在。这部剧讲述的是20世纪80年代印第安纳州小镇上一群青少年和成年人的故事,他们在通往另一个维度的门户打开后,努力阻止一系列超自然力量的释放。这部剧在2016年首播后意外走红,很快成为流媒体服务最知名的原创作品。Eggo华夫饼是该剧的主角之一小十一的最爱,在该剧首播后销量激增,在粉丝圈中获得了标志性的地位,因此利用这一炒作的合作是顺理成章的下一步。此前,这两家公司曾合作制作了该系列第二季的预告片,该预告片在第二次超级碗(Super Bowl LI)期间首映。在预告片中,一个复古的“我的鸡蛋”(L’Eggo my Eggo)广告逐渐被打断,最终被即将到来的一季的场景所取代。2019年的活动更加精心,包括各种各样的搭配,包括为粉丝们的网络浏览器提供的蛋牌《怪奇物语》剧透屏蔽,与即将到来的九集相关的食谱,以及说明
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引用次数: 0
"This Is What's Real": The Pathology of Black Addiction in the Hood Films of the 1990s “这是真实的”:20世纪90年代胡德电影中黑人成瘾的病理学
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19346018.74.1.2.03
Curt Hersey
©2022 by the board of trustees of the university of illinois three decades ago, a group of blackdirected films began to appear in theaters, addressing issues of over-policing and social justice. These “hood films,” as they came to be called, were directed almost exclusively by young African American men and challenged media discourses about black lives, the inner city, and the causes of poverty and violence. From 1991 to 1995, over twenty films were released as part of the hood-film cycle. The genre focuses on the lived experiences of African Americans in the inner city and emphasizes aspects of black culture. Keith M. Harris grounds the genre as part of a larger shift in black aesthetics, arguing that the films “recode the existing coding of blackness, informing the symbolic with the social and culture sensibilities of black culture, Afrocentrism and the everyday experiences of black people” (94). Despite crafting nuanced narratives that pushed back against stereotypes in dominant culture, hood films surprisingly replicated rhetoric around one of the most enduring vilifications of black neighborhoods: drug addiction. In the hood films addiction is treated as both symptom and cause of crime and poverty. Blame is conferred on the addicts themselves and street-level dealers, with the films mostly hiding the architecture and hierarchy of criminal enterprises that reach beyond the confines of the inner city. Cultural critics have long maintained that films and other media play a role in constructing popular concepts of minority groups. Robin R. Coleman, for instance, argues, “African Americans and Blackness have, in part, become defined within the symbolic media culture and hence are a product of American mass media” (3). Scholars argue that the representation of groups within the media impacts public perception of those groups. The media create a shared concept of minorities through the “transmission and maintenance of cultural identity,” which is then reinforced and identified as “truth” (Ross xix). Such critics rightly contend that these representations must be examined and deconstructed to identify the political and social ideology they contain. In fact, one of the main qualities attributed to the hood genre was realism. The films attempted to function almost as ethnographies. The tagline for the film Menace II Society sums up this impulse: “This is the truth. This is what’s real.” Through textual and discursive analysis, this present study analyzes how key hood films show “what’s real” when it comes to the representation of black addiction.1 For the purposes of this study, I address four films from the hood genre that prominently feature addicts and addiction: Boyz n the Hood (1991), New Jack City (1991), Menace II Society (1993), and Clockers (1995). The first three films met with significant box office success and, as a result, can be presumed to have had a greater effect on constructing popular perception. The film Jungle Fever (1991) appeare
©2022伊利诺伊大学董事会三十年前,一组黑人导演的电影开始出现在影院,解决过度监管和社会正义的问题。这些后来被称为“胡德电影”的电影几乎完全由年轻的非裔美国人执导,它们挑战了媒体关于黑人生活、内城以及贫困和暴力根源的话语。从1991年到1995年,超过20部电影作为兜帽电影周期的一部分上映。这种体裁侧重于非洲裔美国人在内城的生活经历,并强调黑人文化的各个方面。基思·m·哈里斯(Keith M. Harris)认为,这种类型的电影是黑人美学更大转变的一部分,他认为这些电影“重新编码了黑人的现有编码,用黑人文化的社会和文化敏感性、非洲中心主义和黑人的日常经历来传达象征意义”(94)。尽管制作了微妙的叙事,推翻了主流文化中的刻板印象,但胡德电影出人意料地复制了对黑人社区最持久的诽谤之一:吸毒成瘾。在胡德电影中,成瘾被视为犯罪和贫困的症状和原因。人们把责任归咎于吸毒者本身和街头毒贩,影片大多隐藏了犯罪企业的架构和等级制度,这些企业超出了内城的范围。文化评论家长期以来一直认为,电影和其他媒体在构建流行的少数群体概念方面发挥了作用。例如,罗宾·r·科尔曼(Robin R. Coleman)认为,“非裔美国人和黑人在某种程度上是在象征性媒体文化中被定义的,因此是美国大众媒体的产物”(3)。学者们认为,媒体中各群体的表现会影响公众对这些群体的看法。媒体通过“文化认同的传播和维护”创造了一种关于少数民族的共同概念,然后这种概念被强化并被认定为“真相”(Ross xix)。这些批评者正确地认为,必须对这些表述进行检查和解构,以确定它们所包含的政治和社会意识形态。事实上,兜帽游戏的主要特点之一就是现实主义。这些电影试图发挥民族志的作用。电影《威胁2:社会》(Menace II Society)的标语总结了这种冲动:“这就是真相。”这才是真实的。”通过文本分析和话语分析,本研究分析了关键的胡德电影在呈现黑人成瘾时如何表现“真实”为了本研究的目的,我选取了四部以吸毒成瘾为主要特征的胡德类型电影:《胡德男孩》(1991)、《新杰克城》(1991)、《威胁2:社会》(1993)和《clockkers》(1995)。前三部电影获得了巨大的票房成功,因此,可以认为它们对构建大众认知产生了更大的影响。电影《丛林狂热》(1991)出现在兜帽循环开始的同一年,也被覆盖,正如我所说,它通知并影响了这一类型。“这就是真实的”:20世纪90年代胡德电影中黑人成瘾的病理
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引用次数: 1
Why Is Reverse Motion Funny? Happy End and the Comic Potential of the Cinematographic Mechanism 为什么反向运动很有趣?快乐结局和电影机制的喜剧潜力
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/jfilmvideo.73.4.0003
Max Tohline, Sun Yi, Anthony L. Silvestri, Daniel Maddock
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引用次数: 0
What Is Cinematography in the Age of Virtual Film Production? Posing a New Definition for the Practice of Cinematography 虚拟电影制作时代的电影摄影是什么?为电影摄影实践提出新的定义
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/jfilmvideo.73.4.0044
Daniel Maddock
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引用次数: 0
Generic Involution and Artistic Concession in Contemporary Hong Kong Cinema: Overheard Trilogy and Beyond 当代香港电影的一般内卷与艺术让步:窃听三部曲及其后的发展
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/jfilmvideo.73.4.0015
Sun Yi
genres and the cultural myths they embodied “exhaust[ed] themselves” (578). Cawelti’s theory was developed (e.g., Collins) and widely contested. Major criticisms, exemplified by the work of Janet Staiger, Rick Altman, and Steve Neale, questioned the concept of genre blending by rejecting the hypothesis of genre purity underpinning Cawelti’s claim; the authors contributed to the growing consensus that films are more or less instances of genre blending, which is a standard practice in a system like Hollywood. Such criticisms have not denied altogether the phenomenon of genre blending in practical terms—genre is a practical concept after all—and the fact that genre blending has become a particularly salient feature in certain films at specific historical moments provides a potentially fruitful site for understanding film history and the sociocultural milieu in which it occurs. The criticisms have mounted ontological and epistemological challenges, such as the theoretical futility of seeking purity in genres and the implausibility of neatly demarcating (hybrid) genres. Most criticisms, however, have invariably underemphasized an axiological aspect of Cawelti’s theory. At the very end of his seminal essay, Cawelti made a value judgment—namely, that transformations within a traditional genre tend to produce “the highest artistic accomplishment” (579), without expounding why genre blending necessarily leads to achievement or progress in artistic terms. The conclusion was likely drawn more from the revolutionary films he chose as case studies than from a deduction of the generic john cawelti’s influential essay “Chinatown and Generic Transformation in Recent American Films,” published in 1979, ignited considerable scholarly attention and debate on the issue of genre blending in cinema. Significantly, there emerged an enduring dichotomy between genre blending as exhaustion and genre blending as evolution in understanding the practice, which I will explicate in the first pages. In my research on a series of posthandover Hong Kong films, however, I find neither the creative exhaustion nor the artistic evolution model adequate to depict and explain the phenomenon of genre blending. A focused analysis of a group of hybrid films from Hong Kong, especially of the characterization of protagonists, illustrates that they exhibit a tendency that can rather be described and comprehended using the anthropological concept of “involution.” A sociohistorical and psychocultural account of involution, in particular, provides a penetrating insight for understanding the occurrence of what I call “generic involution” in the context of Hong Kong cinema over the past two decades. Through an analysis of Chinatown (1974) and a few other titles, Cawelti in his essay suggested a pronounced tendency toward genre transformation in 1970s Hollywood films, which was marked by the blending of traditional genres with external elements. For him, genre blending resulted because the traditi
流派和他们所体现的文化神话“耗尽了自己”(578)。Cawelti的理论得到了发展(例如Collins),并受到了广泛的争论。以珍妮特·斯泰格、里克·奥特曼和史蒂夫·尼尔的作品为例,主要的批评通过拒绝支持Cawelti主张的流派纯粹性假设来质疑流派融合的概念;作者们促成了越来越多的共识,即电影或多或少都是类型融合的例子,这是好莱坞这样的系统中的标准做法。这些批评并没有完全否认现实中的类型融合现象——类型毕竟是一个实用的概念——而且类型融合在特定历史时刻成为某些电影中特别突出的特征,这为理解电影史及其发生的社会文化环境提供了一个潜在的富有成果的场所。这些批评提出了本体论和认识论的挑战,例如在流派中寻求纯粹性的理论徒劳,以及巧妙划分(混合)流派的不可信。然而,大多数批评总是低估了Cawelti理论的价值论方面。在他的开创性文章的最后,Cawelti做出了一个价值判断,即传统流派中的转变往往会产生“最高的艺术成就”(579),但没有解释为什么流派融合必然会导致艺术方面的成就或进步。这一结论可能更多地来自于他选择的革命电影作为案例研究,而不是来自于对约翰·卡韦尔蒂1979年发表的颇具影响力的文章《唐人街与当代美国电影中的一般转型》的演绎,该文章引发了学术界对电影类型融合问题的大量关注和辩论。值得注意的是,在理解实践的过程中,出现了一种持久的二分法,即作为衰竭的类型融合和作为进化的类型融合,我将在第一页中对此进行解释。然而,在对香港一系列后期电影的研究中,我发现无论是创作耗竭还是艺术进化模式都不足以描述和解释类型融合的现象。对香港一组混合电影的重点分析,尤其是对主人公的刻画,表明它们表现出一种倾向,可以用人类学的“内卷”概念来描述和理解,为理解过去二十年香港电影背景下我所说的“一般内卷”的发生提供了深刻的见解。通过对《唐人街》(1974)和其他几部电影的分析,Cawelti在他的文章中提出了20世纪70年代好莱坞电影明显的类型转型趋势,其特点是传统类型与外部元素的融合。对他来说,流派融合是因为
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引用次数: 0
Kenneth Anger and the Filmed-Archive Reenactment 肯尼斯·安格尔与档案馆的再现
IF 0.1 3区 艺术学 0 FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/jfilmvideo.73.4.0029
Anthony L. Silvestri
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引用次数: 0
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JOURNAL OF FILM AND VIDEO
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