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Wetland gloom and wetland glory 湿地的阴暗与湿地的辉煌
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063306
J. B. Callicott
Mountains were once no less feared and loathed than wetlands. Mountains, however, were aesthetically rehabilitated (in part by modern landscape painting), but wetlands remain aesthetically reviled. The three giants of American environmental philosophy--Thoreau, Muir, and Leopold--all expressed aesthetic appreciation of wetlands. For Thoreau and Muir--both of whom were a bit misanthropic and contrarian--the beauty of wetlands was largely a matter of their floral interest and wildness (freedom from human inhabitation and economic exploitation). Leopold's aesthetic appreciation of wetlands was better informed by evolutionary natural history and ecology. For example, cranes--wetland denizens--are more ancient than other large American avifauna and this evolutionary information and perspective enhances our aesthetic experience of them; and the ecological relationships between wetland species--such as sphagnum moss, tamaracks, and pitcher plants--informs our aesthetic experience of the wetlands biotic community. The Leopold land aesthetic involves all sensory modalities, emphasizes cognition as well as sensation (in this regard it may fruitfully be compared to the philosophy of Kant), and is more akin to an aesthetic of muisic than to an aesthetic of painting.
曾经,人们对山脉的恐惧和厌恶丝毫不亚于湿地。然而,山脉在美学上得到了恢复(部分是通过现代山水画),但湿地在美学上仍然受到诟病。美国环境哲学的三位巨人——梭罗、缪尔和利奥波德——都表达了对湿地的审美欣赏。对于梭罗和缪尔来说——他们都有点厌世和特立独行——湿地的美丽主要在于它们对植物的兴趣和野性(没有人类居住和经济剥削)。利奥波德对湿地的审美欣赏更受自然史和生态学的影响。例如,鹤——湿地居民——比其他大型美洲鸟类更古老,这种进化的信息和视角增强了我们对它们的审美体验;湿地物种之间的生态关系,如泥炭藓、柽柳和猪笼草,为我们提供了湿地生物群落的美学体验。利奥波德的土地美学涉及所有感官形式,强调认知和感觉(在这方面,它可以与康德的哲学相比较),更类似于音乐美学而不是绘画美学。
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引用次数: 24
On wilderness and people: A view from Mount Marcy 1 荒野与人:从马西山上看风景
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063298
Wayne Ouderkirk
Wilderness has always been a problematic concept, and now even some environmental philosophers question its value. Using Mount Marcy, the highest peak in New York State, the views from its summit, and the wilderness areas that surround it as heuristic devices, I examine four historically important concepts of wilderness. Even the most recently developed of those concepts has its philosophical problems, especially its implicit dualism, which many environmental thinkers regard negatively. I join those who reject dualism, but I disagree with the call to jettison the concept of wilderness. Instead, I argue that we need to develop an environmental philsophy that acknowledges both our differences from and our unity with wild nature.
荒野一直是一个有问题的概念,现在甚至一些环境哲学家也质疑它的价值。我以纽约州最高峰马西山(Mount Marcy)为例,以其峰顶的景色和围绕它的荒野地区为启发手段,考察了四个历史上重要的荒野概念。即使是最近发展起来的这些概念也有其哲学问题,特别是其隐含的二元论,许多环境思想家对此持否定态度。我和那些反对二元论的人一样,但我不同意抛弃荒野概念的呼吁。相反,我认为我们需要发展一种环境哲学,既承认我们与野生自然的差异,又承认我们与野生自然的统一。
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引用次数: 4
Depictions as surrogates for places: From Wallace's biogeography to Koch's dioramas 作为地点替代物的描绘:从华莱士的生物地理学到科赫的立体模型
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063324
J. Voss, S. Sarkar
Habitat dioramas depicting ecological relations between organisms and their natural environments have become the preferred mode of museum display in most natural history museums in North America and Europe. Dioramas emerged in the late nineteenth century as an alternative mode of museum installation from taxonomically arranged cases. We suggest that this change was closely connected to the emergence of a biogeographical framework rooted in evolutionary theory and positing the existence of distinct biogeographical zones. We tie the history of dioramas to earlier visual resources such as the thematic images that Wallace introduced to illustrate his 1876 Geographical Distribution of Animals. These images were unique in their time because each of them simultaneously depicted animals from several different taxa, rather than only one, as well as the ecological relations between animals and their habitats. Both, visually and with respect to their function within biogeography, these images presaged the habitat dioramas that came shortly afterwards. Not coincidentally, Wallace explicitly advocated the use of dioramas for museum display in ongoing debates on museum reform. Wallace's suggestions were put into practice by committed evolutionists such as Gottlieb von Koch who pioneered the diorama installation in the Grand Ducal Museum in Darmstadt (Germany) in 1906. As in Wallace's illustrations, Koch's dioramas were designed to respresent biogeographical zones. This paper explores the function of these visual displays of biogeographical relations. It argues that, in both the scientific and public realms, biogeogaphical zones were defined and constructed by visual means; recourse to visual representation was more than a method of communication.
在北美和欧洲的大多数自然历史博物馆中,描绘生物与其自然环境之间生态关系的栖息地立体模型已经成为博物馆展示的首选模式。立体模型出现在19世纪后期,作为博物馆装置的另一种模式,从分类安排的情况下。我们认为,这种变化与生物地理框架的出现密切相关,该框架植根于进化理论,并假设存在不同的生物地理区域。我们将立体模型的历史与早期的视觉资源联系在一起,比如华莱士在1876年的《动物地理分布》中引入的主题图像。这些图像在当时是独一无二的,因为它们同时描绘了来自几个不同分类群的动物,而不是只有一个分类群,以及动物与栖息地之间的生态关系。无论是从视觉上还是从它们在生物地理学中的功能上来说,这些图像都预示着不久之后出现的栖息地立体模型。并非巧合的是,华莱士在正在进行的关于博物馆改革的辩论中明确主张使用立体模型进行博物馆展示。华莱士的建议被坚定的进化论者付诸实践,比如戈特利布·冯·科赫(Gottlieb von Koch),他在1906年率先在达姆施塔特(德国)的大公博物馆安装了立体模型。和华莱士的插图一样,科赫的立体模型被设计成代表生物地理区域。本文探讨了这些生物地理关系视觉展示的功能。它认为,在科学领域和公共领域,生物地理区域是通过视觉手段定义和构建的;诉诸视觉表现不仅仅是一种交流方法。
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引用次数: 12
Race and place: Social space in the production of human kinds 种族与地域:人类生产中的社会空间
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063333
R. Sundstrom
Recent discussions of human categories have suffered from an over emphasis on intention and language, and have not paid enough attention to the role of material conditions, and, specifically, of social space in the construction of human categories. The relationship between human categories and social spaces is vital, especially with the categories of class, race, and gender. This paper argues that social space is not merely the consequent of the division of the world into social categories; it is constitutive of social categories. To put it more bluntly, if who we are is bound up with place, then not only do we inhabit a divided America; divided America inhabits us. The second, and equally dramatic, conclusion is that attempts to transform social categories must involve the transformation of social space. When we sort people by categories, we do so spatially: with race come racialized spaces. And because our place comes to inhabit us, when we divide spatially we cannot help but to inscribe and produce categories and identities associated with our spatial divisions: with racialized spaces come race. Recognition of this dialectic is a direct challenge to the one-way considerations of social identity and social space that occurs in much urban sociology and history. Moreover, it demonstrates that there is an internal contradiction in policies--often based in urban sociology and history--that assume that integration can be accomplished along with the conservation of ethnic and racial identity.
近年来关于人类范畴的讨论过于强调意图和语言,而对物质条件,特别是社会空间在人类范畴建构中的作用重视不够。人类范畴与社会空间之间的关系至关重要,尤其是阶级、种族和性别的范畴。本文认为,社会空间不仅仅是将世界划分为社会范畴的结果;它是社会范畴的组成部分。更坦率地说,如果我们是谁与地方联系在一起,那么我们不仅生活在一个分裂的美国;分裂的美国居住在我们这里。第二个同样引人注目的结论是,改变社会类别的尝试必须涉及社会空间的转变。当我们按类别对人进行分类时,我们是在空间上这样做的:有了种族,就有了种族化的空间。因为我们的地方来居住在我们身上,当我们在空间上划分时,我们不得不刻下和产生与我们的空间划分相关的类别和身份:随着种族化的空间而来的是种族。对这种辩证法的认识是对许多城市社会学和历史中出现的社会身份和社会空间的单向考虑的直接挑战。此外,它还表明,政策中存在一个内部矛盾——通常基于城市社会学和历史——假设融合可以在保持民族和种族身份的同时完成。
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引用次数: 76
Toward an ethics of the domesticated environment 向着一个驯化环境的伦理
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063289
R. King
This essay articulates the importance of the domesticated landscape for a mature environmental ethics. Human beings are spatial beings, deeply implicated in their relationships to places, both wild and domesticated. Human identity evolves contextually through interaction with a "world." If this world obscures our perception of wild nature, it will be difficult to motivate the social and psychological will to imagine, let alone participate in, a culture that values environmentally responsible conduct. My argument is informed by a pragmatist suspicion of fixed dualisms separating humans from nature, the wild from the domesticated, and the natural from the artificial. Drawing on a variety of sources, the essay calls for greater attention to the ways in which the making of our domesticated worlds can contribute to or undermine our ability to take the intrinsic value of nature seriously.
本文阐明了驯化景观对于成熟的环境伦理的重要性。人类是空间生物,与野生和驯化的地方都有着深刻的关系。人类的身份通过与“世界”的互动在语境中进化。如果这个世界掩盖了我们对野生自然的感知,就很难激发社会和心理意愿去想象,更不用说参与一种重视对环境负责的行为的文化了。我的论点是基于一种实用主义者对固定的二元论的怀疑,这种二元论将人与自然、野生与驯化、自然与人工分开。这篇文章引用了各种各样的资料,呼吁人们更多地关注我们的驯化世界是如何促进或破坏我们认真对待自然内在价值的能力的。
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引用次数: 25
Transiting the familiar and the strange 在熟悉和陌生之间穿梭
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063351
T. Koska
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引用次数: 1
Nietzsche and postmodernism in geography: An idealist critique 尼采与地理学中的后现代主义:唯心主义批判
Pub Date : 2003-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/1090377032000063342
L. Guelke
The suitability of a new philosophical paradigm for geography needs to be assessed in the context of the questions it was designed to address and on the basis of clearly articulated criteria. Postmodernism, the latest contender for the attention of geographers, is here assessed in relation to Collingwoodian idealism. As an intellectual movement postmodernism arose in the unique circumstances of academic life in post Second World War France. In this rigidly structured academic environment a new generation of French scholars, well schooled in the philosophies of Hegel, Husserl and Heidegger and the ideas of Marx and Freud, discovered the radical nineteenth century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche and drew upon his ethical and philosophical writings to address contemporary issues of power, knowledge, truth and modernity. All the central anti-humanist ideas of what was to become postmodernism are to be found in Nietzsche: a distrust of science and knowledge truth claims, the notion of multiple interpretations and the subordination of knowledge to power. This situated knowledge, set in the traditions of Continental thought, is not easily incorporated into the empiricist philosophies that have hitherto defined the mainstream of Anglo-American science and humanist scholarship including geography. Geographers need to retain a commitment to the foundational value of science, recognize human agency in the form of the conscious, thinking individual, and continue to affirm the empirical nature of human geographical research.
一种新的地理学哲学范式的适宜性需要在它所要解决的问题的背景下并根据明确阐述的标准进行评估。后现代主义是地理学家关注的最新竞争者,本文将其与科林伍德理想主义的关系进行评估。后现代主义作为一种思想运动,产生于二战后法国独特的学术生活环境中。在这种结构严谨的学术环境中,新一代法国学者受到黑格尔、胡塞尔和海德格尔哲学以及马克思和弗洛伊德思想的良好教育,发现了19世纪激进的德国哲学家弗里德里希·尼采,并借鉴了他的伦理和哲学著作来解决当代的权力、知识、真理和现代性问题。所有成为后现代主义的核心反人文主义思想都可以在尼采身上找到:对科学和知识真理主张的不信任,多重解释的概念以及知识从属于权力。这种位于大陆思想传统中的知识,不容易被纳入迄今为止定义了英美科学和人文主义学术(包括地理学)主流的经验主义哲学。地理学家需要保持对科学基本价值的承诺,认识到有意识的、思考的个体形式的人的能动性,并继续肯定人文地理研究的经验性质。
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引用次数: 5
Refocusing environmental ethics: From intrinsic value to endorsable valuations 重新聚焦环境伦理:从内在价值到可认可的价值
Pub Date : 2002-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/10903770220152380
Lori Gruen
Establishing that nature has intrinsic value has been the primary goal of environmental philosophers. This goal has generated tremendous confusion. Part of the confusion stems from a conflation of two quite distinct concerns. The first concern is with establishing the moral considerability of the natural world which is captured by what I call "intrinsic value p ." The second concern attempts to address a perceived problem with the way nature has traditionally been valued, or as many environmentalists would suggest, undervalued, what I call "intrinsic value v ." In this paper I argue against further development of both types of theories of the intrinsic value of nature. There are, I believe, intermediate valuations that have been almost entirely overlooked in discussions of value. Much of the confusion currently plaguing environmental ethics can be avoided by abandoning intrinsic value and refocusing environmental ethics.
确立自然具有内在价值一直是环境哲学家的首要目标。这个目标引起了巨大的混乱。这种混淆部分源于两个截然不同的问题的合并。第一个关注的是建立自然世界的道德可观性,我称之为“内在价值p”。第二个关注的是试图解决一个感知问题,即传统上对自然的评价方式,或者正如许多环保主义者所建议的那样,被低估了,我称之为“内在价值v”。在本文中,我反对进一步发展两种类型的自然内在价值理论。我认为,在关于价值的讨论中,有些中间估值几乎完全被忽略了。放弃内在价值,重新聚焦环境伦理,可以避免目前困扰环境伦理的许多困惑。
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引用次数: 21
It's good to talk: Deliberative institutions for environmental policy 说得好:环境政策审议机构
Pub Date : 2002-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/10903770220152371
Jonathan Aldred
Most applications of cost-benefit analysis in environmental policy, and almost all the controversial cases, involve the use of contingent valuation (CV) surveys. There is now a relatively well-developed critique of CV as a method of public consultation on environmental issues. Theories of deliberative democracy have been invoked which question the individualistic, preference-based calculus of CV. A particular deliberative institution which has recently received much attention is the citizens' jury (CJ). While CJs and other deliberative institutions have come to be regarded as alternatives to CV, it is far from obvious in what sense this is true. The discussion begins by exploring the extent to which CV and CJ can be meaningfully compared. After specifying a limited sense in which this is possible, the paper goes on to assess the virtues of deliberation by reference to this comparison. Much of the assessment is made from the perspective of rational choice theory, because that approach has been influential amongst critics of deliberative democracy. The main aim is to develop an argument for the merits of deliberation, in terms which its critics must acknowledge.
成本效益分析在环境政策中的大多数应用,以及几乎所有有争议的案例,都涉及使用条件评估(CV)调查。现在有一种相对成熟的批评,认为CV是环境问题公众咨询的一种方法。协商民主的理论已经被引用,质疑个人主义的、基于偏好的CV计算。最近受到广泛关注的一个特别的审议制度是公民陪审团制度。虽然CJs和其他审议机构已被视为CV的替代品,但在何种意义上这是正确的还远不清楚。讨论开始于探讨CV和CJ在多大程度上可以进行有意义的比较。在明确了这种可能性的有限意义之后,本文继续参照这种比较来评估审议的优点。许多评估是从理性选择理论的角度进行的,因为这种方法在审议民主的批评者中一直很有影响力。其主要目的是为深思熟虑的优点提供论据,其批评者必须承认这一点。
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引用次数: 4
Dwelling with monuments 与纪念碑同住
Pub Date : 2002-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/10903770220152434
Janet Donohoe
In the past twenty years we have seen images of weeping mothers and soldiers at the Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, DC. We have seen images of statues of Lenin toppled from their platforms in the former Soviet Union, and the destruction of Buddhist mountain carvings in Afghanistan. These images involve monuments and memorials, but what role do the monuments play in these kinds of events? How do monuments participate in our public activities and our interactions with fellow human beings? We all encounter monuments. They grace public squares, or tower over cities, or mark a quiet corner where an important event transpired. We perhaps do not notice some of them and yet they can play a galvanizing role in our societies. How do monuments contribute to our dwelling on this earth? Is it possible to claim that some monuments contribute positively to human existence while others are oppressive or coercive? In this comment I will explore these questions by drawing upon Martin Heidegger’s understanding of “dwelling” and Hannah Arendt’s understanding of public action. My aim is to provide some suggestions for an analysis of what monuments achieve in our world and how we might evaluate the monuments we encounter. What is a monument? The word monument is derived from the Latin monumentum meaning memorial, coming from the root monere which means “to remind.” But is a monument merely that which reminds us of those who have died, or of an important historical event? And if it is called a memorial is there a difference between a memorial and a monument? A memorial need not be a monument. Memorial comes from the Latin memor meaning “mindful.” These deŽ nitions imply that a monument, which often serves as a memorial, is meant to call us both to be reminded and to be mindful. But reminded and mindful of what? There are possible answers to this question, but Ž rst some further clariŽ cations must be made. In addition to calling us to be reminded and mindful, monuments have a privileged position among the things we build with respect to the organization of common space. They often serve as a focal point around which space is organized. They invoke a shared past in a complex and complicated way. They contribute physically to the world, but can also make a less concrete contribution in making human beings mindful of themselves and their relationships to their communities. Not all monuments are equally successful at these tasks, however, and it is important to be able to distinguish the monuments that call us to be mindful of the complexities of our existence and the
在过去的二十年里,我们在华盛顿特区的越南战争纪念碑前看到了哭泣的母亲和士兵的照片。在前苏联,我们看到列宁的雕像从平台上被推倒,在阿富汗,佛教山上的雕刻被破坏。这些图像涉及纪念碑和纪念碑,但纪念碑在这些事件中扮演什么角色?纪念碑是如何参与我们的公共活动和我们与人类同胞的互动的?我们都会遇到纪念碑。它们点缀着公共广场,或耸立在城市上空,或标志着一个安静的角落,在那里发生了重要的事件。我们可能没有注意到其中一些,但它们可以在我们的社会中发挥激励作用。纪念碑对我们在地球上的生存有何贡献?是否有可能声称一些纪念碑对人类的存在有积极的贡献,而另一些则是压迫性的或强制性的?在这篇评论中,我将通过借鉴马丁·海德格尔对“居住”的理解和汉娜·阿伦特对公共行动的理解来探讨这些问题。我的目的是提供一些建议,以分析纪念碑在我们的世界中所取得的成就,以及我们如何评估我们遇到的纪念碑。什么是纪念碑?纪念碑这个词来源于拉丁语monumentum,意思是纪念,来源于词根monere,意思是“提醒”。但是,纪念碑仅仅是为了让我们想起那些死去的人,或者一个重要的历史事件吗?如果它被称为纪念碑,纪念碑和纪念碑之间有什么区别吗?纪念碑不一定是纪念碑。Memorial来自拉丁语,意思是“铭记”。这些de . nition暗示,一座纪念碑,往往作为一个纪念,是为了呼吁我们被提醒和铭记。但是提醒和注意什么呢?这个问题有可能的答案,但首先必须作出一些进一步的澄清。除了提醒我们,纪念碑在公共空间的组织方面,在我们所建造的事物中具有特殊的地位。它们通常作为组织空间的焦点。它们以一种复杂而复杂的方式唤起了我们共同的过去。他们为世界做出了物质上的贡献,但也可以在使人类注意到自己及其与社区的关系方面做出不那么具体的贡献。然而,并不是所有的纪念碑都能在这些任务上取得同样的成功,能够区分哪些纪念碑是很重要的,这些纪念碑提醒我们要注意我们存在的复杂性
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引用次数: 9
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Philosophy & Geography
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