This paper examines the linkages between alienation and militancy in Nigeria's Niger Delta region, and the dilemma the Nigerian State faces in dealing with the menace of hostage taking of oil workers in the region by militant groups. To achieve this objective, the paper critically discusses the centrality of alienation in the seemingly intractable youth violence in the Niger Delta. It demonstrates that alienation, caused by ethnicity based political domination, oil based environmental degradation, corruption and parental neglect has engendered frustration and awareness that explain the conflicts and violence in the area. The paper points out that protests and agitations that were hitherto peaceful degenerated to militancy, violence and hostage taking, due to violent state repression and the militarisation of the Niger Delta. Hostage taking of oil workers, particularly expatriates, now occurs frequently in the Niger Delta, with destructive effects on the country's economy, due to disruptions in oil production. The paper blames this on the character of the State and the resultant dilemma it faces. The Nigerian State is privatised and is therefore used to pursue personal, sectional and ethnic interests, as against the common interests. The inability of the state to choose the pursuance of the public good has undermined its ability to deal with militancy and hostage taking. It has laid the foundations of militancy through a neglect of development, and promotion of political thuggery in the electoral process. The solution hinges on the transformation of the state; to make it address the aspirations of citizens. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 11-34
本文考察了尼日利亚尼日尔三角洲地区的异化与武装之间的联系，以及尼日利亚政府在应对武装组织劫持该地区石油工人的威胁时所面临的困境。为了实现这一目标，本文批判性地讨论了疏离感在尼日尔三角洲看似棘手的青年暴力事件中的中心地位。它表明，基于种族的政治统治、基于石油的环境退化、腐败和父母的忽视所造成的疏离造成了挫败感和意识，这是该地区冲突和暴力的原因。该报告指出，由于国家的暴力镇压和尼日尔三角洲的军事化，迄今为止和平的抗议和骚动已退化为好战、暴力和劫持人质。石油工人，特别是外籍工人被劫持为人质的事件现在在尼日尔三角洲频繁发生，由于石油生产中断，对该国经济造成破坏性影响。本文将此归咎于国家的性质及其所面临的困境。尼日利亚国家是私有化的，因此被用来追求个人、部门和种族利益，而不是共同利益。国家无法选择追求公共利益，这削弱了它处理武装分子和劫持人质事件的能力。它通过忽视发展和在选举过程中促进政治暴力，为战斗奠定了基础。解决方案取决于国家的转变;让它满足公民的愿望。《非洲问题研究》Vol. 8 (2)， 2008: pp. 11-34
{"title":"Alienation and militancy in the Niger Delta: hostage taking and the dilemma of the Nigerian State","authors":"Ibaba Samuel Ibaba","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39424","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the linkages between alienation and militancy in Nigeria's Niger Delta region, and the dilemma the Nigerian State faces in dealing with the menace of hostage taking of oil workers in the region by militant groups. To achieve this objective, the paper critically discusses the centrality of alienation in the seemingly intractable youth violence in the Niger Delta. It demonstrates that alienation, caused by ethnicity\u0000based political domination, oil based environmental degradation, corruption and parental neglect has engendered frustration and awareness that explain the conflicts and violence in the area. The paper points out that protests and agitations that were hitherto peaceful degenerated to militancy, violence and hostage taking, due to violent state repression\u0000and the militarisation of the Niger Delta. Hostage taking of oil workers, particularly expatriates, now occurs frequently in the Niger Delta, with destructive effects on the country's economy, due to disruptions in oil production. The paper blames this on the character of the State and the resultant dilemma it faces. The Nigerian State is privatised and is therefore used to pursue personal, sectional and ethnic interests, as against the common interests. The inability of the state to choose the pursuance of the public good has undermined its ability to deal with militancy and hostage taking. It has laid the foundations of militancy through a neglect of development, and promotion of political thuggery\u0000in the electoral process. The solution hinges on the transformation of the state; to make it address the aspirations of citizens. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 11-34","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39424","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The world-wide surge in the number and violence of open conflicts revolving around ethnic or religious identities towards the end of the 20th century is a powerful reminder that communal identities are not a remnant of the past but a potent force in contemporary politics. After three decades of independence, ethnicity is more central than ever to the political process of many African countries. Africa has had more than its fair share of ethnic dissent which has sometimes plummeted states into civil war as was experienced in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and reached frightening proportions in Rwanda and now Sudan. Political openings and multiparty elections have led to the formation of innumerable overtly or covertly ethnic political parties, which serve more often to increase civil strife of which the most recent addition to the long list in Africa is Kenya. Africa's ethnic disturbances have occurred more within national borders, thus giving rise to unstable domestic systems. This paper attempts to address these ethnic issues by assessing certain conflict spots as opposed to areas of relative calm in Africa. The assessment of states on both sides of the divide (i.e. cooperation and conflict) is done in the hope that trends that lead to conflict as well as those that lead to cooperation can be identified. In order to establish these patterns of cooperation and conflict, it became pertinent to use a broad range of case studies, notably, Tanzania, Botswana, South Africa, Uganda and Cote d'Ivoire. The result of this study tells that the lack or presence of equity and justice (components of good governance), high literacy levels and an external threat, are factors which strengthen or diminish possibilities of ethnic conflict. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 9-26
20世纪末，世界范围内围绕种族或宗教身份的公开冲突的数量和暴力激增，这有力地提醒我们，社区身份不是过去的残余，而是当代政治中的一股强大力量。在独立三十年后，种族问题在许多非洲国家的政治进程中比以往任何时候都更加重要。非洲有太多的种族异议，有时会使国家陷入内战，就像尼日利亚、刚果民主共和国(DRC)所经历的那样，在卢旺达和现在的苏丹达到了令人恐惧的程度。政治开放和多党选举导致了无数公开或秘密的种族政党的形成，这些政党更经常地助长了内乱，非洲长名单上最近增加的是肯尼亚。非洲的种族骚乱更多地发生在国家境内，从而造成不稳定的国内制度。本文试图通过评估非洲某些冲突地区而不是相对平静的地区来解决这些种族问题。对分歧双方(即合作与冲突)的国家进行评估，是希望能够确定导致冲突的趋势以及导致合作的趋势。为了确定这些合作与冲突的模式，有必要使用广泛的个案研究，特别是坦桑尼亚、博茨瓦纳、南非、乌干达和科特迪瓦。这项研究的结果表明，公平和正义(善政的组成部分)的缺乏或存在、高识字率和外部威胁都是加强或减少种族冲突可能性的因素。《非洲问题研究》Vol. 8 (3)， 2008: pp. 9-26
{"title":"Exhuming Trends in Ethnic Conflict and Cooperation in Africa: Some selected states","authors":"J. Cocodia","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39429","url":null,"abstract":"The world-wide surge in the number and violence of open conflicts revolving around ethnic or religious identities towards the end of the 20th century is a powerful reminder that communal identities are not a remnant of the past but a potent force in contemporary politics. After three decades of independence, ethnicity is more central than ever to the political process of many African countries. Africa has had more than its fair share of ethnic dissent which has sometimes plummeted states into civil war as was experienced in Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and reached frightening proportions in Rwanda and now Sudan. Political openings and multiparty elections have led to the formation of innumerable overtly or covertly ethnic political parties, which serve more often to increase civil strife of which the most recent addition to the long list in Africa is Kenya.\u0000Africa's ethnic disturbances have occurred more within national borders, thus giving rise to unstable domestic systems. This paper attempts to address these ethnic issues by assessing certain conflict spots as opposed to areas of relative calm in Africa. The assessment of states on both sides of the divide (i.e. cooperation and conflict) is done in the hope that trends that lead to conflict as well as those that lead to cooperation can be identified. In order to establish these patterns of cooperation and conflict, it became pertinent to use a broad range of case studies, notably, Tanzania, Botswana, South Africa, Uganda and Cote d'Ivoire. The result of this study tells that the lack or presence of equity and justice (components of good governance), high literacy levels and an external threat, are factors which strengthen or diminish possibilities of ethnic conflict. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 9-26","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39429","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent times, there has been a renaissance of the Islamic heritage in the consciousness of adherents of the Islamic faith and this has sought expression in their quests to conduct their affairs in accordance with Islamic injunctions. This has become noticeable in areas where Islam is the predominant religion. In northern Nigeria, in the past decade, there has been a renewed focus on the Islam Shariah Law system, with six of the nation's thirty-six states symbolically adopting it in public proclamation. There is, however, a dearth of scholarly research on the operation of Islamic conflict resolution mechanisms in Nigeria. This situation has led to arbitrariness and uncertainty in the use of these mechanisms. This article analyses the nature and principles of Islamic arbitration, and its applicability within the wider Nigerian legal framework vis-a-vis judicially recognised alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, particularly the principles and practice of customary arbitration. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 103-130
{"title":"Where does Islamic arbitration fit into the judicially recognised ingredients of customary arbitration in the Nigerian jurisprudence","authors":"O. Ladapo","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39427","url":null,"abstract":"In recent times, there has been a renaissance of the Islamic heritage in the consciousness of adherents of the Islamic faith and this has sought expression in their quests to conduct their affairs in accordance with Islamic injunctions. This has become noticeable in areas where Islam is the predominant religion. In northern Nigeria, in the past decade, there has been a renewed focus on the Islam Shariah Law system, with six of the nation's thirty-six states symbolically adopting it in public proclamation. There is, however, a dearth of scholarly research on the operation of Islamic conflict resolution mechanisms in Nigeria. This situation has led to arbitrariness and uncertainty in the use of these mechanisms. This article analyses the nature and principles of Islamic arbitration, and\u0000its applicability within the wider Nigerian legal framework vis-a-vis judicially recognised alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, particularly the principles and practice of customary arbitration. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 103-130","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39427","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The role of religion and religious networks in public life is gaining increasing attention in contemporary social science discourses against the backdrop of ascendant religiosity in many non-Western societies. In Africa, the reality of ascendant religiosity is exemplified by the phenomenal growth in the membership of the two leading religions – Christianity and Islam – and the increase in the number of other syncretic sects. Within this context, religious networks have emerged as important actors in civil society and as powerful forces for social mobilisation, albeit for both constructive and destructive ends. With reference to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), religious groups wield enormous influence in the public space as providers of social services in a polity that has been characterised by years of misrule, declining state capacity and protracted conflict. The conflict in the DRC has deepened the imperative for constructive engagement by faith-based groups in the public domain, especially in facilitating the peacebuilding process. Against this background, this paper examines the roles of religious networks in the DRC's public sphere in the post-conflict epoch and prognosticates the future of the country. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 57-84
{"title":"Religious Networks in Post-conflict Democratic Republic of the Congo: A Prognosis","authors":"Ayo Whetho, U. O. Uzodike","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39431","url":null,"abstract":"The role of religion and religious networks in public life is gaining increasing attention in contemporary social science discourses against the backdrop of ascendant religiosity in many non-Western societies. In Africa, the reality of ascendant religiosity is exemplified by the phenomenal growth in the membership of the two leading religions – Christianity and Islam – and the increase in the number of other syncretic sects. Within this context, religious networks have emerged as important actors in civil society and as powerful forces for social mobilisation, albeit for both constructive and destructive ends. With reference to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), religious groups wield enormous influence in the public space as providers of social services in a polity that has been characterised by years of misrule, declining state capacity and protracted conflict. The conflict in the DRC has deepened the imperative for constructive engagement by faith-based groups in the public domain, especially in facilitating the peacebuilding process. Against this background, this paper examines the roles of religious networks in the DRC's public sphere in the post-conflict epoch and prognosticates the future of the country. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 57-84","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39431","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Characterised as a bridge between the Arab‑Muslim world and Black Africa; and as a melting pot where diverse ethnic, religious and language groups were related together, Sudan continues to baffle observers and analysts by protracted conflicts and crises inflicted on its population. Amid all these, major parties to the conflict accuse each other of sowing the seeds of disintegration and disunity, and on the other hand each claims to be the only one genuinely working for unity. This article discusses conceptual foundations behind these claims and positions of major parties to conflict. Taking the ethnic-cultural make-up of Sudan, the article compares and contrasts a dominant concept of ‘unity in conformity', endorsed since independence by Northern ruling groups, to ‘unity in diversity', propagated by marginalised ethnic nationalities and underprivileged classes. After setting the context of the debate between the two different concepts, and delineating traits of both, the article argues that in view of the diversity and complexity of the social formation of Sudan, and more important, the failure of ‘unity in conformity' to deliver on its promises, the alternative concept of ‘unity in diversity' is more adequate in laying down foundations for credible unity and viable identity. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 37-62
{"title":"Tunnel Vision or Kaleidoscope: Competing Concepts on Sudan Identity and National Integration","authors":"Atta H. el-Battahani","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39410","url":null,"abstract":"Characterised as a bridge between the Arab‑Muslim world and Black Africa; and as a melting pot where diverse ethnic, religious and language groups were related together, Sudan continues to baffle observers and analysts by protracted conflicts and crises inflicted on its population. Amid all these, major parties to the conflict accuse each other of sowing the seeds of disintegration and disunity, and on the other hand \u0000each claims to be the only one genuinely working for unity. This article discusses conceptual foundations behind these claims and positions of major parties to conflict. Taking the ethnic-cultural make-up of Sudan, the article compares and contrasts a dominant concept of ‘unity in conformity', endorsed since independence by Northern ruling groups, to ‘unity in diversity', propagated by marginalised ethnic nationalities and underprivileged classes. After setting the context of the debate between the two different concepts, and delineating traits of both, the article argues that in view of the diversity and complexity of the social formation of Sudan, and more important, the failure of ‘unity in conformity' to deliver on its promises, the alternative concept of ‘unity in diversity' is more adequate in laying down foundations for credible unity and viable identity. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 37-62","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39410","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70447912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The current conflict in Somalia has proven to be long and devastating to its people where thousands were killed, raped, robbed and made refugees or internally displaced. Despite its deadly impact, the conflict has defied all expectations both theoretical and practical. However, there are several studies that attempt to explain the conflict and its causes. These causes include the role of cultural diversity in both bringing and maintaining the conflict in Somalia and Africa in general. This article argues that despite the existence of many studies that emphasise this relationship, they remain empirically inconclusive. The Somali society consists of many communities that differ linguistically and socio-economically. Despite their differences, the conflict in Somalia and Sub-Saharan Africa in general stems primarily from inequality worsened by economic decline plus the easy availability of weapons that resulted from the massive sale of arms by members of the armed forces. The article concludes with several suggestions for bringing about resolution to this prolonged conflict in Somalia. One of the main suggestions would be an attempt to attract the vast wealth and brain power of the Diaspora communities. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 93-134
{"title":"Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?","authors":"A. A. Osman","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39412","url":null,"abstract":"The current conflict in Somalia has proven to be long and devastating to\u0000its people where thousands were killed, raped, robbed and made refugees or internally displaced. Despite its deadly impact, the conflict has defied all expectations both theoretical and practical. However, there are several studies that attempt to explain the conflict and its causes. These causes include the role of cultural diversity in both bringing and maintaining\u0000the conflict in Somalia and Africa in general. This article argues that despite the existence of many studies that emphasise this relationship, they remain empirically inconclusive. The Somali society consists of many communities that differ linguistically and socio-economically.\u0000Despite their differences, the conflict in Somalia and Sub-Saharan Africa in general stems primarily from inequality worsened by economic decline plus the easy availability of weapons that resulted from the massive sale of arms by members of the armed forces. The article concludes with several suggestions for bringing about resolution to this prolonged conflict in Somalia. One of the main suggestions would be an attempt to attract the\u0000vast wealth and brain power of the Diaspora communities. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 93-134","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39412","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70447937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that the ANC has historically followed a moderate route – embracing tradition, whilst denouncing tribalism. Yet, this did not insulate the party from accusations of ethnic bias – a perception the leadership largely left unattended. But, entry into the arena of competitive politics has imposed a slight modification on the part of the party towards pandering to ethnic sentiments, albeit not officially acknowledged. The intention is not to cultivate political tribalism in a divisive sense. Rather, it is employed to cultivate among ethnic communities, which otherwise feel marginalised, a sense of identification with the ruling party. The party itself has done well to blunt the perception of ethnic bias to a point where it lacks popular resonance. That the perception itself still exists, reflects the saliency of (politicised) ethnic consciousness among the populace owing to past apartheid machinations in service of political hegemony. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 135-160
{"title":"Political Management of Ethnic Perceptions: An Assessment of the African National Congress","authors":"M. Ndletyana","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39413","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that the ANC has historically followed a moderate\u0000route – embracing tradition, whilst denouncing tribalism. Yet, this did not insulate the party from accusations of ethnic bias – a perception the leadership largely left unattended. But, entry into the arena of competitive politics has imposed a slight modification on the part of\u0000the party towards pandering to ethnic sentiments, albeit not officially acknowledged. The intention is not to cultivate political tribalism in a divisive sense. Rather, it is employed to cultivate among ethnic communities, which otherwise feel marginalised, a sense of identification with the ruling party. The party itself has done well to blunt the perception\u0000of ethnic bias to a point where it lacks popular resonance. That the perception itself still exists, reflects the saliency of (politicised) ethnic consciousness among the populace owing to past apartheid machinations in service of political hegemony. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 135-160","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39413","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70447974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Relations between identity politics, democratisation, and state building are complex, especially in the cases of relatively young post-colonial countries, such as those in Sub-Saharan Africa. The complexity emanates, in part, from the multiplicity of the intervening variables. This paper proposes that the factors that impinge on the relationships include: the nature of the historical state-identity and inter-identity relations, the nature of the state, including the quality of its leadership and its effectiveness in promoting the well-being of its citizens equitably, the state's approach to state-building, the organisation of political parties, and the structure of electoral systems. Developing a general theory on the relations between identity politics, democratisation, and state building is beyond the scope of this paper. Instead, the paper aims to contribute to our understanding of the nature of the relationships by exploring how they have unfolded in Ethiopia's fifteen-year-old federal arrangement. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 63-92
{"title":"Identity Politics, Democratisation and State Building in Ethiopia's Federal Arrangement","authors":"K. Mengisteab","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39411","url":null,"abstract":"Relations between identity politics, democratisation, and state building are complex, especially in the cases of relatively young post-colonial countries, such as those in Sub-Saharan Africa. The complexity emanates, in part, from the multiplicity of the intervening variables. This paper proposes that the factors that impinge on the relationships include: the nature of the historical state-identity and inter-identity relations, the nature of the state, including the quality of its leadership and its effectiveness\u0000in promoting the well-being of its citizens equitably, the state's approach to state-building, the organisation of political parties, and the structure of electoral systems. Developing a general theory on the relations between identity politics, democratisation, and state building is beyond the scope of this paper. Instead, the paper aims to contribute to\u0000our understanding of the nature of the relationships by exploring how they have unfolded in Ethiopia's fifteen-year-old federal arrangement. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 63-92","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39411","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70447923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyses the role of the ethnic factor in political choices in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and its impact on democratisation and the implementation of the practice of good governance. This is done by focusing especially on the presidential and legislative elections of 1960 and 2006. The Congolese electorate is known for its ambiguous and paradoxical behaviour. At all times, ethnicity seems to play a determining role in the choice of leaders and so the politicians, entrusted with leadership, keep on exploiting the same ethnicity for money. Although the East-West rift is a reality which was particularly eminent during the elections of 2006, it is something that should be relativised. This divide is however not always linked to the ethnic factor. The analysis is more complex. At the legislative level, the voting pattern has always shown a contrast, particularly with the individual vote, the modification of ethnic allegiance, and the conflict of ethnic fidelity, as well as ethnic clientelism in its various forms. Individual interest often confronts and/or merges with the interest of the group, leading to a rather casual relationship. Finally, political identification can be expressed in political, linguistic, economic or regional ways. The very subjective character of the vote has a negative impact on the political choices, and consequently on good governance, which then shows up, as often is the case, as incompetence and corruption. The study ends with some recommendations that may eventually contribute to voting for the sake of the advantages of democracy and the exigencies of good governance. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 219-238
{"title":"The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor around Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo","authors":"H. K. Ngoy-Kangoy","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39416","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the role of the ethnic factor in political choices in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and its impact on democratisation and the implementation of the practice of good governance. This is done by focusing especially on the presidential and legislative elections of 1960 and 2006. The Congolese electorate is known for its ambiguous and paradoxical behaviour. At all times, ethnicity seems to play a determining role in the choice of leaders and so the politicians, entrusted with leadership, keep on exploiting the same ethnicity for money. Although the East-West rift is a reality which was particularly eminent during the elections of 2006, it is something that should be relativised. This divide is however not always linked to the ethnic factor. The analysis is more complex. At the legislative level, the voting pattern has always shown a contrast, particularly with the individual vote, the modification of ethnic allegiance, and the\u0000conflict of ethnic fidelity, as well as ethnic clientelism in its various forms. Individual interest often confronts and/or merges with the interest of the group, leading to a rather casual relationship. Finally, political identification can be expressed in political, linguistic,\u0000economic or regional ways. The very subjective character of the vote has a negative impact on the political choices, and consequently on good governance, which then shows up, as often is the case, as incompetence and corruption. The study ends with some recommendations that may eventually contribute to voting for the sake of the advantages of\u0000democracy and the exigencies of good governance. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 219-238","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39416","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In spite of its rare entry into both official and public discourses about contemporary Zimbabwe, ethnicity, alongside race, has continued to shape and influence the economic, social, and political life of Zimbabwe since the achievement of independence in 1980. In this article we argue that whilst post-independence Zimbabwe has since the days of the Gukurahundi war (1982-1986) not experienced serious ethnic-based wars or political instability, there is serious ethnic polarisation in the country and ethnicity remains one of the challenges to the survival of both the state and the country. This ethnic polarisation is to be explained mainly in terms of the broader failure by the state to develop an effective response to the political economy of ethnicity inherited from the colonial past. As with most postcolonial African nationalist governments which have come to be haunted by ethnicity, such as Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and most recently Kenya and South Africa, the postcolonial government of Zimbabwe has largely remained reluctant to engage ethnicity as an issue in both politics and the economy, particularly with regard to addressing historical and contemporary factors that continued to make ethnicity an important issue in people's lives. The nationalist government's state-building project, especially its coercive mobilisation and nation-building projects of the early 1980s, paid little attention to the ethnic configuration of the inherited state, as well as the structures and institutions which enacted and reproduced ethnicity. Such neglected processes, structures and institutions included unequal development of the provinces and the marginalisation of particular ethnic groups in politics, economy and society. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 275-297
{"title":"'Echoing Silences' : ethnicity in post-colonial Zimbabwe, 1980-2007","authors":"J. Muzondidya, S. Ndlovu-Gatsheni","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39418","url":null,"abstract":"In spite of its rare entry into both official and public discourses about\u0000contemporary Zimbabwe, ethnicity, alongside race, has continued to shape and influence the economic, social, and political life of Zimbabwe since the achievement of independence in 1980. In this article we argue that whilst post-independence Zimbabwe has since the days of the Gukurahundi war (1982-1986) not experienced serious ethnic-based wars\u0000or political instability, there is serious ethnic polarisation in the country and ethnicity remains one of the challenges to the survival of both the state and the country. This ethnic polarisation is to be explained mainly in terms of the broader failure by the state to develop an effective response to the political economy of ethnicity inherited from the colonial past. As with most postcolonial African nationalist governments which have come to be haunted by ethnicity, such as Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and most recently Kenya and South Africa, the postcolonial government of Zimbabwe has largely remained reluctant to engage ethnicity as an issue in both politics and the economy, particularly\u0000with regard to addressing historical and contemporary factors that continued to make ethnicity an important issue in people's lives. The nationalist government's state-building project, especially its coercive mobilisation and nation-building projects of the early 1980s, paid little attention to the ethnic configuration of the inherited state, as well as the structures and institutions which enacted and reproduced ethnicity. Such neglected processes, structures and institutions included unequal development of the provinces and the marginalisation of particular ethnic groups in politics, economy and society. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 275-297","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2008-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39418","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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