Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59309
A. Odoemene, O. B. Olaoba
Ethnicity is a prominent feature in Nigeria’s socio-economic environment and is fervently exhibited within the context of the ‘indigene-settler dichotomy’. As this encourages exclusivism, it has been a major factor responsible for violent conflicts across the country. While many urban spaces in the country have witnessed such conflicts, a few have not. This study examines the indigene-settler inter-relations in Enugu to determine why and how the city sustained ethnic coexistence, cooperation and harmony since the end of the civil war (1967– 1970). It demonstrates how, while ethnic attachment appeared to be strong, and while conflicts and occasional tensions did occur in the city, inter-ethnic relationships were cordial and symbiotic. It further identifies and interrogates cogent factors responsible for this trend. The paper argues that the constructive management of ethnic conflicts, as demonstrated in the city, could be efficient and productive. Despite optimism in Enugu’s peaceful condition, however, it concludes that potential complications could emanate, as the factors responsible for Enugu’s condition are amenable to change. Both primary and secondary sources (eighty-six in-person interviews, twelve focus group discussions, archival and secondary materials) were used within a multi-disciplinary framework.
{"title":"Explaining inter-ethnic harmony in Enugu city, South-eastern Nigeria, 1970–2003","authors":"A. Odoemene, O. B. Olaoba","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59309","url":null,"abstract":"Ethnicity is a prominent feature in Nigeria’s socio-economic environment and is fervently exhibited within the context of the ‘indigene-settler dichotomy’. As this encourages exclusivism, it has been a major factor responsible for violent conflicts across the country. While many urban spaces in the country have witnessed such conflicts, a few have not. This study examines the indigene-settler inter-relations in Enugu to determine why and how the city sustained ethnic coexistence, cooperation and harmony since the end of the civil war (1967– 1970). It demonstrates how, while ethnic attachment appeared to be strong, and while conflicts and occasional tensions did occur in the city, inter-ethnic relationships were cordial and symbiotic. It further identifies and interrogates cogent factors responsible for this trend. The paper argues that the constructive management of ethnic conflicts, as demonstrated in the city, could be efficient and productive. Despite optimism in Enugu’s peaceful condition, however, it concludes that potential complications could emanate, as the factors responsible for Enugu’s condition are amenable to change. Both primary and secondary sources (eighty-six in-person interviews, twelve focus group discussions, archival and secondary materials) were used within a multi-disciplinary framework.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59309","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70445409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59306
Proscovia Svärd
The decade-long armed conflict and political unrest in Sierra Leone deeply affected the civilian population. Since the end of the war in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone and the international community have been involved in peacebuilding activities, national reconciliation and reconstruction. The reconciliatory process necessitated the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) which was also a product of the Lome Peace Agreement between the Government of Sierra Leone and the now defunct Revolutionary United Front (RUF). The international community invested US$ 4,6 million in the Sierra Leone TRC mission. The TRC examined the causes of the war, human rights violations and the role played by foreign actors. This paper analyses the TRC as an internationally driven process to enhance reconciliation, peace, development and democracy in Sierra Leone. It also evaluates the impact of the implementation of the recommendations of the TRC. Beyond this, it makes some suggestions on how the international community can better promote transitional justice and the peacebuilding process by supporting local initiatives and promoting national ownership for sustainability.
{"title":"The international community and post-war reconciliation in Africa: A case study of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission","authors":"Proscovia Svärd","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59306","url":null,"abstract":"The decade-long armed conflict and political unrest in Sierra Leone deeply affected the civilian population. Since the end of the war in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone and the international community have been involved in peacebuilding activities, national reconciliation and reconstruction. The reconciliatory process necessitated the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) which was also a product of the Lome Peace Agreement between the Government of Sierra Leone and the now defunct Revolutionary United Front (RUF). The international community invested US$ 4,6 million in the Sierra Leone TRC mission. The TRC examined the causes of the war, human rights violations and the role played by foreign actors. This paper analyses the TRC as an internationally driven process to enhance reconciliation, peace, development and democracy in Sierra Leone. It also evaluates the impact of the implementation of the recommendations of the TRC. Beyond this, it makes some suggestions on how the international community can better promote transitional justice and the peacebuilding process by supporting local initiatives and promoting national ownership for sustainability.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59306","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70445259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59308
Bamlaku Tadesse, Y. Tesfaye, F. Beyene
This article tries to show the impacts of conflict on women, the role of women in conflict and indigenous conflict resolution, and the participation of women in social institutions and ceremonies among the Issa and Gurgura clans of the Somali ethnic group. It explores the system of conflict resolution in these clans, and women’s representation in the system. The primary role of women in the formation of social capital through marriage and blood relations between different clans or ethnic groups is assessed. The paper focuses on some of the important elements of the socio-cultural settings of the study community that are in one way or another related to conflict and indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. It also examines the positive aspects of marriage practices in the formation of social capital which strengthens friendship and unity instead of enmity.
{"title":"Women in conflict and indigenous conflict resolution among the Issa and Gurgura clans of Somali in Eastern Ethiopia","authors":"Bamlaku Tadesse, Y. Tesfaye, F. Beyene","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59308","url":null,"abstract":"This article tries to show the impacts of conflict on women, the role of women in conflict and indigenous conflict resolution, and the participation of women in social institutions and ceremonies among the Issa and Gurgura clans of the Somali ethnic group. It explores the system of conflict resolution in these clans, and women’s representation in the system. The primary role of women in the formation of social capital through marriage and blood relations between different clans or ethnic groups is assessed. The paper focuses on some of the important elements of the socio-cultural settings of the study community that are in one way or another related to conflict and indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. It also examines the positive aspects of marriage practices in the formation of social capital which strengthens friendship and unity instead of enmity.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59308","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70445368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59307
Meron Zeleke
Traditional institutions of conflict resolution play a very significant role in the day-to-day lives of Africans in general and Ethiopians in particular. In Ethiopia, a country that has adopted ethnic federalism as its policy, such traditional institutions help to blur political boundaries and bring people from different ethnic and regional backgrounds together. Furthermore, they serve as alternative institutions of conflict resolution in a country where the state legal system is failing to fully provide the judiciary needs of the nation. For instance, in Jille Dhmugaa district, where the research was conducted, there are only two judges for a total population of 102 936. Apart from the lack of capacity under which it suffers, the state legal system can also be criticised for a high degree of preferential treatment due to corruption, so that justice is provided only to a few. Furthermore, the ideology of the state legal system is drawn mainly from the western legal philosophy which is highly influenced by an individualistic orientation and does not fit the strong social orientation on the ground where it is being implemented. These reasons and more are raised by many as main drawbacks of the state legal system in Ethiopia. There were times in Ethiopian history when the state legal system officially incorporated elements from the traditional institutions of conflict resolution in the state courts (Carmichael 2003:122; Walker 1933:153–156). The Ethiopian constitution has, however, limited the mandate of the customary and religious institutions to private and family matters. Nevertheless, these institutions are playing a very significant role in other domains – such as criminal matters. The strong social tie existing in the community makes the significance of reconciliation, the key role of traditional institutions, indispensable. The main questions this paper attempts to answer, on the bases of ethnographic data, are: What are the pull factors towards traditional institutions? And why do people prefer the traditional institutions vis-a-vis the state legal system?
{"title":"Ye Shakoch Chilot (the court of the sheikhs): A traditional institution of conflict resolution in Oromiya zone of Amhara regional state, Ethiopia","authors":"Meron Zeleke","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59307","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional institutions of conflict resolution play a very significant role in the day-to-day lives of Africans in general and Ethiopians in particular. In Ethiopia, a country that has adopted ethnic federalism as its policy, such traditional institutions help to blur political boundaries and bring people from different ethnic and regional backgrounds together. Furthermore, they serve as alternative institutions of conflict resolution in a country where the state legal system is failing to fully provide the judiciary needs of the nation. For instance, in Jille Dhmugaa district, where the research was conducted, there are only two judges for a total population of 102 936. Apart from the lack of capacity under which it suffers, the state legal system can also be criticised for a high degree of preferential treatment due to corruption, so that justice is provided only to a few. Furthermore, the ideology of the state legal system is drawn mainly from the western legal philosophy which is highly influenced by an individualistic orientation and does not fit the strong social orientation on the ground where it is being implemented. These reasons and more are raised by many as main drawbacks of the state legal system in Ethiopia. There were times in Ethiopian history when the state legal system officially incorporated elements from the traditional institutions of conflict resolution in the state courts (Carmichael 2003:122; Walker 1933:153–156). The Ethiopian constitution has, however, limited the mandate of the customary and religious institutions to private and family matters. Nevertheless, these institutions are playing a very significant role in other domains – such as criminal matters. The strong social tie existing in the community makes the significance of reconciliation, the key role of traditional institutions, indispensable. The main questions this paper attempts to answer, on the bases of ethnographic data, are: What are the pull factors towards traditional institutions? And why do people prefer the traditional institutions vis-a-vis the state legal system?","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59307","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70445326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59305
Francis Menjo Baye
This paper sketches a conceptual framework of international conflict dynamics and resolution, examines the geopolitics of the Bakassi dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon, and outlines socio-economic implications of its peaceful settlement. Neglect and subsequent discovery of oil deposits subjected the Bakassi Peninsula to claims and counter-claims for sovereignty, military occupation and recourse to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The ICJ’s ruling in 2002 in favour of Cameroon, although based on sound historical evidence, faced implementation difficulties. However, following mediation by the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, good faith by protagonists, the Green-tree Agreement and subsequent instruments, Nigeria completed the withdrawal of its military, police and administration from the Bakassi Peninsula by 14 August 2008. Putting aside disruptive activities by social movements, the entire process could be viewed as a model in peaceful resolution of border conflicts. Implications of the settlement anchor on expenditure-reducing and expenditure-switching effects, wealth-generating effects, and enhanced cross-border activities. Infrastructural developments and effective presence are considered.
{"title":"Implications of the Bakassi conflict resolution for Cameroon","authors":"Francis Menjo Baye","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59305","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sketches a conceptual framework of international conflict dynamics and resolution, examines the geopolitics of the Bakassi dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon, and outlines socio-economic implications of its peaceful settlement. Neglect and subsequent discovery of oil deposits subjected the Bakassi Peninsula to claims and counter-claims for sovereignty, military occupation and recourse to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The ICJ’s ruling in 2002 in favour of Cameroon, although based on sound historical evidence, faced implementation difficulties. However, following mediation by the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, good faith by protagonists, the Green-tree Agreement and subsequent instruments, Nigeria completed the withdrawal of its military, police and administration from the Bakassi Peninsula by 14 August 2008. Putting aside disruptive activities by social movements, the entire process could be viewed as a model in peaceful resolution of border conflicts. Implications of the settlement anchor on expenditure-reducing and expenditure-switching effects, wealth-generating effects, and enhanced cross-border activities. Infrastructural developments and effective presence are considered.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59305","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70444976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
African democracies are distinguished by the character of their political parties. They are easily labelled as illiberal civilian autocracies. These features coupled with emerging so-called dominant ruling parties, demonstrate the inclination towards a new form of ‘modern' democratic authoritarianism. In other words, the ruling dominant parties are appearing to be a ‘reincarnation' of the one-party system and military rule that held sway for about three to four decades in Africa (from the 1960s). In the process of this transformation, African ruling parties have been grossly destabilising opposition and perceived dissenters through clientelism, patronage politics and extra-legal means, thereby undermining the provision of social justice in the guise of democratisation. In the light of this there seems to be a theoretical and empirical lacuna in the discourse of social justice, in explaining the contradictions inherent in safeguarding democracy through undemocratic practices, such as election misconduct, manipulation of judiciary, lack of provision of human rights, assassination and victimisation of political opponents, through which the provision of social justice is undermined. In this context and given the democratic authoritarian tendencies of African ruling political parties, this paper seeks to explore the pattern of authoritarian practice in Nigeria's ruling party – the People's Democratic Party (PDP) vis-a-vis the problems of social justice provision. Nigeria has returned to democracy about a decade ago, but the country is sliding towards a one-party system. The abuse of social justice, through detention, assassination and police brutality, defies any logic of democratisation. The paper therefore seeks to introduce a working framework for extending the frontiers of social justice for an integrative analysis and understanding of social justice in developing African democracies. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 63-102
{"title":"African ruling political parties and the making of 'authoritarian' democracies : extending the frontiers of social justice in Nigeria","authors":"S. B. Kura","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39426","url":null,"abstract":"African democracies are distinguished by the character of their political parties. They are easily labelled as illiberal civilian autocracies. These features coupled with emerging so-called dominant ruling parties, demonstrate the inclination towards a new form of ‘modern' democratic authoritarianism. In other words, the ruling dominant parties are\u0000appearing to be a ‘reincarnation' of the one-party system and military rule that held sway for about three to four decades in Africa (from the 1960s). In the process of this transformation, African ruling parties have been grossly destabilising opposition and perceived dissenters through clientelism, patronage politics and extra-legal means, thereby undermining the provision of social justice in the guise of democratisation. In the light of this there seems to be a theoretical and empirical lacuna in the discourse of social justice, in explaining the contradictions inherent in safeguarding democracy through undemocratic practices, such as election misconduct, manipulation of judiciary, lack of provision of human\u0000rights, assassination and victimisation of political opponents, through which the provision of social justice is undermined. In this context and given the democratic authoritarian tendencies of African ruling political parties, this paper seeks to explore the pattern of authoritarian practice in Nigeria's ruling party – the People's Democratic Party (PDP) vis-a-vis\u0000the problems of social justice provision. Nigeria has returned to democracy about a decade ago, but the country is sliding towards a one-party system. The abuse of social justice, through detention, assassination and police brutality, defies any logic of democratisation. The paper therefore seeks to introduce a working framework for extending the frontiers\u0000of social justice for an integrative analysis and understanding of social justice in developing African democracies. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 63-102","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39426","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the coherence and coordination dilemma in peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction systems, with special reference to the United Nations' integrated approach concept. It argues that all peacebuilding agents are interdependent in that they cannot individually achieve the goal of the overall peacebuilding system. Pursuing coherence helps to manage the interdependencies that bind the peacebuilding system together, and coordination is the means through which individual peacebuilding agents can ensure that they are coherent with the overall strategic framework. The article is focused on two areas where the lack of coherence provides the most promise for improving peacebuilding coherence. The first is the need to generate a clearly articulated overall peacebuilding strategy. The second is the need to operationalise the principle of local ownership. The article argues that without meaningfully addressing these shortcomings peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction systems will continue to suffer from poor rates of sustainability. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 85-110
本文分析了建设和平和冲突后重建系统的一致性和协调困境，并特别参考了联合国的综合办法概念。它认为，所有建设和平机构都是相互依存的，因为它们不能单独实现整个建设和平系统的目标。追求一致性有助于管理将建设和平系统联系在一起的相互依赖关系，而协调是各建设和平机构确保与总体战略框架保持一致的手段。本文的重点是缺乏一致性的两个领域，这两个领域最有希望改善建设和平的一致性。首先是需要制定一项明确的全面建设和平战略。第二是需要将地方所有权原则付诸实施。本文认为，如果不有意义地解决这些缺点，建设和平和冲突后重建系统将继续遭受低可持续性的影响。《非洲问题研究》，Vol. 8 (3)， 2008: pp. 85-110
{"title":"The Coherence Dilemma in Peacebuilding and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Systems","authors":"C. D. Coning","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39432","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the coherence and coordination dilemma in peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction systems, with special reference to the United Nations' integrated approach concept. It argues that all peacebuilding agents are interdependent in that they cannot individually achieve the goal of the overall peacebuilding system. Pursuing coherence helps to manage the interdependencies that bind the peacebuilding system together, and coordination is the means through which individual peacebuilding agents can ensure that they are coherent with the overall strategic framework. The article is focused on two areas where the lack of coherence provides the most promise for improving peacebuilding coherence. The first is the need to generate a clearly articulated overall peacebuilding strategy. The second is the need to operationalise the principle of local ownership. The article argues that without meaningfully addressing these shortcomings peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction systems will continue to suffer from poor rates of sustainability. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 85-110","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39432","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lake Chad has been a source of economic livelihood for millions of people inhabiting the catchment areas in the four riparian states, namely: Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. However, in the last four decades, the size of the lake including its resources has continued to diminish. The impact of this depletion is being felt by Lake Chad basin population who depend on the lake for their means of livelihood. This paper focuses on the diminishing natural resources of Lake Chad as an empirical referent to analyse the relationship that can develop among natural resource diminution, livelihood and conflicts. Of particular attention is the incidence of conflict between and among fishermen, pastoralists, farmers and sometimes state security agents, and the tendency of the conflicts to degenerate into large scale intra-ethnic, intra-state and interstate conflicts. The paper further draws attention to the implications of the diminishing water resources of the lake for the North-East zone of Nigeria, and makes recommendations suggested by the analysis. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 35-62
乍得湖一直是喀麦隆、乍得、尼日尔和尼日利亚四个沿岸国家集水区数百万居民的经济生计来源。然而，在过去的四十年里，湖泊的面积和资源都在持续减少。乍得湖流域的居民正在感受到这种枯竭的影响，他们依靠乍得湖作为生计手段。本文以乍得湖自然资源的减少为实证参考，分析了自然资源减少与生计和冲突之间的关系。特别值得注意的是渔民、牧民、农民和有时是国家安全人员之间的冲突的发生率，以及冲突退化为大规模种族内、国家内和国家间冲突的趋势。该文件进一步提请注意该湖泊水资源减少对尼日利亚东北部地区的影响，并提出了分析提出的建议。《非洲问题研究》Vol. 8 (2)， 2008: pp. 35-62
{"title":"Environmental Degradation, Livelihood and Conflicts: A Focus on the Implications of the Diminishing Water Resources of Lake Chad for North-Eastern Nigeria","authors":"Freedom Chukwudi Onuoha","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39425","url":null,"abstract":"Lake Chad has been a source of economic livelihood for millions of people inhabiting the catchment areas in the four riparian states, namely: Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. However, in the last four decades, the size of the lake including its resources has continued to diminish. The impact of this depletion is being felt by Lake Chad basin population who depend on the lake for their means of livelihood. This paper\u0000focuses on the diminishing natural resources of Lake Chad as an empirical referent to analyse the relationship that can develop among natural resource diminution, livelihood and conflicts. Of particular attention is the incidence of conflict between and among fishermen, pastoralists, farmers and sometimes state security agents, and the tendency of the conflicts to degenerate into large scale intra-ethnic, intra-state and interstate conflicts. The paper further draws attention to the implications of the diminishing water resources of the lake for the North-East zone of Nigeria, and makes recommendations suggested by the analysis. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (2) 2008: pp. 35-62","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I2.39425","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Meisler, Stanley 2007; John Wiley & Son, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey. 372pp. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 111-116
梅斯勒，斯坦利2007;John Wiley & Son, Inc.， Hoboken, New Jersey, 372页。《非洲问题研究》Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 111-116
{"title":"Kofi Annan : A Man of Peace in a World of War, Stanley Meisler : book review","authors":"T. Neethling","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39433","url":null,"abstract":"Meisler, Stanley 2007; John Wiley & Son, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey. 372pp. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 111-116","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39433","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deploys a politico-sociological historical analysis in the interrogation of the origins, tenacity and resilience of Ndebele particularism across pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial epochs in Zimbabwe. While the issue of Ndebele particularism is currently overshadowed by the recent political and economic crisis that has seen Zimbabwe becoming a pariah state, it has continued to haunt both the project of nationalism that ended up unravelling along the fault-lines of Ndebele-Shona ethnicities and the post-colonial nation-building process that became marred by ethnic tensions and violence of the 1980s. In this article, Ndebele particularism is described at two main levels. Firstly, successive pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial historical processes contributed to the construction and consolidation of Ndebele particularism. Secondly, this particularism is a product of coalescence of grievance and resentment to Shona triumphalism. The politico-sociological historical analysis is intertwined with a social constructivist perspective of understanding complex politics of identities in general. The discussion is taken up to the current reverberation of Ndebele particularistic politics on the internet including the creation of a virtual community known as United Mthwakazi Republic (UMR) that symbolises the desire for a restored pre-colonial Ndebele nation in the mould of Swaziland and Lesotho. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 27-56
本文运用政治社会学历史分析的方法，对津巴布韦前殖民时期、殖民时期和后殖民时期恩德贝勒特殊主义的起源、坚韧性和恢复力进行了探究。虽然恩德贝勒特殊主义的问题目前被最近的政治和经济危机所掩盖，这使得津巴布韦成为一个贱民国家，但它继续困扰着民族主义项目，最终沿着恩德贝勒-肖纳种族的断层线瓦解，以及后殖民国家建设进程，这一进程被1980年代的种族紧张局势和暴力所破坏。在这篇文章中，恩德贝勒的特殊主义主要在两个层面上进行描述。首先，连续的前殖民、殖民和后殖民历史进程促进了恩德贝勒特殊主义的建构和巩固。其次，这种特殊主义是对修那必胜主义的不满和怨恨的产物。政治社会学历史分析与理解复杂的身份政治的社会建构主义观点交织在一起。讨论讨论了目前恩德贝勒特殊政治在互联网上的反响，包括创建一个名为联合姆斯瓦卡兹共和国(UMR)的虚拟社区，象征着恢复前殖民时期恩德贝勒国家的愿望，就像斯威士兰和莱索托一样。《非洲问题研究》，Vol. 8 (3)， 2008: pp. 27-56
{"title":"Nation Building in Zimbabwe and the Challenges of Ndebele Particularism","authors":"S. Ndlovu-Gatsheni","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39430","url":null,"abstract":"This article deploys a politico-sociological historical analysis in the interrogation of the origins, tenacity and resilience of Ndebele particularism across pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial epochs in Zimbabwe. While the issue of Ndebele particularism is currently overshadowed by the recent political and economic crisis that has seen Zimbabwe becoming a pariah state, it has continued to haunt both the project of nationalism that ended up unravelling along the fault-lines of Ndebele-Shona ethnicities and the post-colonial nation-building process that became marred by ethnic tensions and violence of the 1980s. In this article, Ndebele particularism is described at two main levels. Firstly, successive pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial historical processes contributed to the construction and consolidation of Ndebele particularism. Secondly, this particularism is a product of coalescence of grievance and resentment to Shona triumphalism. The politico-sociological historical analysis is intertwined with a social constructivist perspective of understanding complex politics of identities in general. The discussion is taken up to the current reverberation of Ndebele particularistic politics on the internet including the creation of a virtual community known as United Mthwakazi Republic (UMR) that symbolises the desire for a restored pre-colonial Ndebele nation in the mould of Swaziland and Lesotho. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (3) 2008: pp. 27-56","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2009-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V8I3.39430","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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