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Platonic and Aristotelian Teichopolitics 柏拉图式和亚里士多德式的技术政治
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340361
Adam Woodcox
This paper provides a sustained investigation into ancient teichopolitics – the politics of constructing walls – and the question of whether the best city should be surrounded by walls. Plato’s Laws adopts the Spartan view that walls have a negative effect on national character and argues that they should be ‘left lying asleep and undisturbed in the ground’ (Leg. 6.778d). Aristotle’s Politics puts forward a series of objections to Plato and adopts the more pragmatic view that walls are necessary. Although both philosophers debate the status of walls and foreigners within the best city, they fail to draw the thoroughly modern connection between teichopolitics and immigration.
本文提供了对古代技术政治的持续调查-建造城墙的政治-以及最好的城市是否应该被城墙包围的问题。柏拉图的《法律》采纳了斯巴达人的观点,认为城墙对民族性格有负面影响,并认为它们应该“躺在地上睡觉,不受打扰”(第6.778d条)。亚里士多德的《政治学》对柏拉图提出了一系列反对意见,并采用了更为实用的观点,即墙壁是必要的。尽管两位哲学家都对最好的城市中的城墙和外国人的地位进行了辩论,但他们都未能在技术政治和移民之间建立起彻底的现代联系。
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引用次数: 0
Law and Economic Growth in Ancient Athens 古雅典的法律与经济发展
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340362
E. Harris
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引用次数: 0
Cyrus’ Beehive: Ruling Eros and with Eros in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia 居鲁士的蜂巢:在色诺芬的《赛罗珀迪亚》中统治厄洛斯与厄洛斯
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340357
Antoine Pageau-St-Hilaire
This paper examines the role of love in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia. I argue that an essential aspect of Cyrus’ knowledgeable rule is a specific understanding of eros and a corresponding strategy to cope with the power of love. Specifically, I contend that by exploiting a common Greek distinction between the beloved and the lover, he articulates the view that lovers are subjects or even slaves to their beloved who deceive themselves into thinking that their attraction and the ensuing behaviors are voluntary. Accordingly, Cyrus attempts to avoid falling in love and to rule as a universally beloved leader. Reflecting on the implications of this solution, I finally suggest that Xenophon wishes to show the limits of Cyrus’ solution.
本文考察了色诺芬的《塞罗帕迪亚》中爱情的作用。我认为,居鲁士的知识统治的一个重要方面是对爱神的具体理解和应对爱的力量的相应策略。具体来说,我认为通过利用希腊人对被爱者和爱人的普遍区别,他阐明了这样一种观点,即爱人是爱人的臣民,甚至是奴隶,他们欺骗自己,认为他们的吸引力和随后的行为是自愿的。因此,居鲁士试图避免陷入爱情,并作为一个普遍爱戴的领袖来统治。考虑到这个解决方案的含义,我最后认为色诺芬希望展示赛勒斯解决方案的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Odd, Idle, and Vicious: Plato’s Use of Public Opinion in His Characterization of the Philosopher in Republic VI 古怪、闲散与邪恶:柏拉图在《理想国》中对哲学家的描述中对公众舆论的运用
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340360
T. Silva
Plato’s characterization of the philosopher often emerges as a way to respond to popular conceptions and representations of the intellectual in Athenian society. In book 6 of the Republic in particular, he articulates his greatest defense of the philosopher against two major charges – that of being vicious and useless. Voicing what appears to be a commonly held view among Athenians, this representation of the philosopher is raised by Adeimantus as an objection to Socrates’ proposal of a philosopher-king. Surprisingly, rather than dismissing the allegations as false, Socrates admits ‘that what they say is true’ (Resp. 6.487d10) and incorporates these criticisms into his argument. This paper proposes that the popular depiction of the philosopher as odd, vicious and idle plays a significant role in Plato’s own characterization of the philosopher, illustrating how Plato diagnoses the philosopher’s alienation from public affairs in a manner that defines and legitimates his own ideas of philosophy.
柏拉图对哲学家的描述通常是作为对雅典社会中知识分子的流行观念和表现的回应而出现的。特别是在《理想国》第6卷中,他明确表达了他对哲学家的最大辩护,反对两项主要指控,即邪恶和无用。这似乎是雅典人普遍持有的观点,阿德曼图斯提出了哲学家的这种表现,作为对苏格拉底提出的哲学家国王的反对意见。令人惊讶的是,苏格拉底并没有将这些指控斥为错误,而是承认“他们所说的是真的”(见6.487d),并将这些批评纳入他的论证中。本文提出,对哲学家古怪、邪恶和懒惰的流行描述在柏拉图自己对哲学家的描述中发挥了重要作用,说明柏拉图如何诊断哲学家与公共事务的疏离,以一种定义和合法化他自己的哲学思想的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Plato, Xenophon, and the Laws of Lycurgus 柏拉图,色诺芬和利库格斯律法
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340345
M. Schofield
The relation between the opening section of Plato’s Laws and Xenophon’s Constitution of the Lacedaemonians usually goes unnoticed. This paper draws attention to its importance for understanding Plato’s project in the dialogue. It has three sections. In the first, it will be shown that the view proposed by Plato’s Athenian visitor that Lycurgus made virtue in its entirety the goal of his statecraft was anticipated in Xenophon’s treatise. It has to be treated as an interpretation of the Spartan politeia, alternative to that advanced by Cleinias and Megillus, and accepted by (for example) Aristotle, which Plato could expect or at any rate hope to be taken seriously as such. In the second, the argument will focus on the contents of the legislative programme the Athenian says he had hoped to hear Cleinias ascribe to the Cretan and Spartan lawgivers. The case will be made that Plato can expect recognition by the reader (as by the Athenian’s interlocutors) that the programme is properly Spartan and Cretan by virtue of its echoes of the programme attributed to Lycurgus by Xenophon. Finally, the third section will argue that in making law primarily concerned with fostering the proper development, conduct, and treatment of human beings at every stage of the life cycle, above all by provision for sound customary practices (ἐπιτηδεύματα) and the like, Plato adopts the approach to law making taken by Xenophon’s Lycurgus.
柏拉图的《法律》的开篇部分和色诺芬的《拉斯达蒙尼亚宪法》之间的关系通常被忽视。本文提请注意它对于理解柏拉图在《对话录》中的计划的重要性。它有三个部分。在第一章中,我们会看到,柏拉图的雅典来访者提出的观点,即利库尔格斯将美德作为其治国之道的全部目标,在色诺芬的论文中就有预见。它必须被看作是对斯巴达政治的一种解释,而不是克利尼亚和米吉卢斯所提出的,并被(例如)亚里士多德所接受的,柏拉图可以期望或至少希望这种解释被认真对待。在第二种情况下,争论将集中在立法程序的内容上,雅典人说他希望听到克列尼亚将其归于克里特和斯巴达的立法者。我们会提出柏拉图可以期望读者(如雅典人的对话者)认识到,他的纲领是恰当的斯巴达和克里特的,因为它与色诺芬认为的利库尔古斯的纲领相呼应。最后,第三部分将论证,在制定法律时,主要关注的是促进人类在生命周期的每个阶段的适当发展、行为和待遇,首先是通过提供健全的习惯做法(τ πιτηδε ζ ματα)等,柏拉图采用了色诺芬的《利库尔格斯》所采用的制定法律的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Varro, the Name-Givers, and the Lawgivers: The Case of the Consuls 瓦罗,授名者与授法者:执政官的案例
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340352
V. Arena
This essay aims at identifying a tradition of lawgivers in the political culture of the late Republic. It focuses on the antiquarian tradition of the second half of the first century BC, which, it argues, should be considered part of the wider quest for legal normativism that takes place towards the end of the Republic. By reconstructing the intellectual debates on the nature of the consulship, which at the time was carried out through the means of etymological research, this essay shows that, when set within its proper philosophical framework, ancient etymological studies acted as a search for philosophical truth and, in the case of Varro, identify the early kings as the first Roman lawgivers. In turn, the language of political institutions and its etymologies, conceived along philosophical lines, could become a weapon in the constitutional battles of the late Republic.
本文旨在确定共和晚期政治文化中的立法者传统。它关注的是公元前一世纪下半叶的古文物传统,它认为,这应该被视为共和国末期对法律规范主义的更广泛追求的一部分。通过重构当时通过语源学研究手段进行的关于执政官性质的学术辩论,本文表明,当置于适当的哲学框架内时,古代语源学研究充当了对哲学真理的探索,并以瓦罗为例,确定了早期国王是第一批罗马立法者。反过来,政治机构的语言及其词源,沿着哲学路线构思,可能成为共和晚期宪法斗争的武器。
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引用次数: 1
The Stoic Conception of Law 斯多葛学派的法律概念
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340350
K. Vogt
The Stoics identify the law with the active principle, which is corporeal, pervades the universe, individuates each part of the world, and causes all its movements. At the same time, the law is normative for all reasoners. The very same law shapes the movements of the cosmos and governs our actions. With this reconstruction of Stoic law, I depart from existing scholarship on whether Stoic law is a set of rules. The question of whether ethics involves a set of rules is rich and fascinating. In the 1970s and 80s, the observation that ancient ethics might do without rules was part of philosophy’s rediscovery of virtue ethics. This debate, however, neglects that Stoic law is a corporeal principle pervading the world. The key puzzle regarding Stoic law, I argue, is how it is possible that the very same law is a corporeal principle in the world and normative for us.
斯多葛学派认为法律是活跃的原则,它是有形的,遍及宇宙,使世界的每一部分个性化,并导致其所有运动。同时,法律对所有理性者都是规范的。同样的法则塑造了宇宙的运动,支配着我们的行为。通过对斯多葛律法的重构,我脱离了关于斯多葛律是否是一套规则的现有学术研究。道德是否包含一套规则的问题丰富而引人入胜。上世纪七八十年代,哲学对德性伦理的再发现,是对古代伦理学可以不受规则约束的观察。然而,这场辩论忽略了斯多葛律是一种遍及世界的有形原则。我认为,关于斯多葛律法的关键难题是,同样的律法如何可能是世界上的一个有形原则,并对我们具有规范性。
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引用次数: 2
Philosophical Curriculum and Lawlessness in the Republic 哲学课程与共和国的无法无天
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340343
A. Bonnemaison
In the Republic, philosophy is associated with lawfulness, while tyranny and other corrupted regimes and individuals are associated with various degrees of lawlessness. So why does Socrates explain that the curriculum addressed to the philosophers of the ideal city brings about a risk of lawlessness among the potential philosopher-rulers? This is due to a specific step of this curriculum, the practice of refutation, which causes an intellectual as well as moral distress that can lead to skepticism and in fine to lawlessness. Although this risk needs to be reduced to a minimum, it has to be taken because the philosophical natures should be able to survive all challenges in order to become genuine dialecticians. Therefore, philosophy can lead to lawlessness but even when it does not, it is nonetheless true that the requirements of philosophy take priority over lawfulness.
在《理想国》中,哲学与合法性联系在一起,而暴政和其他腐败的政权和个人则与不同程度的无法无天联系在一起。那么,为什么苏格拉底解释说,针对理想城市哲学家的课程,会给潜在的哲学家统治者带来无法无天的风险?这是由于这门课程的一个具体步骤,即反驳的实践,它会导致智力和道德上的痛苦,从而导致怀疑主义和无法无天。虽然这种风险需要降低到最低限度,但它必须承担,因为哲学本质应该能够经受住所有挑战,才能成为真正的辩证法家。因此,哲学可以导致无法无天,但即使它不这样做,哲学的要求仍然优先于合法性。
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引用次数: 0
Pyrrhonism and the Value of Law 皮浪主义与法的价值
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340351
Stéphane Marchand
The aim of this paper is to determine how a Pyrrhonian (as she/he is described by Sextus Empiricus) considers the Law and can respond to Aristocles’ objection that a Pyrrhonian is unable to obey laws. First (1), we analyze the function of the Law in the 10th Mode of Aenesidemus, in order to show laws as a dogmatic source of value. But (2) Sextus shows also that the Sceptic can live in a human society by following laws and customs, according to so-called ‘sceptical conformism’. In the light of Pyrrhonian Hypotyposes (Pyr.) 1.23–24 and Against the Mathematicians (Math.) 11.162–164, I discuss the validity of the label ‘conformism’ in order to understand the nature of the political effect of the suspension of judgement. (3) The real nature of the political position of Pyrrhonian Scepticism – that lack of commitment does not mean indifference to politics but rather a criticism of fanaticism and praise for political cautiousness – appears by comparison with the Scepticism of the New Academy.
本文的目的是确定皮罗学派(正如塞克斯图斯·恩里克所描述的那样)如何看待法律,以及如何回应亚里士多德关于皮罗学派无法服从法律的反对意见。首先(1),我们分析了法律在埃涅塞德谟第十模式中的功能,以表明法律是一种教条式的价值来源。但(二)塞克斯都也指出,怀疑论者可以按照所谓的“怀疑的顺从主义”,按照法律和习俗,在人类社会中生活。根据皮罗尼假说(pyrronian Hypotyposes, Pyr.) 1.23-24和Against the Mathematicians (Math.) 11.162-164,我讨论了“顺从”这个标签的有效性,以便理解暂停判断的政治效果的本质。(3)与新学院的怀疑主义相比,皮洛尼尔怀疑主义的政治立场的真正性质,即缺乏承诺并不意味着对政治漠不关心,而是对狂热的批评和对政治谨慎的赞扬。
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引用次数: 0
The Birth of Unlawful Freedom in Plato’s Laws 3 柏拉图《法律》中非法自由的诞生
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340347
René de Nicolay
Plato’s pronouncements about political freedom in the Laws have sparked renewed interest in the literature. The present paper takes a new angle on that vexed question. It focusses on Plato’s account of the birth of unlawful freedom, or ‘theatrocracy’, at the end of book 3. By studying the transition from moderate to excessive freedom, it wishes to shed light on what sets the two apart. The paper provides a causal analysis of the key passage (700a3–701c2), suggesting four compatible and complementary explanations for the process it describes. The first is presented as the main one, but it is made more likely by the addition of the three others.
柏拉图在《法律论》中关于政治自由的声明,重新点燃了人们对文学的兴趣。本文从一个新的角度来研究那个棘手的问题。它集中在柏拉图对非法自由的诞生的描述,或“戏剧统治”,在第三卷的末尾。通过研究从适度自由到过度自由的转变,它希望揭示是什么将两者区分开来。本文对关键段落(700a3-701c2)进行了因果分析,并对其描述的过程提出了四种兼容和互补的解释。第一个被认为是主要的,但是其他三个的加入使它更有可能出现。
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引用次数: 1
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