abstract:In September 1817 officials of the Russian colony of Ross drafted a protocol of a meeting held with the Kashaya Pomos, the Bodega Miwoks, and other Native Americans. The protocol described how the Russians had promised gifts and military protection to their Native American allies in exchange for the right to continue occupying Métini, a Kashaya Pomo–controlled territory about eighty-five miles north of San Francisco. Soon, reports of the meeting had made their way up and down the coast and across the Pacific, as Native Americans, Russian imperial ministers, and diplomats from Russia's imperial rivals debated its significance. This essay describes how the Russian-American Company used the protocol and other agreements with Native Americans to lay claim to coastal territories, and how Russia's imperial rivals disputed such claims. It argues that company officials used documentation of Native American signs of consent, such as speeches and gestures, to assert ownership of Métini, while Spain disputed the validity of agreements with Native Americans. The meaning that Russian officials assigned to Native Americans' consent enabled the Kashaya Pomos, the Bodega Miwoks, and other groups to exert some influence over Russian colonization and trade.
{"title":"The International Life of a Russian Colonial Document: The Russian-American Company, the Kashaya Pomos, the Bodega Miwoks, and the 1817 Métini Protocol","authors":"Jeffrey Glover","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0006","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:In September 1817 officials of the Russian colony of Ross drafted a protocol of a meeting held with the Kashaya Pomos, the Bodega Miwoks, and other Native Americans. The protocol described how the Russians had promised gifts and military protection to their Native American allies in exchange for the right to continue occupying Métini, a Kashaya Pomo–controlled territory about eighty-five miles north of San Francisco. Soon, reports of the meeting had made their way up and down the coast and across the Pacific, as Native Americans, Russian imperial ministers, and diplomats from Russia's imperial rivals debated its significance. This essay describes how the Russian-American Company used the protocol and other agreements with Native Americans to lay claim to coastal territories, and how Russia's imperial rivals disputed such claims. It argues that company officials used documentation of Native American signs of consent, such as speeches and gestures, to assert ownership of Métini, while Spain disputed the validity of agreements with Native Americans. The meaning that Russian officials assigned to Native Americans' consent enabled the Kashaya Pomos, the Bodega Miwoks, and other groups to exert some influence over Russian colonization and trade.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"42 1","pages":"139 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74023411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:Lewis Henry Morgan has long been regarded as one of U.S. anthropology's founders. Much of the recent scholarship on Morgan explores his depiction of indigenous culture and his theory of progress. Focusing on his early thought, this article demonstrates how in the 1840s he moved from a moralistic to an increasingly ethnological understanding of advancement, and how his evolving view of Native peoples and the human passions underpinned this change. As a temperance reformer in the early 1840s, Morgan equated progress with economic growth, territorial expansion, and the spread of democracy. Additionally, he feared that the immoral passions of drinkers, radicals, and Native peoples threatened these gains. By 1843 he began attributing to European colonists the destructive passions he had formerly assigned to indigenous peoples, and came to view progress as a destructive force detached from human agency and morality. His 1851 League of the Iroquois links the passions to progress, but he saw these drives primarily as social phenomena, some of which stymie advancement while others enhance it. This study thus links Morgan's early temperance work to the ideas expressed in League of the Iroquois and in his 1871 Ancient Society, illuminating the symbols that Victorian Americans employed to represent progress.
{"title":"Lewis Henry Morgan's Early Theory of Progress: His Evolving View of the Passions and Social Development","authors":"James Z. Schwartz","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0005","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:Lewis Henry Morgan has long been regarded as one of U.S. anthropology's founders. Much of the recent scholarship on Morgan explores his depiction of indigenous culture and his theory of progress. Focusing on his early thought, this article demonstrates how in the 1840s he moved from a moralistic to an increasingly ethnological understanding of advancement, and how his evolving view of Native peoples and the human passions underpinned this change. As a temperance reformer in the early 1840s, Morgan equated progress with economic growth, territorial expansion, and the spread of democracy. Additionally, he feared that the immoral passions of drinkers, radicals, and Native peoples threatened these gains. By 1843 he began attributing to European colonists the destructive passions he had formerly assigned to indigenous peoples, and came to view progress as a destructive force detached from human agency and morality. His 1851 League of the Iroquois links the passions to progress, but he saw these drives primarily as social phenomena, some of which stymie advancement while others enhance it. This study thus links Morgan's early temperance work to the ideas expressed in League of the Iroquois and in his 1871 Ancient Society, illuminating the symbols that Victorian Americans employed to represent progress.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"6 1","pages":"229 - 258"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82497723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:A controversy over land in the Grand River Valley of Michigan reached the United States Attorney General's office in 1837. The quarrel warrants attention not only because the lands had value but because it engaged several groups with competing understandings of their rights to property. Native Americans confronted settlers, who confronted one another. At one level, the dispute pitted two forms of customary rights—one exercised by Indians and the other by squatters—against the demands of capital and the discipline of the state. But on another level, the contest reveals how in the early national period, irregular settlers could look to law, Native people could speak the language of improvement and look to text, and advocates of federal order could invoke imaginary violence.
{"title":"Custom, Text, and Property: Indians, Squatters, and Political Authority in Jacksonian Michigan","authors":"G. E. Dowd","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0004","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:A controversy over land in the Grand River Valley of Michigan reached the United States Attorney General's office in 1837. The quarrel warrants attention not only because the lands had value but because it engaged several groups with competing understandings of their rights to property. Native Americans confronted settlers, who confronted one another. At one level, the dispute pitted two forms of customary rights—one exercised by Indians and the other by squatters—against the demands of capital and the discipline of the state. But on another level, the contest reveals how in the early national period, irregular settlers could look to law, Native people could speak the language of improvement and look to text, and advocates of federal order could invoke imaginary violence.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"18 1","pages":"195 - 228"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83322243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:This article explores American policymakers' efforts to annex the British colony of Bermuda during the U.S. War for Independence (1775–83). From Silas Deane to James Madison, Patriot leaders and diplomats idealized Bermuda as a valuable commercial outpost in the Atlantic world, viewing the colony as essential to their new nation's trade. This article considers the failed proposals, quixotic diplomatic demands, and unrealized military plans to acquire Bermuda to illustrate how conquest and commerce were inextricably linked in the minds of early America's policymakers. By exploring American interest in Bermuda, this article also contends that Patriot leaders' demands for other British territories—Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, the Bahamas, and the trans-Appalachian West—were intended not as a blueprint for a continental empire. Rather, American leaders sought British territories such as Bermuda and the trans-Appalachian West to protect, expand, and promote the republic's Atlantic-based commerce.
{"title":"Conquest for Commerce: American Policymakers, Bermuda, and the War for Independence, 1775–83","authors":"Nicholas G. DiPucchio","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0000","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:This article explores American policymakers' efforts to annex the British colony of Bermuda during the U.S. War for Independence (1775–83). From Silas Deane to James Madison, Patriot leaders and diplomats idealized Bermuda as a valuable commercial outpost in the Atlantic world, viewing the colony as essential to their new nation's trade. This article considers the failed proposals, quixotic diplomatic demands, and unrealized military plans to acquire Bermuda to illustrate how conquest and commerce were inextricably linked in the minds of early America's policymakers. By exploring American interest in Bermuda, this article also contends that Patriot leaders' demands for other British territories—Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, the Bahamas, and the trans-Appalachian West—were intended not as a blueprint for a continental empire. Rather, American leaders sought British territories such as Bermuda and the trans-Appalachian West to protect, expand, and promote the republic's Atlantic-based commerce.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"427 1","pages":"61 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89652821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:This essay examines the literary texts of Pennsylvania's 1764 Paxton pamphlet war, giving close attention to the linguistic representations through which vying parties attempted to claim superiority in the Anglo-American sociopolitical hierarchy. Competing ethnic and political groups published creative literature (including poetry, dialogues, a farce, and a narrative) disparaging their opponents' British virtue and status by lampooning their literary and grammatical acuity and emphasizing their deviation from "acceptable" spoken English. Through analysis of the pamphlet war's portrayals of Quaker, American Indian, and Scots-Irish Presbyterian language, this essay demonstrates that the interrelated issues of language, virtue, and British identity were central to the concerns of provincial Pennsylvanians in 1764.
{"title":"Language Ideology in the Paxton Pamphlet War","authors":"Scott Zukowski","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0003","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:This essay examines the literary texts of Pennsylvania's 1764 Paxton pamphlet war, giving close attention to the linguistic representations through which vying parties attempted to claim superiority in the Anglo-American sociopolitical hierarchy. Competing ethnic and political groups published creative literature (including poetry, dialogues, a farce, and a narrative) disparaging their opponents' British virtue and status by lampooning their literary and grammatical acuity and emphasizing their deviation from \"acceptable\" spoken English. Through analysis of the pamphlet war's portrayals of Quaker, American Indian, and Scots-Irish Presbyterian language, this essay demonstrates that the interrelated issues of language, virtue, and British identity were central to the concerns of provincial Pennsylvanians in 1764.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"122 1","pages":"32 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76739775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:This essay explores tributary relationships between colonists and Algonquian peoples in seventeenth-century Virginia, placing the process of political subordination into familiar narratives of indigenous dispossession. Virginia's tributary system—a political and legal institution founded in 1646 at the conclusion of the third Anglo-Powhatan war—created a colonial order in which Indian communities became subordinated but largely autonomous polities within a composite imperial state. This idea of tribute, a form of what Hugo Grotius called an "unequal alliance," had roots in Algonquian political traditions and the emerging European literature on international law. Drawing on these lineages, this essay provides a framework for thinking about how the tributary system developed in the decades between 1646 and 1676. The legal and political distance separating tributaries from colonists proved to be an important tool for indigenous communities struggling to maintain communal identity, but provided colonists with a flexible means of effecting dispossession. Though colonists' resentment of the slender protections Governor William Berkeley afforded tributaries erupted into civil war in 1676, Bacon's Rebellion failed to destroy the tributary system. It was reestablished at the Treaty of the Middle Plantation in 1677, which still provides the legal framework for Indian relations in the state of Virginia.
本文探讨了17世纪弗吉尼亚州殖民者和阿尔冈琴人之间的朝贡关系，将政治从属的过程置于熟悉的土著被剥夺的叙述中。弗吉尼亚的朝贡体系——在1646年第三次英国-波瓦坦战争结束时建立的政治和法律制度——创造了一种殖民秩序，在这种秩序中，印第安社区在一个复合帝国国家中成为从属的，但在很大程度上是自治的政体。这种贡品的概念，一种被雨果·格劳秀斯称为“不平等联盟”的形式，植根于阿尔冈琴人的政治传统和新兴的欧洲国际法文献。根据这些血统，本文提供了一个框架来思考在1646年至1676年之间的几十年里朝贡制度是如何发展的。法律和政治上的距离将支流与殖民者分隔开来，这被证明是土著社区努力维持社区身份的重要工具，但也为殖民者提供了一种灵活的剥夺手段。尽管殖民者对总督威廉·伯克利(William Berkeley)给予支流的微薄保护的不满在1676年爆发了内战，但培根的叛乱未能摧毁这个支流体系。1677年《中部种植园条约》(Treaty of the Middle Plantation)重新确立了这一制度，该条约至今仍为弗吉尼亚州的印第安人关系提供法律框架。
{"title":"\"Neither Utterly to Reject Them, Nor Yet to Drawe Them to Come In\": Tributary Subordination and Settler Colonialism in Virginia","authors":"Dylan Ruediger","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0002","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:This essay explores tributary relationships between colonists and Algonquian peoples in seventeenth-century Virginia, placing the process of political subordination into familiar narratives of indigenous dispossession. Virginia's tributary system—a political and legal institution founded in 1646 at the conclusion of the third Anglo-Powhatan war—created a colonial order in which Indian communities became subordinated but largely autonomous polities within a composite imperial state. This idea of tribute, a form of what Hugo Grotius called an \"unequal alliance,\" had roots in Algonquian political traditions and the emerging European literature on international law. Drawing on these lineages, this essay provides a framework for thinking about how the tributary system developed in the decades between 1646 and 1676. The legal and political distance separating tributaries from colonists proved to be an important tool for indigenous communities struggling to maintain communal identity, but provided colonists with a flexible means of effecting dispossession. Though colonists' resentment of the slender protections Governor William Berkeley afforded tributaries erupted into civil war in 1676, Bacon's Rebellion failed to destroy the tributary system. It was reestablished at the Treaty of the Middle Plantation in 1677, which still provides the legal framework for Indian relations in the state of Virginia.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"116 1","pages":"1 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84184925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:No family better displayed the enduring value of lineage in the new republic than the next generation of George Washington's family. His step-grandchildren, the Custises, may not have shared a last name with the first president, but they readily invoked their family connections in writings and speeches as a source of prestige and political legitimacy. The Custises also prominently displayed cultural capital in the form of Washington's furniture and relics in their houses (and even on their bodies) to bolster their social and political status. Decades into the nineteenth century, they continued to give small gifts of objects associated with Washington to reinforce their membership in the illustrious president's family. The Custises' social and cultural capital purchased them high social standing and access to political leaders. They masked their accumulation of capital behind the idea that their connection to George Washing-ton was affectionate rather than aristocratic, smoothing the way for family and lineage to serve as a strong credential in America.
{"title":"Washington Family Fortune: Lineage and Capital in Nineteenth-Century America","authors":"C. Good","doi":"10.1353/eam.2020.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2020.0001","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:No family better displayed the enduring value of lineage in the new republic than the next generation of George Washington's family. His step-grandchildren, the Custises, may not have shared a last name with the first president, but they readily invoked their family connections in writings and speeches as a source of prestige and political legitimacy. The Custises also prominently displayed cultural capital in the form of Washington's furniture and relics in their houses (and even on their bodies) to bolster their social and political status. Decades into the nineteenth century, they continued to give small gifts of objects associated with Washington to reinforce their membership in the illustrious president's family. The Custises' social and cultural capital purchased them high social standing and access to political leaders. They masked their accumulation of capital behind the idea that their connection to George Washing-ton was affectionate rather than aristocratic, smoothing the way for family and lineage to serve as a strong credential in America.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"7 1","pages":"133 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73005115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:This essay considers how Africans and their descendants may have expressed their socioreligious identities within the early modern Iberian Catholic world. The author argues that the seventeenth-century Afro-Peruvian mystic Úrsula de Jesús situates herself within both Catholic and Yorùbá orishá religious practice. In a close reading of Úrsula's spiritual diary entries, the author speculates that Úrsula intentionally inflects the meanings of the words poyto to signify a Poitou mule and pollino to refer to a little donkey. In doing so, Úrsula reframes an image of mounting that may be read concurrently as a transformed representation of Catholic submission and as an image of Yorùbá ritual spirit possession. Within the transculturated religious space of colonial Lima, the author suggests that Úrsula rearticulates Catholic rhetoric to reframe her Afro-religious practice and perform the role of a spiritual authority. The essay explores how Úrsula de Jesús would have transposed an African past into her religious expression in her Catholic convent to encounter both mystic visions and orishá spiritual possession in a unified religious experience.
这篇文章考虑了非洲人和他们的后代如何在早期现代伊比利亚天主教世界中表达他们的社会宗教身份。发件人认为，17世纪的非裔秘鲁神秘主义者Úrsula de Jesús将自己置于天主教和Yorùbá orish宗教实践之中。在仔细阅读Úrsula的精神日记条目后，作者推测Úrsula故意歪曲了poyto这两个词的意思，表示普瓦图骡子，而pollino指的是一头小驴。在这样做的过程中，Úrsula重新构建了一个骑马的形象，这个形象可以同时被解读为对天主教服从的一种转变的表现，也可以被解读为Yorùbá仪式精神占有的形象。在殖民地利马的跨文化宗教空间中，作者建议Úrsula重新阐明天主教的修辞，以重新构建她的非洲宗教实践，并发挥精神权威的作用。本文探讨了Úrsula de Jesús如何将非洲的过去转化为她在天主教修道院的宗教表达，以在统一的宗教体验中遇到神秘的愿景和奥利什精神占有。
{"title":"Mounting the Poyto: An Image of Afro-Catholic Submission in the Mystical Visions of Colonial Peru's Úrsula de Jesús","authors":"Rachel Spaulding","doi":"10.1353/eam.2019.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2019.0018","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:This essay considers how Africans and their descendants may have expressed their socioreligious identities within the early modern Iberian Catholic world. The author argues that the seventeenth-century Afro-Peruvian mystic Úrsula de Jesús situates herself within both Catholic and Yorùbá orishá religious practice. In a close reading of Úrsula's spiritual diary entries, the author speculates that Úrsula intentionally inflects the meanings of the words poyto to signify a Poitou mule and pollino to refer to a little donkey. In doing so, Úrsula reframes an image of mounting that may be read concurrently as a transformed representation of Catholic submission and as an image of Yorùbá ritual spirit possession. Within the transculturated religious space of colonial Lima, the author suggests that Úrsula rearticulates Catholic rhetoric to reframe her Afro-religious practice and perform the role of a spiritual authority. The essay explores how Úrsula de Jesús would have transposed an African past into her religious expression in her Catholic convent to encounter both mystic visions and orishá spiritual possession in a unified religious experience.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"14 1","pages":"519 - 544"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80943573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay is a brief remembrance of Mary Maples Dunn in a special issue commemorating her life and scholarship.
摘要:本文是在纪念玛丽·梅普尔斯·邓恩的生平和学术成就的特刊上对她的简短回忆。
{"title":"Mary C. Kelley and Nancy J. Vickers","authors":"Mary Kelley, N. Vickers","doi":"10.1353/eam.2019.0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2019.0028","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Abstract:</p><p>This essay is a brief remembrance of Mary Maples Dunn in a special issue commemorating her life and scholarship.</p>","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"9 1 1","pages":"622 - 626"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88160984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract:In 1829 Mother Catherine Spalding of the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, Kentucky, allowed her community of Catholic women religious to wear a white collar as a part of their habit. The decision provoked a brief but passionate dispute between Spalding and her local bishop, Benedict Joseph Flaget of nearby Bardstown, Kentucky. Bishop Flaget feared the seemingly anodyne garment revealed Spalding's vanity and unruliness. Spalding insisted on her obedience to proper religious authority, but she nonetheless defended her conduct and the collar's merits. Her spirited defense of the collar shows that a skillful mother superior could marshal the gendered language of authority and propriety to her order's advantage. Moreover, the contest between Spalding and Flaget demonstrates that as Catholics sought to define their presence in the early United States, influential women religious like Spalding emerged as the "public face" of nineteenth-century American Catholicism.
{"title":"Hot over a Collar: Religious Authority and Sartorial Politics in the Early National Ohio Valley","authors":"M. Oxford","doi":"10.1353/eam.2019.0022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.2019.0022","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:In 1829 Mother Catherine Spalding of the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, Kentucky, allowed her community of Catholic women religious to wear a white collar as a part of their habit. The decision provoked a brief but passionate dispute between Spalding and her local bishop, Benedict Joseph Flaget of nearby Bardstown, Kentucky. Bishop Flaget feared the seemingly anodyne garment revealed Spalding's vanity and unruliness. Spalding insisted on her obedience to proper religious authority, but she nonetheless defended her conduct and the collar's merits. Her spirited defense of the collar shows that a skillful mother superior could marshal the gendered language of authority and propriety to her order's advantage. Moreover, the contest between Spalding and Flaget demonstrates that as Catholics sought to define their presence in the early United States, influential women religious like Spalding emerged as the \"public face\" of nineteenth-century American Catholicism.","PeriodicalId":43255,"journal":{"name":"Early American Studies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"47 1","pages":"590 - 605"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81039496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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