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Coordination and gapping in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) 加泰罗尼亚语手语的协调与间隙
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-11-14 DOI: 10.1075/sll.00031.zor
Giorgia Zorzi
This thesis gives a description and a syntactic analysis for coordination and gapping in conjunction in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) within the framework of Generative Grammar and Minimalism. Regarding coordination, Coordination Phrase (CoP) is proposed as the category for conjunctive, disjunctive and adversative coordination, assuming that the conjuncts are specifiers and complements of CoP in a right-branching coordination structure. The specific derivation for each types of coordination is then applied. As for gapping in conjunction, in LSC it shows similarities with VP-ellipsis, especially because it can appear also in subordination. Moreover, the availability of only distributed scope negation (¬A&¬B) and the presence of contrastive topic and contrastive focus require a large coordination structure, that is, CP coordination. In order to derive gapping, I propose movement of the arguments to TopP and FocP followed by the deletion of TP at PF, with [E] feature in the head of FocP.
本文在生成语法和极简主义的框架下,对加泰罗尼亚语手语中连词的协调和衔接进行了描述和句法分析。关于协调,协调短语(CoP)被认为是连接词、析取词和对抗性协调的范畴,假设连接词是右分支协调结构中CoP的说明符和补语。然后应用每种协调类型的具体推导。至于连词中的gapping,在LSC中它与VP省略有相似之处,特别是因为它也可以出现在从属关系中。此外,只有分布范围否定(-A和-B)的可用性以及对比主题和对比焦点的存在需要一个大的协调结构,即CP协调。为了推导gapping,我建议将自变量移动到TopP和FocP,然后删除PF处的TP,在FocP的头部具有[E]特征。
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引用次数: 6
Wh-clefts as evidence of resultatives in ASL Wh-cleafts作为ASL结果词的证据
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.18002.KEN
A. Kentner, R. Wilbur
The status of syntactic resultative constructions has been disputed in the American Sign Language (ASL) literature. These are single sentences such as “Mary hammered the metal flat,” where two predicates share the same object and an event (hammered) causes the affected object (the metal) to change state (flat) as a result. While not all languages permit such constructions, this study shows that (several) alternate multi-sentential analyses can be ruled out. WH-clefts are used to provide a test for independent clausal boundaries, providing additional support that American Sign Language (ASL) permits resultative constructions. We also observe possible word order variations and note common features of the result predicates in these constructions.
句法结果结构在美国手语文学中的地位一直存在争议。这些句子都是单句,比如“Mary hamed the metal flat”,其中两个谓词共享同一个对象,一个事件(hamed)导致受影响的对象(金属)因此改变状态(flat)。虽然不是所有的语言都允许这样的结构,但这项研究表明,可以排除(几种)交替的多句子分析。WH分隔符用于提供独立从句边界的测试,为美国手语(ASL)允许结果结构提供了额外的支持。我们还观察了可能的语序变化,并注意到这些结构中结果谓词的共同特征。
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引用次数: 0
Morphological properties of mouthings in Hungarian Sign Language (MJNY) 匈牙利语口型的形态学特征
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00016.ENG
Szilárd Engelhardt
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引用次数: 4
A negation-tense interaction in Georgian Sign Language 格鲁吉亚手语中的否定-时态互动
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00013.MAK
Tamar Makharoblidze, R. Pfau
We describe an intriguing interaction of negation and tense in Georgian Sign Language (GESL), a sign language which to date has received close to no attention by linguists. GESL verbs that employ an irregular negation strategy in the present tense (modal verbs and the verb know) require double marking in the past tense, i.e. the irregular negative form combines with the negative particle not, which is not used in the present and future tense with these verbs. The GESL data thus provide us with direct evidence for an active contribution of the feature tense in the grammar of GESL – in contrast to most other sign languages previously studied. We also offer a cross-linguistic perspective on the data by discussing instances of Negative Concord reported for various sign languages as well as tense-negation interactions attested in spoken languages.
我们描述了格鲁吉亚手语(GESL)中否定和时态的有趣互动,这是一种迄今为止几乎没有受到语言学家关注的手语。在现在时使用不规则否定策略的GESL动词(语气动词和动词know)需要在过去时中进行双重标记,即不规则否定形式与否定助词not结合,后者不与这些动词一起用于现在时和将来时。因此,与之前研究的大多数其他手语相比,GESL数据为特征时态在GESL语法中的积极贡献提供了直接证据。我们还通过讨论各种手语中报道的否定和谐的例子以及口语中证实的时态否定相互作用,对数据提供了一个跨语言的视角。
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引用次数: 2
Lexical nonmanuals in German Sign Language (DGS) 德语手语词汇非手册性研究
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00015.PEN
Nina-Kristin Pendzich
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引用次数: 5
Variation in phrasal rhythm in sign languages 手语中短语节奏的变化
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00010.BRE
D. Brentari, Joseph C. Hill, Brianne Amador
In this paper. we offer a preliminary investigation of some aspects of individual and group variation in sign rate and rhythm, considering the sociolinguistic factors of Age (younger and older adults), Gender, and Sign Variety (Black and Mainstream American Sign Language). Differences in sign rate and rhythmic structure among signers were found in signers’ elicited narratives. A novel approach to phrasal rhythm is introduced, called “rhythm ratio”, which considers sign duration and transition duration together and is similar in spirit to the “normalized pairwise variability index” (nPVI) in spoken languages. This measure appears to be promising as a method for identifying rhythm class in sign languages; however, due to the small number of signers in each group these results can only be suggestive.
在本文中。考虑到年龄(年轻人和老年人)、性别和手势多样性(黑人和主流美国手语)等社会语言学因素,我们对个体和群体在手势速率和节奏方面的差异进行了初步调查。在引语叙述中,不同的语用者在语速和节奏结构上存在差异。本文提出了一种新的短语节奏分析方法——“节奏比”,该方法同时考虑了手势持续时间和过渡持续时间,其精神类似于口语中的“标准化两两变异性指数”(nPVI)。这种方法作为一种识别手语节奏类的方法似乎很有前途;然而,由于每组中签名者的数量较少,这些结果只能是暗示性的。
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引用次数: 13
Discourse markers in French Belgian Sign Language (LSFB) and Catalan Sign Language (LSC) 法语-比利时手语和加泰罗尼亚语手语中的语篇标记
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00014.GAB
Sílvia Gabarró-López
Discourse markers in French Belgian Sign Language (LSFB) and Catalan Sign Language (LSC) : Buoys, PALM-UP and SAME
法语-比利时手语(LSFB)和加泰罗尼亚语手语(LSC)的语篇标记:Buoys、PALM-UP和SAME
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引用次数: 6
A new classifier-based plural morpheme in German Sign Language (DGS) 一种新的基于分类器的德语手语复数语素
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00012.HER
M. Herbert
German Sign Language (DGS) displays variation in the simple plural, the form of which is conditioned by classes of phonological features within the lexicon. As a consequence, the overt realization of the plural marker is restricted to a small set of nouns specified for the appropriate phonological features, while the rest are left bare (Pfau & Steinbach 2005, 2006; Steinbach 2012). Pfau & Steinbach (2005) report a number of ‘alternative pluralization strategies’ available as repairs for this underspecification, including classifier constructions, spatial localization, and number and quantifier phrases. I propose a previously undescribed mechanism for plural marking, the ‘classifier-based plural morpheme’ (CLP), grammaticalized from the classifier system into a morpheme in the grammars of individual DGS signers. Elicitation data show that this morpheme attaches only to nouns which are specified for phonological features that restrict the realization of the canonical plural marker, adding a new option to the range of pluralization strategies available.
德语手语(DGS)表现为简单复数形式的变体,其形式受词典中语音特征类别的制约。因此,复数标记的公开实现仅限于为适当的语音特征指定的一小部分名词,而其余的则是裸露的(Pfau&Steinbach 20052006;Steinbach2012)。Pfau&Steinbach(2005)报道了许多“替代复数策略”,作为对这种指定不足的修复,包括分类器结构、空间定位以及数字和量词短语。我提出了一种以前未描述的复数标记机制,即“基于分类器的复数词素”(CLP),在单个DGS签名者的语法中,从分类器系统语法化为词素。引引数据显示,这个语素只附着在名词上,这些名词的语音特征限制了规范复数标记的实现,为可用的复数化策略范围增加了一个新的选择。
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引用次数: 4
Describing spatial layouts as an M2 signed language learner 以M2手语学习者描述空间布局
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2017-11-06 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.20.1.01FER
Lindsay Ferrara, Anna-Lena Nilsson
This study explores the L2M2 acquisition of Norwegian Sign Language by hearing adults, with a focus on the production and use of depicting signs. A group of students and their instructors were asked to respond to prompt questions about directions and locations in Norwegian Sign Language, and their responses were then compared. An examination of the students’ depicting signs shows that they struggled more with the phonological parameters orientation and movement, rather than with handshape. In addition, they used fewer depicting signs than their instructors, and instead relied more on lexical signs. Finally, students were found to struggle with the coordination of depicting signs within the signing space and in relation to their own bodies. It is hoped that the findings from this study can be used to inform future research as well as curricula development and pedagogy.
本研究探讨了听力成年人对挪威手语的l2 - m2习得,重点关注描绘符号的产生和使用。一组学生和他们的老师被要求用挪威手语回答有关方向和位置的提示问题,然后比较他们的回答。一项对学生描绘手势的研究表明,他们更多的是在语音参数、方向和运动上挣扎,而不是在手的形状上挣扎。此外,他们比导师更少地使用描绘符号,而是更多地依赖词汇符号。最后,学生们被发现很难协调在签名空间内描绘符号和与自己身体的关系。希望本研究的结果可以用于未来的研究,以及课程发展和教学法。
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引用次数: 21
Two agreement markers in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS) 两种奥地利手语协议标记(ÖGS)
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2017-11-06 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.20.1.02KRE
J. Krebs, R. Wilbur, D. Roehm
For many of the sign languages studied to date, different types of agreement markers have been described which express agreement in transitive constructions involving non-inflecting (plain) verbs and sometimes even inflected agreement verbs. Austrian Sign Language (OGS) belongs to the group of sign languages employing two different agreement markers ( agrm-bc / agrm-mf ), which will be described in this paper. In an online questionnaire, we focused on two questions: (i) whether both forms of agreement markers are rated as equally acceptable by Deaf OGS-signers and hearing native signers, and (ii) whether there is a preferred syntactic position (pre- vs. postverbal) for these markers. Data analysis confirmed that both agreement markers are accepted by OGS-signers and that both agreement markers are slightly preferred in preverbal position. Further, possible origins of both agreement markers are discussed.
对于迄今为止研究过的许多手语,已经描述了不同类型的同意标记,它们在及物结构中表达同意,包括无屈折(普通)动词,有时甚至是屈折的同意动词。奥地利手语(OGS)属于使用两种不同的协议标记(agrm-bc / agrm-mf)的手语群体,本文将对其进行描述。在一份在线问卷中,我们关注了两个问题:(i)聋人ogs签名者和听力正常的母语签名者对这两种形式的协议标记的接受程度是否相同,以及(ii)这些标记是否有首选的句法位置(前语还是后语)。数据分析证实,这两种协议标记都被ogs签字人所接受,并且这两种协议标记在言语前位置都略有首选。此外,还讨论了这两种协议标记的可能来源。
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引用次数: 8
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Sign Language & Linguistics
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