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Agent-backgrounding in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) 加泰罗尼亚语手语(LSC)中的主体背景
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00023.BAR
Gemma Barberà, P. C. Hofherr, J. Quer
This paper examines backgrounding strategies for human agents in Catalan Sign Language, that is, constructions featuring human agents that are non-referential. We identify and analyze four types of agent-backgrounding strategies: subjectless constructions, indefinite pronouns, the impersonal axis, and general nouns. Extending on previous work, we offer a description and a semantico-pragmatic analysis of each construction.
本文研究了加泰罗尼亚手语中人类主体的背景策略,即以人类主体为特征的非参考结构。我们识别并分析了四种类型的主体背景策略:无主语结构、不定代词、非人格化轴和一般名词。在之前工作的基础上,我们提供了对每个结构的描述和语义-语用分析。
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引用次数: 2
Agent-backgrounding in Turkish Sign Language (TİD) 土耳其手语代理背景
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00020.KEL
Meltem Kelepir, Asli Özkul, Elvan Tamyürek Özparlak
This paper investigates agent-backgrounding constructions in Turkish Sign Language (TİD). TİD displays many of the agent-backgrounding strategies reported in the literature that signed (and spoken) languages employ (Barberà & Cabredo Hofherr, this volume). Use of non-specific indefinite pronominals is a major strategy, and this paper is the first study that identifies these forms in TİD. Moreover, we show that TİD has ways of marking clusivity distinctions of indefinite arguments, and has a special sign that derives exclusive indefinite pronominals, other. We argue that (i) whereas lateral-high R-locus is unambiguously associated with non-specificity, non-high (lateral and central) loci are underspecified in terms of specificity; (ii) the R-locus of indefinite arguments observed in agent-backgrounding contexts in TİD consists of two spatial features [+high] and [+lateral] which express non-specificity and exclusivity. This study further shows that clusivity, usually associated with personal pronouns, must be extended to indefinite pronouns.
本文研究了土耳其手语中的代理背景结构。TíD展示了文献中报道的手语(和口语)使用的许多代理背景策略(Barberà和Cabredo Hofferr,本卷)。使用非特定的不定代词是一种主要策略,本文是第一项在TüD中确定这些形式的研究。此外,我们还证明了TíD有标记不定论点的聚类区别的方法,并且有一个特殊的符号派生出排他性的不定代词,other。我们认为(i)尽管侧向高R基因座与非特异性明确相关,但非高(侧向和中心)基因座在特异性方面未得到明确说明;(ii)在TíD的代理背景语境中观察到的不定论点的R位点由两个空间特征[+高]和[+侧]组成,这两个空间特性表示非特异性和排他性。这项研究进一步表明,通常与人称代词相关的冠词必须扩展到不定代词。
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引用次数: 5
Cross-linguistic variation in space-based distance for size depiction in the lexicons of six sign languages 六种手语词汇中尺寸描述空间距离的跨语言差异
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00024.NYS
Victoria Nyst
This paper presents a semiotic study of the distribution of a type of size depiction in lexical signs in six sign languages. Recently, a growing number of studies are focusing on the distribution of two representation techniques, i.e. the use of entity handshapes and handling handshapes for the depiction of hand-held tools (e.g. Ortega et al. 2014). Padden et al. (2013) find that there is cross-linguistic variation in the use of this pair of representation techniques. This study looks at variation in a representation technique that has not been systematically studied before, i.e. the delimitation of a stretch of space to depict the size of a referent, or space-based distance for size depiction. It considers the question whether the cross-linguistic variation in the use of this representation technique is governed by language-specific patterning as well (cf. Padden et al. 2013). This study quantifies and compares the occurrence of space-based distance for size depiction in the lexicons of six sign languages, three of Western European origin, and three of West African origin. It finds that sign languages differ significantly from each other in their frequency of use of this depiction type. This result thus corroborates that the selection and distribution of representation techniques does not solely depend on features of the depicted image, but also on language-specific patterning in the distribution of representation techniques, and it adds another dimension of iconic depiction in which sign languages may vary from each other (in addition to the entity/handling handshape distinction). Moreover, the results appear to be areally defined, with the three European languages using this representation technique significantly more often than the three African languages.
本文从符号学的角度研究了六种手语词汇符号中一种尺寸描述的分布。最近,越来越多的研究集中在两种表示技术的分布上,即使用实体手型和处理手型来描述手持工具(例如Ortega et al. 2014)。Padden et al.(2013)发现在使用这对表示技术时存在跨语言差异。这项研究着眼于以前没有系统研究过的表示技术的变化,即划分一段空间来描绘一个参考物的大小,或者基于空间的距离来描述大小。它考虑的问题是,使用这种表示技术的跨语言差异是否也受特定语言模式的支配(参见Padden et al. 2013)。本研究量化并比较了六种手语词汇中基于空间距离的大小描述,三种来自西欧,三种来自西非。研究发现,手语在使用这种描述类型的频率上存在显著差异。因此,这一结果证实了表征技术的选择和分布不仅取决于所描绘图像的特征,还取决于表征技术分布中的语言特定模式,并且它增加了符号描述的另一个维度,其中手语可能彼此不同(除了实体/处理手形的区别)。此外,结果似乎是真正明确的,三种欧洲语言使用这种表示技术的频率明显高于三种非洲语言。
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引用次数: 8
Impersonal reference in Russian Sign Language (RSL) 俄语手语中的人称指称
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00018.KIM
V. Kimmelman
This paper contains the first description of impersonal reference in Russian Sign Language (RSL). Impersonal reference has been investigated using a variety of elicitation techniques. It has been found that RSL uses a variety of strategies, namely pro-drop, an indefinite pronoun someone, a plural pronoun ix pl, and probably a second-person pronoun ix 2 in impersonal contexts. The impersonal strategies in RSL follow the general typological tendencies previously identified for spoken languages (Gast & Van der Auwera 2013), and do not show obvious modality effects (such as described by Barberà & Quer 2013). Some impersonal strategies show evidence of influence of spoken/written Russian in the form of borrowing and/or code-switching.
本文首次对俄语手语中的人称指称进行了描述。非人格化参考已被调查使用各种引出技术。研究发现,在非人称语境中,RSL使用了多种策略,即pro-drop、不定代词someone、复数代词ix pl以及可能的第二人称代词ix 2。非人格语中的非人格语策略遵循了之前在口语中发现的一般类型倾向(Gast & Van der Auwera 2013),并且没有表现出明显的情态效应(如barber & Quer 2013所描述的)。一些非人格化策略以借用和/或语码转换的形式显示了俄语口语/书面语的影响。
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引用次数: 7
Impersonal human reference in Sign Languages 手语中的非个人化人的指称
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00017.BAR
Gemma Barberà, P. C. Hofherr
The work of Gemma Barbera and Patricia Cabredo Hofherr on this special issue, as well as the workshops on Sign Languages and R-impersonals in Paris, February 2015, and Barcelona, June 2015, were funded by the ANR / DFG under grant ANR-11-FRAL-0011, Towards a typology of human impersonal pronouns (Typoimp) ANR/ DFG, awarded to Patricia Cabredo Hofherr, UMR 7023 (CNRS & Paris-8), and Volker Gast, Jena. Their support is gratefully acknowledged. This work has also been partially possible thanks to the SIGN-HUB project, which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No 693349, to the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness and FEDER Funds (FFI2015-68594-P), and to the Government of the Generalitat de Catalunya (2014 SGR 698).
Gemma Barbera和Patricia Cabredo Hoffer在这一特刊上的工作,以及2015年2月在巴黎和2015年6月在巴塞罗那举行的手语和R-非人称代词研讨会,都是由ANR/DFG资助的,授予Patricia Cabledo Hoffer、UMR 7023(CNRS&Paris-8)和Volker Gast,耶娜。感谢他们的支持。这项工作也部分归功于SIGN-HUB项目,该项目根据第693349号拨款协议获得了欧盟地平线2020研究和创新计划的资助,西班牙经济和竞争力部和联邦储备委员会基金(FFIF2015-68594-P)以及加泰罗尼亚政府(2014 SGR 698)。
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引用次数: 4
Impersonal human reference in French Sign Language (LSF) 法语手语中的非个人化人的指称
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00022.GAR
Brigitte Garcia, Marie-Anne Sallandre, Marie-Thérèse L'Huillier
The present paper offers a first systematic approach to the expression of impersonal human reference in French Sign Language (LSF). It extends and deepens a prior study carried out by the authors on the basis of a large scale discourse corpus. The description proposed here is based primarily on data elicited through a specialised questionnaire on impersonal human reference (Barberà & Cabredo Hofherr, this volume), initially developed for spoken languages and adapted for sign languages. The strategies revealed are compared with those discussed in our prior study. We begin with a brief review of the literature on impersonal human reference in spoken and sign languages, and a presentation of our theoretical framework for the analysis of LSF. We then elaborate on our methodology and the issues raised by the elicitation protocol adopted, from initial stages of its preparation to the representation of our data. We finally present and discuss the main strategies we highlighted for the expression of impersonal reference in LSF.
本文首次系统地研究了法语手语中非人情味指称的表达。它扩展和深化了作者先前在大规模语篇语料库基础上进行的研究。这里提出的描述主要基于通过一份关于非个人参考的专门问卷得出的数据(Barberà和Cabredo Hofferr,本卷),该问卷最初是为口语开发的,并适用于手语。将揭示的策略与我们先前研究中讨论的策略进行比较。我们首先简要回顾了口语和手语中的非人格人类指称的文献,并介绍了我们分析LSF的理论框架。然后,我们详细阐述了我们的方法和所通过的启发协议提出的问题,从其准备的初始阶段到我们数据的表示。最后,我们提出并讨论了我们强调的在LSF中表达非人格指称的主要策略。
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引用次数: 4
R-impersonals in Hong Kong Sign Language 香港手语中的R非人称
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00021.SZE
Felix Sze, G. Tang
This paper discusses R-impersonals in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL). As evidenced in our questionnaire and conversation data, R-impersonals in HKSL typically make use of null forms, the non-specific indefinite determiner (i.e., onedet-path (someone)/onedet-path (anyone)), distinguished by non-manual markers), and, occasionally, the Chinese character sign human/person. HKSL does not show impersonal uses of personal pronouns (e.g., they, you) which are commonly found in spoken languages. The nominal strategies are determined by the contexts and the referential properties of the impersonal referents, and they differ in the use of space in representing the impersonal referents in subsequent discourse. R-impersonal referents encoded by onedet-path (someone)/onedet-path (anyone) are associated with an area of the upper part of the ipsilateral side of the signing space, but they can still be assigned to a specific locus if the subsequent discourse requires locative information. Impersonal referents introduced by null forms or the Chinese character sign human/person are typically not spatially anchored.
本文讨论香港手语中的R非人称现象。正如我们的问卷和谈话数据所证明的那样,香港特别行政区的R-非人格者通常使用空形式、非特定的不确定限定词(即onedet path(someone)/onedet path(anyone)),通过非手动标记区分),偶尔还会使用汉字符号human/perse。香港特别行政区没有显示口语中常见的人称代词(如they,you)的非人称用法。指称策略是由语境和非人格指称对象的指称特性决定的,在随后的话语中,它们在表示非人格指称的空间使用上有所不同。由onedet路径(某人)/onedet路径编码的R-非个人指称与签名空间同侧上部的区域相关联,但如果随后的话语需要定位信息,它们仍然可以被分配到特定的位点。由空形式或汉字符号“人/人”引入的客观指称通常没有空间锚定。
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引用次数: 1
Universal quantification in the nominal domain in American Sign Language (The University of Texas at Austin, 2017) 美国手语中名词域的通用量化(德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校,2017)
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.00026.LIS
E. I. Liskova
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引用次数: 3
Coordination and gapping in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) 加泰罗尼亚语手语的协调与间隙
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-11-14 DOI: 10.1075/sll.00031.zor
Giorgia Zorzi
This thesis gives a description and a syntactic analysis for coordination and gapping in conjunction in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) within the framework of Generative Grammar and Minimalism. Regarding coordination, Coordination Phrase (CoP) is proposed as the category for conjunctive, disjunctive and adversative coordination, assuming that the conjuncts are specifiers and complements of CoP in a right-branching coordination structure. The specific derivation for each types of coordination is then applied. As for gapping in conjunction, in LSC it shows similarities with VP-ellipsis, especially because it can appear also in subordination. Moreover, the availability of only distributed scope negation (¬A&¬B) and the presence of contrastive topic and contrastive focus require a large coordination structure, that is, CP coordination. In order to derive gapping, I propose movement of the arguments to TopP and FocP followed by the deletion of TP at PF, with [E] feature in the head of FocP.
本文在生成语法和极简主义的框架下,对加泰罗尼亚语手语中连词的协调和衔接进行了描述和句法分析。关于协调,协调短语(CoP)被认为是连接词、析取词和对抗性协调的范畴,假设连接词是右分支协调结构中CoP的说明符和补语。然后应用每种协调类型的具体推导。至于连词中的gapping,在LSC中它与VP省略有相似之处,特别是因为它也可以出现在从属关系中。此外,只有分布范围否定(-A和-B)的可用性以及对比主题和对比焦点的存在需要一个大的协调结构,即CP协调。为了推导gapping,我建议将自变量移动到TopP和FocP,然后删除PF处的TP,在FocP的头部具有[E]特征。
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引用次数: 6
Wh-clefts as evidence of resultatives in ASL Wh-cleafts作为ASL结果词的证据
IF 0.8 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1075/SLL.18002.KEN
A. Kentner, R. Wilbur
The status of syntactic resultative constructions has been disputed in the American Sign Language (ASL) literature. These are single sentences such as “Mary hammered the metal flat,” where two predicates share the same object and an event (hammered) causes the affected object (the metal) to change state (flat) as a result. While not all languages permit such constructions, this study shows that (several) alternate multi-sentential analyses can be ruled out. WH-clefts are used to provide a test for independent clausal boundaries, providing additional support that American Sign Language (ASL) permits resultative constructions. We also observe possible word order variations and note common features of the result predicates in these constructions.
句法结果结构在美国手语文学中的地位一直存在争议。这些句子都是单句,比如“Mary hamed the metal flat”,其中两个谓词共享同一个对象,一个事件(hamed)导致受影响的对象(金属)因此改变状态(flat)。虽然不是所有的语言都允许这样的结构,但这项研究表明,可以排除(几种)交替的多句子分析。WH分隔符用于提供独立从句边界的测试,为美国手语(ASL)允许结果结构提供了额外的支持。我们还观察了可能的语序变化,并注意到这些结构中结果谓词的共同特征。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Sign Language & Linguistics
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