This paper analyses the reformulations of citizenship, positive peace and democracy of both contemporary feminist theory and the feminist movement. In doing so, it will explain the interrelationship between the feminist movement as a democratic movement and its proposals for reformulating concepts and ideas that make up what we can call the “grammar of politics”. Following Seyla Benhabib, the “democratic iterations” that have been achieved in the framework of human rights will be presented, giving some examples at national and international levels. Finally, the changes and challenges in women’s demands for rights in current scenarios will be analysed.
{"title":"Women’s Rights, Peace, and Democracy","authors":"Cristina Sánchez Muñoz","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the reformulations of citizenship, positive peace and democracy of both contemporary feminist theory and the feminist movement. In doing so, it will explain the interrelationship between the feminist movement as a democratic movement and its proposals for reformulating concepts and ideas that make up what we can call the “grammar of politics”. Following Seyla Benhabib, the “democratic iterations” that have been achieved in the framework of human rights will be presented, giving some examples at national and international levels. Finally, the changes and challenges in women’s demands for rights in current scenarios will be analysed.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing on the research findings of the survey and a review of the scientific and professional literature, this paper seeks to indicate a correlation between vaccine hesitancy and national security. On the one hand, the paper argues that health is of particular concern to the modern sovereign state and its security, and that the vaccine as a civilizational achievement is one of the most vital mechanisms for safeguarding public health and, by extension, national security. On the other hand, the paper contends that vaccine hesitancy should also be considered a threat to national security. What vaccine hesitancy means and what factors contribute to it is something of a blind spot in Serbia’s public and academic discourse. The survey findings have shown that vaccine hesitancy is influenced by various factors and conclude that Covid-19 vaccine hesitancy in Serbia can be considered a threat to national security.
{"title":"Covid-19 Vaccine Hesitancy and National Security –","authors":"Vanja Rokvić","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.2.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.06","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on the research findings of the survey and a review of the scientific and professional literature, this paper seeks to indicate a correlation between vaccine hesitancy and national security. On the one hand, the paper argues that health is of particular concern to the modern sovereign state and its security, and that the vaccine as a civilizational achievement is one of the most vital mechanisms for safeguarding public health and, by extension, national security. On the other hand, the paper contends that vaccine hesitancy should also be considered a threat to national security. What vaccine hesitancy means and what factors contribute to it is something of a blind spot in Serbia’s public and academic discourse. The survey findings have shown that vaccine hesitancy is influenced by various factors and conclude that Covid-19 vaccine hesitancy in Serbia can be considered a threat to national security.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49513593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great and middle powers.
{"title":"The Concept of Awkward Powers in Foreign Relations","authors":"J. Pikalo, M. Durnik","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great and middle powers.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict began in 1988 after the regional Supreme Council declared the transfer of the region from the Azerbaijani SSR to the Armenian SSR. The full-scale war started in 1992 after the dissolution of the USSR and ended with the May 1994 armistice. In the following quarter century, a peaceful resolution of the conflict was mediated by OSCE’s Minsk Group in a form of facilitative mediation. The warring sides have never reached a final solution and a new war started in the autumn of 2020. This paper examines how facilitative mediation was conducted by the Minsk Group and why it eventually failed. The conclusion of this paper is that the combination of the weak mandate and the co-chairs’ separate and incongruous interests in the Caucasus resulted in the failure of the conflict resolution in Nagorno-Karabakh.
{"title":"The Failure of The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Resolution","authors":"D. Boban, I. Blažević","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict began in 1988 after the regional Supreme Council declared the transfer of the region from the Azerbaijani SSR to the Armenian SSR. The full-scale war started in 1992 after the dissolution of the USSR and ended with the May 1994 armistice. In the following quarter century, a peaceful resolution of the conflict was mediated by OSCE’s Minsk Group in a form of facilitative mediation. The warring sides have never reached a final solution and a new war started in the autumn of 2020. This paper examines how facilitative mediation was conducted by the Minsk Group and why it eventually failed. The conclusion of this paper is that the combination of the weak mandate and the co-chairs’ separate and incongruous interests in the Caucasus resulted in the failure of the conflict resolution in Nagorno-Karabakh.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper systematically and empirically explores participation in the first 10 months of the Croatian Homeland War through theories of collective action. It tests the theory that in the face of indiscriminate violence, individuals will choose to participate in a conflict through joining an armed organization that can provide them with the resources to better survive. I hypothesize that as violence increases in a given area, the number of individuals joining the Croatian military forces will also increase. Using a dataset of daily event data and the number of participants per municipality, I test this hypothesis in a generalized linear model. The results show a significant relationship exists between violent events and increased participation.
{"title":"The Relationship between Violence and Participation in Armed Conflict","authors":"Cody McClain Brown","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"This paper systematically and empirically explores participation in the first 10 months of the Croatian Homeland War through theories of collective action. It tests the theory that in the face of indiscriminate violence, individuals will choose to participate in a conflict through joining an armed organization that can provide them with the resources to better survive. I hypothesize that as violence increases in a given area, the number of individuals joining the Croatian military forces will also increase. Using a dataset of daily event data and the number of participants per municipality, I test this hypothesis in a generalized linear model. The results show a significant relationship exists between violent events and increased participation.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67618124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thomas Hobbes’s England was deeply troubled by the successive plague visitations regularly occurring in the late 16th and 17th centuries. The catastrophic outbreak in 1625 found Hobbes working on the first ever direct translation of Thucydides’ History from Greek to English. This fact allows for the supposition that Hobbes paid special attention to Thucydides’ masterful account of the plague at Athens and its social and political consequences. These circumstances authorise the here proposed enquiry into the relation between Hobbes’s understanding of the state of nature in Leviathan and the epidemics, mediated by his experience of the plague and the translation of the plague narrative in Thucydides’ History.
{"title":"Thucydides and Hobbes on Epidemics and Politics:","authors":"Luka Ribarević","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"Thomas Hobbes’s England was deeply troubled by the successive plague visitations regularly occurring in the late 16th and 17th centuries. The catastrophic outbreak in 1625 found Hobbes working on the first ever direct translation of Thucydides’ History from Greek to English. This fact allows for the supposition that Hobbes paid special attention to Thucydides’ masterful account of the plague at Athens and its social and political consequences. These circumstances authorise the here proposed enquiry into the relation between Hobbes’s understanding of the state of nature in Leviathan and the epidemics, mediated by his experience of the plague and the translation of the plague narrative in Thucydides’ History.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48328446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ovim se radom razjašnjava odnos između Kantova poimanja slobode i pravne dužnosti napuštanja prirodnog stanja i stupanja u građansko stanje u njegovoj pravno-političkoj teoriji. U razlici spram etičkih, pravne su dužnosti one na čije ispunjenje pojedinac može biti prisiljen. Moment prisile važan je za ovaj rad jer je, prema Kantu, pravo uvijek povezano s ovlašću na prisilu. Ishodište je pravne dužnosti napuštanja prirodnog stanja inteligibilni posjed koji pojedincu pripada kao stečeno pravo već u prirodnom stanju. Pravo inteligibilnog posjeda, koje se odnosi na posjedovanje izvanjskih predmeta, ili posjedovanje neovisno od empirijskih uvjeta, podrazumijeva dužnost svih ostalih da se suzdrže od uporabe predmeta koje smo prvi zaposjeli, ali i moralnu ovlast prisile nad onim pojedincima koji to odbijaju učiniti. No, budući da u prirodnom stanju nema “zajedničkog suca”, odnosno javne vlasti koja provodi pravo putem općih zakona, prisila je proizvoljna i ovisi o partikularnim interpretacijama pravnih situacija. Proizvoljnost prisile podrazumijeva mogućnost da će sloboda pojedinca, koja se izvanjski očituje preko prava inteligibilnog posjeda, biti ugrožena. Iz tog razloga drugoga se može prisiliti da zajedno sa mnom stupi u građansko stanje, čime se pod istim uvjetima podvrgavamo javnoj zakonodavnoj vlasti, koja utvrđuje i osigurava ono što svakome pripada te tako predstavlja nužan uvjet punog ozbiljenja čovjekove slobode.
这部作品解释了康德在其法律和政治理论中对自由的强调以及离开自然状态和进入公民身份的法律义务之间的关系。与道德泛滥不同，法律义务是那些可以强制个人遵守的义务。压力时刻对这项工作很重要，因为根据关东的说法，权利总是与力量联系在一起。其结果是一项法律义务，即放弃个人所属的知识产权的自然状态，将其视为已在自然中获得的权利。与拥有外国物品或拥有有关的知识产权的权利，无论帝国的条件如何，都意味着所有其他人都有义务避免使用我们最初拥有的主题，但也意味着拒绝使用的个人的道德权威。不，budući da u prirodnom stanju nema“zajedničkog suca”，odnosno javne vlasti koja provodi putem općih zakona，prisila je proizvoljna i ovisi o partikularim interpretaticijama pravnih situacija。制造业力量意味着个人自由的可能性将受到威胁，这种自由在国外通过知识产权的权利来解读。出于这个原因，另一个人可能会被迫加入我的公民国家，在同样的条件下，公民国家受制于公共立法机构，该机构建立并保障每个人拥有的东西，并代表着人类充分自由的必要条件。”
{"title":"Forced to Be Free","authors":"Katarina Jukić","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.1.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.1.06","url":null,"abstract":"Ovim se radom razjašnjava odnos između Kantova poimanja slobode i pravne dužnosti napuštanja prirodnog stanja i stupanja u građansko stanje u njegovoj pravno-političkoj teoriji. U razlici spram etičkih, pravne su dužnosti one na čije ispunjenje pojedinac može biti prisiljen. Moment prisile važan je za ovaj rad jer je, prema Kantu, pravo uvijek povezano s ovlašću na prisilu. Ishodište je pravne dužnosti napuštanja prirodnog stanja inteligibilni posjed koji pojedincu pripada kao stečeno pravo već u prirodnom stanju. Pravo inteligibilnog posjeda, koje se odnosi na posjedovanje izvanjskih predmeta, ili posjedovanje neovisno od empirijskih uvjeta, podrazumijeva dužnost svih ostalih da se suzdrže od uporabe predmeta koje smo prvi zaposjeli, ali i moralnu ovlast prisile nad onim pojedincima koji to odbijaju učiniti. No, budući da u prirodnom stanju nema “zajedničkog suca”, odnosno javne vlasti koja provodi pravo putem općih zakona, prisila je proizvoljna i ovisi o partikularnim interpretacijama pravnih situacija. Proizvoljnost prisile podrazumijeva mogućnost da će sloboda pojedinca, koja se izvanjski očituje preko prava inteligibilnog posjeda, biti ugrožena. Iz tog razloga drugoga se može prisiliti da zajedno sa mnom stupi u građansko stanje, čime se pod istim uvjetima podvrgavamo javnoj zakonodavnoj vlasti, koja utvrđuje i osigurava ono što svakome pripada te tako predstavlja nužan uvjet punog ozbiljenja čovjekove slobode.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67618074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
U tekstu se ispituju mogućnosti artikulacije političkog otpora u Hrvatskoj kojiautor naziva “protubriselskom revolucijom”. Prvi dio teksta razjašnjava odnoskulturne i protubirokratske revolucije u kontekstu odnosa političkih elita scjelinom političkog tijela. Drugi dio prikazuje i objašnjava uporabu sintagme“protubirokratska revolucija” u analizama politologinje Mirjane Kasapovićkoje daju povijesno poučne uvide o odnosu institucionalnog i izvaninstitucionalnogpolitičkog djelovanja potrebne za analizu pojave protubriselske revolucijeu Hrvatskoj. Treći dio teksta donosi kratak prikaz i tipologizaciju šest paradigmatskih epizoda vezanih uz prosvjednu, referendumsku i protureferendumsku politiku koje se mogu podvesti pod pojmovno polje studijârevolucijâ i koje predstavljaju prethodnicu protubriselske revolucije kao političkogdogađaja u području smisla za moguće. Zaključuje se kako je protubriselska revolucija oblik protubirokratske revolucije u nastajanju.
{"title":"Nacionalizam, federalizam i suverenizam","authors":"Krešimir Petković","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"U tekstu se ispituju mogućnosti artikulacije političkog otpora u Hrvatskoj kojiautor naziva “protubriselskom revolucijom”. Prvi dio teksta razjašnjava odnoskulturne i protubirokratske revolucije u kontekstu odnosa političkih elita scjelinom političkog tijela. Drugi dio prikazuje i objašnjava uporabu sintagme“protubirokratska revolucija” u analizama politologinje Mirjane Kasapovićkoje daju povijesno poučne uvide o odnosu institucionalnog i izvaninstitucionalnogpolitičkog djelovanja potrebne za analizu pojave protubriselske revolucijeu Hrvatskoj. Treći dio teksta donosi kratak prikaz i tipologizaciju šest paradigmatskih epizoda vezanih uz prosvjednu, referendumsku i protureferendumsku politiku koje se mogu podvesti pod pojmovno polje studijârevolucijâ i koje predstavljaju prethodnicu protubriselske revolucije kao političkogdogađaja u području smisla za moguće. Zaključuje se kako je protubriselska revolucija oblik protubirokratske revolucije u nastajanju.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48053438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tehnološka je promjena jedna od najvažnijih sila koje oblikuju moderno društvo. Koje perspektive postoje za razumijevanje tehnoloških promjena, prije svega iz kuta političke ekonomije? U prvom se dijelu rada daje osnovni pregled debata koje su oblikovale to znanstveno područje, počevši s klasičnom britanskom političkom ekonomijom devetnaestog stoljeća. Liberalni politički ekonomisti tog razdoblja i njihovi kritičari vidjeli su u pitanju strojeva prvorazredan izazov tadašnjem britanskom društvu, prije svega kada je riječ o problemu tehnološke nezaposlenosti. U drugom dijelu rad se okreće neoklasičnoj ekonomiji i njenim konceptualnim alatima za razumijevanje tehnologije. Usto se bavi i kritikama neoklasičnog pristupa, od kojih je najrelevantnija Schumpeterova. U trećem se dijelu daje pregled suvremene literature o učinku digitalnih tehnologija. Posebno mjesto zauzima teza o tehnološkoj promjeni koja različito utječe na različite segmente tržišta rada, nagrađujući one koji imaju vještine komplementarne digitalnoj tehnologiji, a kažnjavajući one koji takve vještine nemaju.
{"title":"A Short Overview of the Political Economy Of Technological Change","authors":"Marko Grdešić","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.1.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.1.05","url":null,"abstract":"Tehnološka je promjena jedna od najvažnijih sila koje oblikuju moderno društvo. Koje perspektive postoje za razumijevanje tehnoloških promjena, prije svega iz kuta političke ekonomije? U prvom se dijelu rada daje osnovni pregled debata koje su oblikovale to znanstveno područje, počevši s klasičnom britanskom političkom ekonomijom devetnaestog stoljeća. Liberalni politički ekonomisti tog razdoblja i njihovi kritičari vidjeli su u pitanju strojeva prvorazredan izazov tadašnjem britanskom društvu, prije svega kada je riječ o problemu tehnološke nezaposlenosti. U drugom dijelu rad se okreće neoklasičnoj ekonomiji i njenim konceptualnim alatima za razumijevanje tehnologije. Usto se bavi i kritikama neoklasičnog pristupa, od kojih je najrelevantnija Schumpeterova. U trećem se dijelu daje pregled suvremene literature o učinku digitalnih tehnologija. Posebno mjesto zauzima teza o tehnološkoj promjeni koja različito utječe na različite segmente tržišta rada, nagrađujući one koji imaju vještine komplementarne digitalnoj tehnologiji, a kažnjavajući one koji takve vještine nemaju.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
U kontekstu opće krize i opadanja političke potpore socijaldemokraciji članak se usredotočuje na socijaldemokraciju u Hrvatskoj i na razinu izborne potražnje. Nastojeći pridonijeti razumijevanju stanja socijaldemokracije u Hrvatskoj, analizira se odnos ideološkog samoidentificiranja birača i njihovih stranačkih preferencija na primjeru socijaldemokracije i glasovanja za SDP. Na temelju podataka dobivenih terenskim anketnim istraživanjima u razdoblju od 1999. do 2020. godine nastoje se identificirati faktori koji utječu na to da socijaldemokratski birači glasuju, odnosno ne glasuju za stranku koja tu političku ideologiju predstavlja – SDP. U radu se testira generalizirani linearni mješoviti model u kojemu se godine anketiranja tretiraju kao slučajni efekti. Kao značajni faktori koji objašnjavaju zašto neki socijaldemokrati glasuju za SDP, a neki ne pokazuju se samoidentifikacija na ljestvici lijevo-desno te stav o pobačaju, pri čemu su SDP-ovi birači koji se nalaze na ljevijim pozicijamas kloniji podržavati slobodno odlučivanje žene o prekidu trudnoće od drugih socijaldemokratskih birača. Slučajni efekt godine anketiranja pokazuje nisku varijabilnost, no pojačavajući utjecaj na fiksni efekt vidljiv je za 2003. i 2012. godinu kada dolazi do razilaženja, odnosno okupljanja socijaldemokratskih birača oko SDP-a. Model upućuje na važnost ideološke samoidentifikacije za biračku orijentaciju čak i među biračima istoga ideološkog predznaka.
我的政治生涯是一个充满活力的社会。Nastojeći pridonijeti razumijevanju stanja socijaldemokracije U Hrvatskoj，analizira se odnos ideološkog samoidentificiranja birača i njihovih stranačkih preferencija na primjeru socijaldomokracijei glasovanja za SDP。根据1999年实地调查收到的数据。2020年。多年来，很难确定影响社会民主选民投票的因素，也很难投票给代表政治意识形态的政党——社民党。这项工作通过一个广义的线性混合模型进行了测试，在该模型中，调查被视为一年中的随机效应。左翼的社民党选民支持女性从其他社会民主选民那里自由决定停止怀孕。调查的年度随机效应显示变化性很低，但对固定效应的影响在2003年有所增加。2012年，当谈到离婚时，社会民主党选民聚集在社民党周围。该模型指出了意识形态自我认同对选举取向的重要性，即使在具有相同意识形态象征的选民中也是如此。
{"title":"Socijaldemokracija u Hrvatskoj","authors":"Višeslav Raos, Pero Maldini","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.1.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.1.01","url":null,"abstract":"U kontekstu opće krize i opadanja političke potpore socijaldemokraciji članak se usredotočuje na socijaldemokraciju u Hrvatskoj i na razinu izborne potražnje. Nastojeći pridonijeti razumijevanju stanja socijaldemokracije u Hrvatskoj, analizira se odnos ideološkog samoidentificiranja birača i njihovih stranačkih preferencija na primjeru socijaldemokracije i glasovanja za SDP. Na temelju podataka dobivenih terenskim anketnim istraživanjima u razdoblju od 1999. do 2020. godine nastoje se identificirati faktori koji utječu na to da socijaldemokratski birači glasuju, odnosno ne glasuju za stranku koja tu političku ideologiju predstavlja – SDP. U radu se testira generalizirani linearni mješoviti model u kojemu se godine anketiranja tretiraju kao slučajni efekti. Kao značajni faktori koji objašnjavaju zašto neki socijaldemokrati glasuju za SDP, a neki ne pokazuju se samoidentifikacija na ljestvici lijevo-desno te stav o pobačaju, pri čemu su SDP-ovi birači koji se nalaze na ljevijim pozicijamas kloniji podržavati slobodno odlučivanje žene o prekidu trudnoće od drugih socijaldemokratskih birača. Slučajni efekt godine anketiranja pokazuje nisku varijabilnost, no pojačavajući utjecaj na fiksni efekt vidljiv je za 2003. i 2012. godinu kada dolazi do razilaženja, odnosno okupljanja socijaldemokratskih birača oko SDP-a. Model upućuje na važnost ideološke samoidentifikacije za biračku orijentaciju čak i među biračima istoga ideološkog predznaka.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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