U radu se nudi povijesni pregled razvoja izučavanja hrvatske politike na Fakultetu političkih znanosti od osnivanja institucije do danas. Razdoblje prije demokratskih promjena bilo je obilježeno relativno nepovoljnim uvjetima za razvoj izučavanja nacionalne politike, kako zbog dominantne koncepcije studija koja je poricala samostalnost politologije tako i zbog političkoga i društvenog konteksta. Pa ipak, već u 1960-im i 1970-im godinama nastaju prve studije koje se bave biračkim ponašanjem i funkcioniranjem predstavničkih tijela. Višestruka tranzicija na prijelazu iz 1980-ih u 1990-e godine donijela je i otvaranje novih tema u izučavanju hrvatske politike, a započela je i emancipacija domaće politologije kao samostalne znanstvene discipline. Nakon 2000. godine proučavanje hrvatske politike doživjet će puni procvat istraživanja te tematsku i metodološku raznorodnost. U recentnim godinama primjetno je i osjetno povećanje broja radova objavljenih u vrhunskim međunarodnim publikacijama, što dovodi do povećanja vidljivosti i internacionalizacije ne samo proučavanja hrvatske politike već i hrvatske politologije u cjelini.
这项工作对克罗地亚政治学院从机构建设到目前为止的政策发展进行了历史性回顾。民主变革之前的一段时期，国家政策研究的发展条件相对不足，这既是因为研究的主导概念否定了脊髓灰质炎学的自主权，也是因为政治和社会背景。然而，在20世纪60年代和70年代，对代表机构的选举行为和运作进行了第一次研究。Višestruka tranzicija na prijelazu iz 1980年，1990年至1990年，他是一名政治学专家。Nakon 2000。克罗地亚政策研究年将充分传播研究成果以及主题和方法的多样性。近年来，在顶级国际出版物上发表的工作岗位数量出现了敏感的增长，这不仅提高了研究克罗地亚政策的知名度和国际化程度，也提高了研究整个克罗地亚多神教的知名度。
{"title":"Razvoj izučavanja hrvatske politike od šezdesetih do danas","authors":"Višeslav Raos","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.3.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.3.01","url":null,"abstract":"U radu se nudi povijesni pregled razvoja izučavanja hrvatske politike na Fakultetu političkih znanosti od osnivanja institucije do danas. Razdoblje prije demokratskih promjena bilo je obilježeno relativno nepovoljnim uvjetima za razvoj izučavanja nacionalne politike, kako zbog dominantne koncepcije studija koja je poricala samostalnost politologije tako i zbog političkoga i društvenog konteksta. Pa ipak, već u 1960-im i 1970-im godinama nastaju prve studije koje se bave biračkim ponašanjem i funkcioniranjem predstavničkih tijela. Višestruka tranzicija na prijelazu iz 1980-ih u 1990-e godine donijela je i otvaranje novih tema u izučavanju hrvatske politike, a započela je i emancipacija domaće politologije kao samostalne znanstvene discipline. Nakon 2000. godine proučavanje hrvatske politike doživjet će puni procvat istraživanja te tematsku i metodološku raznorodnost. U recentnim godinama primjetno je i osjetno povećanje broja radova objavljenih u vrhunskim međunarodnim publikacijama, što dovodi do povećanja vidljivosti i internacionalizacije ne samo proučavanja hrvatske politike već i hrvatske politologije u cjelini.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article focuses on the intention of Youth Labor Actions in former Yugoslavia and the European Solidarity Corps in the EU to contribute to the creation of a Yugoslav and European supranational identity respectively. It does so by analyzing the programs’ evolution, ideological underpinnings, but also implementation modalities. The article argues that both programs, despite being developed in different historical periods, nurtured a similar spirit of solidarity and the idea of work for the common good. Both have had a comparable tendency to create and maintain supranational identities in subtle, but at the same time formalized ways. While following the same principal idea, they differ in the context in which they emerged, their treatment of national identities and the type of ideological baggage they carried. Creation of Yugoslavs ultimately failed, while creation of Europeans is still pending, aggravated by EU’s poly-crisis, politicization of European integration and clashing conceptions of identity within the EU.
{"title":"The Youth Shall Inherit the Earth?","authors":"Mario Munta, Stevo Đurašković, Miloš Kovačević","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on the intention of Youth Labor Actions in former Yugoslavia and the European Solidarity Corps in the EU to contribute to the creation of a Yugoslav and European supranational identity respectively. It does so by analyzing the programs’ evolution, ideological underpinnings, but also implementation modalities. The article argues that both programs, despite being developed in different historical periods, nurtured a similar spirit of solidarity and the idea of work for the common good. Both have had a comparable tendency to create and maintain supranational identities in subtle, but at the same time formalized ways. While following the same principal idea, they differ in the context in which they emerged, their treatment of national identities and the type of ideological baggage they carried. Creation of Yugoslavs ultimately failed, while creation of Europeans is still pending, aggravated by EU’s poly-crisis, politicization of European integration and clashing conceptions of identity within the EU.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the first part of the paper the author gives an overview of the terminology, definition and theory of hybrid warfare, a concept simultaneously disputed in the academic community and firmly established among the decision-making elites of NATO and the EU. The second part is dedicated to a specific aspect or tool of hybrid warfare – coercive engineered migrations. Through a binary comparison of different cases with a similar outcome on the EU’s external border – Greece-Turkey in 2020 and Poland-Belarus in 2021 – the author determines the internal and external requirements for a successful defense against migrations weaponized by a hostile neighboring state.
{"title":"Coercive Engineered Migrations as a Tool of Hybrid Warfare","authors":"J. Bekić","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.2.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.06","url":null,"abstract":"In the first part of the paper the author gives an overview of the terminology, definition and theory of hybrid warfare, a concept simultaneously disputed in the academic community and firmly established among the decision-making elites of NATO and the EU. The second part is dedicated to a specific aspect or tool of hybrid warfare – coercive engineered migrations. Through a binary comparison of different cases with a similar outcome on the EU’s external border – Greece-Turkey in 2020 and Poland-Belarus in 2021 – the author determines the internal and external requirements for a successful defense against migrations weaponized by a hostile neighboring state.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing on Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s seminal article ‘Who were the Yugoslavs?’, this paper compares the share and determinants of identifying as Yugoslavs during socialism with the panorama of primary European identification. Eurobarometer surveys containing data on European identification are utilized to that end. The study takes in consideration social and political contexts that shaped supranational identification in particular Yugoslav socialist republics and EU member states. Our findings show low levels of Europeans and Yugoslavs in both polities. The results also show that nationally specific contexts affect both the prevalence of European identification and its determinants. There are considerable differences in the level of European identification among EU countries, and statistical analyses of the Belgian, French and German cases further showed that different factors shape it. Of all the variables, non-exclusive nationalities have been the strongest predictors of supranational identification in both Socialist Yugoslavia and the EU.
{"title":"Yugoslavs and Europeans Compared","authors":"N. Petrović, F. Fila, Marko Mrakovčić","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s seminal article ‘Who were the Yugoslavs?’, this paper compares the share and determinants of identifying as Yugoslavs during socialism with the panorama of primary European identification. Eurobarometer surveys containing data on European identification are utilized to that end. The study takes in consideration social and political contexts that shaped supranational identification in particular Yugoslav socialist republics and EU member states. Our findings show low levels of Europeans and Yugoslavs in both polities. The results also show that nationally specific contexts affect both the prevalence of European identification and its determinants. There are considerable differences in the level of European identification among EU countries, and statistical analyses of the Belgian, French and German cases further showed that different factors shape it. Of all the variables, non-exclusive nationalities have been the strongest predictors of supranational identification in both Socialist Yugoslavia and the EU.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48657548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes voices concern over the squandering of the prospects of human prosperity. This paper argues that the remedy he proposes is the political replication of scripture’s idea of creation; the acknowledgment of an originator, a first cause of indisputable order. Hobbes’s nemesis, the Fool, is an agent of scripture’s antithetical tohu and bohu (the disarray that preceded creation), who misguidedly believes he can work disarray to his advantage. For Hobbes this is folly, because the volatility of disarray is beyond human mastery. Nevertheless, steadfastness and prosperity remain at hand, by replicating the order of a ‘higher power’ that is fortunately echoed in all creation. This paper is made in the image of Hobbes’s ‘replication methodology’, that in turn is modelled after scripture’s original depiction of the act of creation “in his own image” (Genesis 1:27). The paper identifies the biblical Nabal as the ‘original Fool’, and reflects on how the original resonates in Hobbes’s iteration.
{"title":"Hobbes Against the Fool","authors":"Asaf Sokolowski","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes voices concern over the squandering of the prospects of human prosperity. This paper argues that the remedy he proposes is the political replication of scripture’s idea of creation; the acknowledgment of an originator, a first cause of indisputable order. Hobbes’s nemesis, the Fool, is an agent of scripture’s antithetical tohu and bohu (the disarray that preceded creation), who misguidedly believes he can work disarray to his advantage. For Hobbes this is folly, because the volatility of disarray is beyond human mastery. Nevertheless, steadfastness and prosperity remain at hand, by replicating the order of a ‘higher power’ that is fortunately echoed in all creation. This paper is made in the image of Hobbes’s ‘replication methodology’, that in turn is modelled after scripture’s original depiction of the act of creation “in his own image” (Genesis 1:27). The paper identifies the biblical Nabal as the ‘original Fool’, and reflects on how the original resonates in Hobbes’s iteration.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In both Socialist Yugoslavia and the European Union, the establishment of women’s rights can be determined as an integral part of supranation-building. While bearing in mind the long and unbroken tradition of patriarchy, both entities, partially under the influence of feminist theory and practice, have integrated the fight for women’s rights into their political agendas, using them as an identity tool in establishing a clear distinction from the opposed political, economic and socio-cultural systems. Imposed from the above, the introduction of gender equality policies and legislation to many of their (nation) states came as a shock therapy, challenging existing traditional cultural patterns and norms while making the results uneven and fragile. Women’s rights policies were, especially in the beginning, primarily economic in nature, concentrating on the inadequate position of women in the labor market and ignoring the structural reasons behind inequality.
{"title":"Place of Women’s Rights in Supranation-Building","authors":"Ana Maskalan","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"In both Socialist Yugoslavia and the European Union, the establishment of women’s rights can be determined as an integral part of supranation-building. While bearing in mind the long and unbroken tradition of patriarchy, both entities, partially under the influence of feminist theory and practice, have integrated the fight for women’s rights into their political agendas, using them as an identity tool in establishing a clear distinction from the opposed political, economic and socio-cultural systems. Imposed from the above, the introduction of gender equality policies and legislation to many of their (nation) states came as a shock therapy, challenging existing traditional cultural patterns and norms while making the results uneven and fragile. Women’s rights policies were, especially in the beginning, primarily economic in nature, concentrating on the inadequate position of women in the labor market and ignoring the structural reasons behind inequality.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This single-case study seeks to provide an in-depth analysis of the territorial dispute between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia over the State border along the Danube. The research article will look into the historical roots of the conflict and its current context of the EU accession process of Serbia addressing (i) the dispute in substance, e.g. the positions of Serbia and Croatia, (ii) available dispute settlement tools – bilateral (with or without third-party mediation) or third-party judicial, and (iii) delimitation scenarios of the Danube border both in the bilateral mode and in the light of the jurisprudence of international courts and tribunals. The study demonstrates that it does indeed take some political will to overcome the protracted conflict, and addresses the related focal points. The article is based on interviews, internal documents, decisions of international courts and tribunals, and secondary literature.
{"title":"Meandering Limits","authors":"T. Bickl","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"This single-case study seeks to provide an in-depth analysis of the territorial dispute between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia over the State border along the Danube. The research article will look into the historical roots of the conflict and its current context of the EU accession process of Serbia addressing (i) the dispute in substance, e.g. the positions of Serbia and Croatia, (ii) available dispute settlement tools – bilateral (with or without third-party mediation) or third-party judicial, and (iii) delimitation scenarios of the Danube border both in the bilateral mode and in the light of the jurisprudence of international courts and tribunals. The study demonstrates that it does indeed take some political will to overcome the protracted conflict, and addresses the related focal points. The article is based on interviews, internal documents, decisions of international courts and tribunals, and secondary literature.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
U radu se analiziraju oblici percepcije postojanja duboke države u Hrvatskoj kod političara kao skupine. Prikazom relevantne literature te provedenih istraživanja o rasprostranjenosti teorija zavjera u Hrvatskoj (posebice onih u vezi s postojanjem duboke države), postavljaju se temelji na kojima se razrađuje eksplorativna analiza polustrukturiranih intervjua s hrvatskim političarima. Glavni nalazi analize intervjua ukazuju na prisutnost percepcije postojanja duboke države među političarima svih političkih skupina te na raznovrsnost načina kojima je ona percipirana i opisana. Iako se percepcije oblika duboke države među ispitanicima razlikuju, svi koji smatraju da ona postoji dijele pesimistično viđenje sadašnjosti i uvjerenje da u kontroverznim događajima bitnu ulogu imaju skrivene interesne skupine.
{"title":"Postoji li u Hrvatskoj duboka država?","authors":"Žaklina Kuljanac, Matej Mikašinović-Komšo","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.1.03","url":null,"abstract":"U radu se analiziraju oblici percepcije postojanja duboke države u Hrvatskoj kod političara kao skupine. Prikazom relevantne literature te provedenih istraživanja o rasprostranjenosti teorija zavjera u Hrvatskoj (posebice onih u vezi s postojanjem duboke države), postavljaju se temelji na kojima se razrađuje eksplorativna analiza polustrukturiranih intervjua s hrvatskim političarima. Glavni nalazi analize intervjua ukazuju na prisutnost percepcije postojanja duboke države među političarima svih političkih skupina te na raznovrsnost načina kojima je ona percipirana i opisana. Iako se percepcije oblika duboke države među ispitanicima razlikuju, svi koji smatraju da ona postoji dijele pesimistično viđenje sadašnjosti i uvjerenje da u kontroverznim događajima bitnu ulogu imaju skrivene interesne skupine.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ustav Republike Hrvatske izražava predanost konceptu socijalne države i načelu socijalne pravde kao zajedničkim vrijednostima europskog konstitucionalizma, a iz ustavnosudske prakse proizlazi njihov obvezujući značaj te njihova pripadnost nepovredivoj srži Ustava, tzv. ustavnom identitetu. Stoga bi odustajanje od tih temeljnih i “vječnih” vrijednosti značilo prekid dosadašnjeg i uspostavu novog ustavnog poretka. S obzirom na prepoznati socijalni deficit Europske unije, zaštita socijalne ukorijenjenosti hrvatskoga Ustava ističe se nužnom u kontekstu pojačane integracije. Pritom inzistiranje na zaštiti ustavno-identitetskih odrednica socijalne države i socijalne pravde ne stremi narušavanju europskog zajedništva, već izgradnji socijalno pravedne ujedinjene Europe.
《克罗地亚共和国宪法》表示致力于将社会正义概念和社会正义原则作为欧洲宪政的共同价值观，并从宪法实践中得出其约束意义及其与《宪法》不可控制的核心的相关性，即。宪法身份。因此，退出这些基本和“永恒”的价值观将意味着当前宪法秩序的停止和新宪法秩序的建立。鉴于欧洲联盟公认的社会赤字，保护克罗地亚宪法的社会根源突出了加强一体化的必要性。首席执行官na zaštiti ustavno identitetskih odrednica socijalne države i socijaline pravde ne stremi narušavanju europeskog zajedništva，većizgradnji socijalno pravedne ujedinjene Europe
{"title":"Apoteoza socijalne države","authors":"Valentino Kuzelj, Ana Horvat Vuković","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"Ustav Republike Hrvatske izražava predanost konceptu socijalne države i načelu socijalne pravde kao zajedničkim vrijednostima europskog konstitucionalizma, a iz ustavnosudske prakse proizlazi njihov obvezujući značaj te njihova pripadnost nepovredivoj srži Ustava, tzv. ustavnom identitetu. Stoga bi odustajanje od tih temeljnih i “vječnih” vrijednosti značilo prekid dosadašnjeg i uspostavu novog ustavnog poretka. S obzirom na prepoznati socijalni deficit Europske unije, zaštita socijalne ukorijenjenosti hrvatskoga Ustava ističe se nužnom u kontekstu pojačane integracije. Pritom inzistiranje na zaštiti ustavno-identitetskih odrednica socijalne države i socijalne pravde ne stremi narušavanju europskog zajedništva, već izgradnji socijalno pravedne ujedinjene Europe.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49533184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nacionalno pitanje na Balkanu, a napose na južnoslavenskom području uvijek je bremenito i ima povijesne, pravne i političke konotacije. Nakon krvavog raspada bivše Jugoslavije, u posljednjih dvadesetak godina intenzivirano je pitanje nacionalnog identiteta Crnogoraca i njihova odnosa prema Srbiji i Srbima. Odnos između ta dva naroda zaoštren je uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, što je kulminiralo 1918. kada je Beograd uz pomoć crnogorskih Srba pripojio dotada međunarodno pravno priznatu Kraljevinu Crnu Goru. Nakon toga je među Crnogorcima prevladavala ona grana koja se u nacionalnom smislu izjašnjavala kao Srbi. No, 2006. se na referendumu stanovništvo Crne Gore odlučilo za neovisnost. Od tada postoje dva suprotstavljena gledišta o nacionalnoj i državnoj povijesti, kulturi i identitetu najmanje post jugoslavenske republike. Ona se, dakako, manifestiraju i u političkom životu, pa su tako jednostoljetni prijepori kulminirali 2020. godine kada je na izborima prvi put od tranzicije došlo do promjene vlasti. Od tada su u još jačoj mjeri oživjele povijesne reminiscencije i stari antagonizmi čija izvorišta valja tražiti još u odlukama Podgoričke skupštine iz 1918. godine. U ovom radu analiziramo političke prilike i postojeću krizu vlasti u Crnoj Gori te etnički i kulturni identitet domicilnog naroda u svjetlu srpsko-crnogorskih nacionalnih i državnopravnih razmirica koje vuku podrijetlo iz 1918. godine.
{"title":"Crnogorsko nacionalno pitanje","authors":"László Heka","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Nacionalno pitanje na Balkanu, a napose na južnoslavenskom području uvijek je bremenito i ima povijesne, pravne i političke konotacije. Nakon krvavog raspada bivše Jugoslavije, u posljednjih dvadesetak godina intenzivirano je pitanje nacionalnog identiteta Crnogoraca i njihova odnosa prema Srbiji i Srbima. Odnos između ta dva naroda zaoštren je uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, što je kulminiralo 1918. kada je Beograd uz pomoć crnogorskih Srba pripojio dotada međunarodno pravno priznatu Kraljevinu Crnu Goru. Nakon toga je među Crnogorcima prevladavala ona grana koja se u nacionalnom smislu izjašnjavala kao Srbi. No, 2006. se na referendumu stanovništvo Crne Gore odlučilo za neovisnost. Od tada postoje dva suprotstavljena gledišta o nacionalnoj i državnoj povijesti, kulturi i identitetu najmanje post jugoslavenske republike. Ona se, dakako, manifestiraju i u političkom životu, pa su tako jednostoljetni prijepori kulminirali 2020. godine kada je na izborima prvi put od tranzicije došlo do promjene vlasti. Od tada su u još jačoj mjeri oživjele povijesne reminiscencije i stari antagonizmi čija izvorišta valja tražiti još u odlukama Podgoričke skupštine iz 1918. godine. U ovom radu analiziramo političke prilike i postojeću krizu vlasti u Crnoj Gori te etnički i kulturni identitet domicilnog naroda u svjetlu srpsko-crnogorskih nacionalnih i državnopravnih razmirica koje vuku podrijetlo iz 1918. godine.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67615303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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