Ovaj rad koristi interpretativni pristup političkoj kulturi kako bi razmotrio pitanje utjelovljenosti demokratskih načela i praksi u institucijama, pogotovo u onima koje ne spadaju izričito u područje političkog procesa te koje stoga mogu lakše sakriti manjkavosti demokratskog sustava koje se ne mogu lako mjeriti na osnovi formalnih mjera demokratizacije. Tom istraživačkom problem urad pristupa analizom institucionalnog okvira nastave povijesti u Hrvatskoju 1990-ima i 2000-tima te prikazom kontroverzne teme socijalističke Jugoslavije u udžbenicima povijesti kao kritičnog slučaja. Analizom su obuhvaćena34 udžbenika povijesti 20. stoljeća koja su objavljena između 1991.i 2007. godine za korištenje u osnovnim školama, srednjim strukovnim školamai gimnazijama. Nalazi ove analize razmatraju se kao indikatori razvoja demokratske političke kulture. Zaključci ukazuju, na temelju toga kritičnog slučaja, da je Hrvatska, unatoč napretku u vezi s mjerama formalne demokratizacije2000-tih, ipak pala na testu institucionalno utjelovljenih demokratskih pretpostavki i normi.
这项工作采用了对政治文化的解释性方法，以考虑机构中民主原则和做法的影响，特别是那些不具体属于政治进程的机构，因此，这些原则和做法很容易掩盖民主制度的弱点，而这些弱点无法根据正式的民主化措施轻易衡量。Tom istraživačkom在1990年和2000年对Jugoslavije u udžbenicima povijesti kao kritičnog slučaja社会问题进行了分析。该分析涵盖34名历史教师20名。1991年至2007年间出版的一个世纪。小学、高中和高中使用年限。这些分析被认为是民主政治文化发展的指标。结论表明，在一个关键案例的基础上，克罗地亚尽管在2000年代的正式民主化措施方面取得了进展，但已经受到制度影响的民主假设和规范的考验。
{"title":"Towards the Interpretative Approach to Political Culture","authors":"Tanja Vučković Juroš","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.1.03","url":null,"abstract":"Ovaj rad koristi interpretativni pristup političkoj kulturi kako bi razmotrio pitanje utjelovljenosti demokratskih načela i praksi u institucijama, pogotovo u onima koje ne spadaju izričito u područje političkog procesa te koje stoga mogu lakše sakriti manjkavosti demokratskog sustava koje se ne mogu lako mjeriti na osnovi formalnih mjera demokratizacije. Tom istraživačkom problem urad pristupa analizom institucionalnog okvira nastave povijesti u Hrvatskoju 1990-ima i 2000-tima te prikazom kontroverzne teme socijalističke Jugoslavije u udžbenicima povijesti kao kritičnog slučaja. Analizom su obuhvaćena34 udžbenika povijesti 20. stoljeća koja su objavljena između 1991.i 2007. godine za korištenje u osnovnim školama, srednjim strukovnim školamai gimnazijama. Nalazi ove analize razmatraju se kao indikatori razvoja demokratske političke kulture. Zaključci ukazuju, na temelju toga kritičnog slučaja, da je Hrvatska, unatoč napretku u vezi s mjerama formalne demokratizacije2000-tih, ipak pala na testu institucionalno utjelovljenih demokratskih pretpostavki i normi.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
U radu donosimo rezultate empirijskog istraživanja kojem je cilj bio ispitati oblike podrške i sudjelovanja hrvatskih srednjoškolaca u prosvjedima za klimu “School Strike for Climate Hrvatska”, kao i neke individualne i kontekstualne determinante njihovih stavova i sudjelovanja. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom online ankete 2020. i 2021. godine na prigodnom uzorku završnih razreda hrvatskih srednjih škola (N=534). Rezultati pokazuju da je oko 8% učenika bilo na neki način aktivno povezano s pokretom. Pomoću analize glavnih komponenata utvrđena su tri tipa stavova učenika prema prosvjedu i prosvjednicima, nazvana: “borbeni stavovi za zaštitu okoliša”, “univerzalno aktivistički stavovi” i “podržavateljski stavovi”. Dodatno, multivarijatnom analizom testiran je efekt socio-demografskih obilježja zajedno s konstruktima percepcije kolektivne učinkovitosti, ekološke zabrinutosti, ekološkog svjetonazora te stavova o Greti Thunberg kao inicijatorici globalnog pokreta Fridays for Future na utvrđene stavovske strukture. Pokazalo se da su uključene determinante statistički značajni prediktori, ali ne na isti način za svakuod tri stavovske dimenzije.
我们正在研究一项实证研究的结果，该研究旨在研究克罗地亚高中生在克罗地亚气候罢工中的支持和参与形式，以及他们态度和参与的一些个人和背景决定因素。这项研究是通过2020年的在线调查方法进行的。2021克罗地亚高中毕业班的适当样本中的一年（N=534）。Rezultati pokazuju da je oko 8%učenika bilo na neki način aktivno povezano s pokretom。通过对主要组成部分的分析，确立了学生进行示范和示范的三种态度，即“环境作战阵地”、“普遍主动阵地”和“支持阵地”。此外，一项多变量分析测试了社会人口特征的影响，以及集体效率、环境问题、环境意识的概念，以及格雷蒂·桑伯格作为全球未来星期五运动的倡议对一系列立场的看法。研究表明，决定因素在统计上是重要的前身，但在观点的三个维度中，每一个维度的决定因素都不一样。
{"title":"A New Generation of Climate Activists?","authors":"J. Puđak, K. Klasnić, Tijana Trako Poljak","doi":"10.20901/pm.60.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"U radu donosimo rezultate empirijskog istraživanja kojem je cilj bio ispitati oblike podrške i sudjelovanja hrvatskih srednjoškolaca u prosvjedima za klimu “School Strike for Climate Hrvatska”, kao i neke individualne i kontekstualne determinante njihovih stavova i sudjelovanja. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom online ankete 2020. i 2021. godine na prigodnom uzorku završnih razreda hrvatskih srednjih škola (N=534). Rezultati pokazuju da je oko 8% učenika bilo na neki način aktivno povezano s pokretom. Pomoću analize glavnih komponenata utvrđena su tri tipa stavova učenika prema prosvjedu i prosvjednicima, nazvana: “borbeni stavovi za zaštitu okoliša”, “univerzalno aktivistički stavovi” i “podržavateljski stavovi”. Dodatno, multivarijatnom analizom testiran je efekt socio-demografskih obilježja zajedno s konstruktima percepcije kolektivne učinkovitosti, ekološke zabrinutosti, ekološkog svjetonazora te stavova o Greti Thunberg kao inicijatorici globalnog pokreta Fridays for Future na utvrđene stavovske strukture. Pokazalo se da su uključene determinante statistički značajni prediktori, ali ne na isti način za svakuod tri stavovske dimenzije.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper investigates war veterans as organisers of contentious politics in post-war Croatia, by looking into two significant protests. Already amid the1990s War in Croatia, the first veteran associations were tied to the army or governing Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). After the HDZ government ignored their demands in 1996, the main association gathering disabled veterans announced a protest, shocking the regime. After defusing the situation by meeting most of veteran demands, the protest against the Government was transformed into a support rally for officials who helped the protesters’ cause. In 2014, veteran associations initiated a protest over, at first, officials’ speculations about PTSD cases among the local Serb population, framed among the veterans as “aggressors”. As Prime Minister Zoran Milanović refused to dismiss the Minister of Veterans and his associates, the veteran protest outlasted the Government, including violent episodes in the government building’s vicinity and ending in April 2016. The article proceeds to analyse the disruptiveness of the protest, the repertoire and violence used, as well as frames of meaning with which protesters justified their collective actions and wished to appeal to wider constituencies. The article attempts to analyse the motives behind the protest and links of protesters with different political actors– mostly HDZ – trying to show if veterans acted as independent political actors or only as an extended arm of politicians. By using veteran associations’ documents, archival documents, media reports and literature, the paper wishes to place the two case studies into the body of literature that describes the decades-long patron-client relationship between veterans, HDZ and the state.
{"title":"A Protest, Coup d’État, or Internal Party Power Struggle","authors":"Sven Milekić","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.10","url":null,"abstract":"The paper investigates war veterans as organisers of contentious politics in post-war Croatia, by looking into two significant protests. Already amid the1990s War in Croatia, the first veteran associations were tied to the army or governing Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). After the HDZ government ignored their demands in 1996, the main association gathering disabled veterans announced a protest, shocking the regime. After defusing the situation by meeting most of veteran demands, the protest against the Government was transformed into a support rally for officials who helped the protesters’ cause. In 2014, veteran associations initiated a protest over, at first, officials’ speculations about PTSD cases among the local Serb population, framed among the veterans as “aggressors”. As Prime Minister Zoran Milanović refused to dismiss the Minister of Veterans and his associates, the veteran protest outlasted the Government, including violent episodes in the government building’s vicinity and ending in April 2016. The article proceeds to analyse the disruptiveness of the protest, the repertoire and violence used, as well as frames of meaning with which protesters justified their collective actions and wished to appeal to wider constituencies. The article attempts to analyse the motives behind the protest and links of protesters with different political actors– mostly HDZ – trying to show if veterans acted as independent political actors or only as an extended arm of politicians. By using veteran associations’ documents, archival documents, media reports and literature, the paper wishes to place the two case studies into the body of literature that describes the decades-long patron-client relationship between veterans, HDZ and the state.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48793234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Transgenerational trauma refers to the situation where children are traumatizedby the experiences of their (grand)parents. It is a unique combination ofindividual, familial, and collective (cultural) traumatic processes. The intertwiningof these processes poses a particular representational challenge, onethat could be overcome by the comics medium. It was proposed by variousauthors that the visual language of comics is particularly useful for portrayingtraumatic experiences, such as the fragmentation of time, trauma’s belatednessand the haunting presence of the past. In this article I analyse twographic novels, Heimat: A German Family Album by Nora Krug and Sunday’sChild by Serena Katt, both of which explore the transgenerational perpetratortrauma, and the roles the authors’ families had during the Second World War.I show how the authors use representational and aesthetic choices that helpthem convey the process of fact-searching as well as emotional engagementand imagination that is characteristic for transgenerational trauma.
{"title":"Transgenerational Trauma in Comic Books","authors":"Kosta Bovan","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.06","url":null,"abstract":"Transgenerational trauma refers to the situation where children are traumatizedby the experiences of their (grand)parents. It is a unique combination ofindividual, familial, and collective (cultural) traumatic processes. The intertwiningof these processes poses a particular representational challenge, onethat could be overcome by the comics medium. It was proposed by variousauthors that the visual language of comics is particularly useful for portrayingtraumatic experiences, such as the fragmentation of time, trauma’s belatednessand the haunting presence of the past. In this article I analyse twographic novels, Heimat: A German Family Album by Nora Krug and Sunday’sChild by Serena Katt, both of which explore the transgenerational perpetratortrauma, and the roles the authors’ families had during the Second World War.I show how the authors use representational and aesthetic choices that helpthem convey the process of fact-searching as well as emotional engagementand imagination that is characteristic for transgenerational trauma.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recently, there has been a significant rise in the production of films on the Jasenovac camp and related Ustasha crimes, taking their share in the mnemonic politics. The paper focuses on the two most recent films, The Diary of Diana B., a docufiction filmed in Croatia, and Dara of Jasenovac, a feature film which was Serbia’s candidate for an Oscar. The memory of traumatic events is remediated in each film differently and used for representing diverse group identities through temporal relation with the difficult past. Comparison between the two films focuses on subject positions and regimes of historicity as categories that make the production of meaning mechanism visible. The main questions that guide the analysis are: how are victims and perpetrators portrayed, who is witnessing traumatic events, and to whom is the trauma attributed? Do they bring something new to the cultural memory of the Holocaust and genocide in the Independent State of Croatia?
{"title":"New Memory of the Old Trauma?","authors":"Ana Kršinić Lozica","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.05","url":null,"abstract":"Recently, there has been a significant rise in the production of films on the Jasenovac camp and related Ustasha crimes, taking their share in the mnemonic politics. The paper focuses on the two most recent films, The Diary of Diana B., a docufiction filmed in Croatia, and Dara of Jasenovac, a feature film which was Serbia’s candidate for an Oscar. The memory of traumatic events is remediated in each film differently and used for representing diverse group identities through temporal relation with the difficult past. Comparison between the two films focuses on subject positions and regimes of historicity as categories that make the production of meaning mechanism visible. The main questions that guide the analysis are: how are victims and perpetrators portrayed, who is witnessing traumatic events, and to whom is the trauma attributed? Do they bring something new to the cultural memory of the Holocaust and genocide in the Independent State of Croatia?","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Milošević Đorđević, Francesca Di Napoli, Živojin Đurić
The study’s aims are to analyze the endorsement of the ethos of conflict (EoC )narrative in the Serbian-Albanian conflict among the adults in Serbia, its relation to political conservatism, and its role in pushing conservative political action. A total of N = 1613 adults (aged 18+) were recruited for face-to-face interviewing, in a representative sampling procedure, in December 2019 in Serbia. The results show high endorsement of EoC in the Serbian-Albanian fray; the mediation effect of EoC (having both high EoC and high conservatism is associated with greater political activism); the relation between EoC and political activism is moderated by age (the older population endorsing higher EoC was more politically active). In the future, we should address more actively the mobilizers of reactionary political actions in public and individual spheres, to better understand the mechanisms for achieving long-term peace.
{"title":"Endorsement and Social Role of the Ethos of Conflict in Serbia","authors":"J. Milošević Đorđević, Francesca Di Napoli, Živojin Đurić","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.09","url":null,"abstract":"The study’s aims are to analyze the endorsement of the ethos of conflict (EoC )narrative in the Serbian-Albanian conflict among the adults in Serbia, its relation to political conservatism, and its role in pushing conservative political action. A total of N = 1613 adults (aged 18+) were recruited for face-to-face interviewing, in a representative sampling procedure, in December 2019 in Serbia. The results show high endorsement of EoC in the Serbian-Albanian fray; the mediation effect of EoC (having both high EoC and high conservatism is associated with greater political activism); the relation between EoC and political activism is moderated by age (the older population endorsing higher EoC was more politically active). In the future, we should address more actively the mobilizers of reactionary political actions in public and individual spheres, to better understand the mechanisms for achieving long-term peace.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47915579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this text, by analysing the message that envelopes strategies to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic, “Let us remain responsible”, the author points to the problem that cultural trauma can be witnessed only after the event (Nachträglichkeit) or during the event itself. The message by itself already produces at least three interwoven paradoxes: 1) paradox of addressee; 2) paradox of receiver; and 3) paradox of demand. Those paradoxes point to the existence of trauma inside the culture that becomes tangible in the time of crises and is reflected, among other things, as the awareness of the split in subject(Jacques Lacan). This awareness of the split as ‘extimate’ experience broadens the binary interpretation of cultural trauma proposed by Jeffrey Alexander, who situates trauma between the event and its representation, in which the representation is the source of trauma, not the event itself. The presented cases point to the conclusion that the event itself is already symbolic and, hence, representational, but in the inverse sense, as an object that is missing in the symbolic or Lacanian algebra as “object a” that is the source of traumatic repetition.
{"title":"Call to Remain Responsible as a Sign of Cultural Trauma","authors":"Tomislav Pletenac","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.03","url":null,"abstract":"In this text, by analysing the message that envelopes strategies to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic, “Let us remain responsible”, the author points to the problem that cultural trauma can be witnessed only after the event (Nachträglichkeit) or during the event itself. The message by itself already produces at least three interwoven paradoxes: 1) paradox of addressee; 2) paradox of receiver; and 3) paradox of demand. Those paradoxes point to the existence of trauma inside the culture that becomes tangible in the time of crises and is reflected, among other things, as the awareness of the split in subject(Jacques Lacan). This awareness of the split as ‘extimate’ experience broadens the binary interpretation of cultural trauma proposed by Jeffrey Alexander, who situates trauma between the event and its representation, in which the representation is the source of trauma, not the event itself. The presented cases point to the conclusion that the event itself is already symbolic and, hence, representational, but in the inverse sense, as an object that is missing in the symbolic or Lacanian algebra as “object a” that is the source of traumatic repetition.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historical events, however terrible, are not in and of themselves traumatic. For a trauma to emerge at the level of a collectivity, ‘social crises must become cultural crises’ (Alexander et al., 2004, p. 10). For an historical event to become a cultural trauma, it must be socially mediated and represented, a trauma narrative must be constructed. Consequently, there is always a gap between the traumatogenic event and its representation, this gap creates the space for the ‘trauma process’. Unlike trauma theory, therefore, cultural trauma places the weight of analysis not on the historical event as such but on the narrative struggle that constitutes and sustains that event as a cultural trauma. Thus, we have a series of interrelated terms: history, trauma, narrative and memory, that pivot around an absent presence, a traumatogenic event. It is the nature of that traumatogenic event that I explore in this paper. First, I will set out my theoretical differences from trauma theory and then attempt to square the circle between a non-pathological conception of trauma in cultural trauma theory and my own commitment to psychoanalysis. In conclusion I will put forward a number of claims that I hope will be consistent with cultural trauma theory. That is to say, the traumatogenic event is not given but is retrospectively constructed and in this sense is ahistorical and non-narrative.
历史事件无论多么可怕，其本身并不具有创伤性。对于在集体层面上出现的创伤，“社会危机必须成为”文化危机“(Alexander et al.， 2004, p. 10)。一个历史事件要成为一种文化创伤，就必须经过社会调解和再现，必须构建一种创伤叙事。因此，在造成创伤的事件和它的表现之间总是有一个缺口，这个缺口为“创伤过程”创造了空间。因此，与创伤理论不同，文化创伤不是把分析的重心放在历史事件本身，而是放在构成和维持作为文化创伤的事件的叙事斗争上。因此，我们有了一系列相互关联的术语:历史、创伤、叙事和记忆，围绕着一个缺席的存在，一个致伤事件。本文探讨的正是这一创伤性事件的本质。首先，我将阐述我与创伤理论的理论差异，然后尝试在文化创伤理论中创伤的非病理概念与我自己对精神分析的承诺之间建立联系。最后，我将提出一些主张，我希望这些主张能与文化创伤理论相一致。也就是说，造成创伤的事件不是给定的，而是回顾性地构建的，在这个意义上是非历史的和非叙事的
{"title":"On the Nature of the Traumatogenic Event","authors":"S. Homer","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.01","url":null,"abstract":"Historical events, however terrible, are not in and of themselves traumatic. For a trauma to emerge at the level of a collectivity, ‘social crises must become cultural crises’ (Alexander et al., 2004, p. 10). For an historical event to become a cultural trauma, it must be socially mediated and represented, a trauma narrative must be constructed. Consequently, there is always a gap between the traumatogenic event and its representation, this gap creates the space for the ‘trauma process’. Unlike trauma theory, therefore, cultural trauma places the weight of analysis not on the historical event as such but on the narrative struggle that constitutes and sustains that event as a cultural trauma. Thus, we have a series of interrelated terms: history, trauma, narrative and memory, that pivot around an absent presence, a traumatogenic event. It is the nature of that traumatogenic event that I explore in this paper. First, I will set out my theoretical differences from trauma theory and then attempt to square the circle between a non-pathological conception of trauma in cultural trauma theory and my own commitment to psychoanalysis. In conclusion I will put forward a number of claims that I hope will be consistent with cultural trauma theory. That is to say, the traumatogenic event is not given but is retrospectively constructed and in this sense is ahistorical and non-narrative.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67616929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper surveys the post-1989 Europe/Balkan conjuncture from the perspective of communication studies. I employ David Morley’s materialist definition of communication, encompassing exchange/movement of information/ideas, goods, and people. Observing the exchange of ideas, we find EU’s Euroscepticism contrasting the Balkans’ Europhilia. Considering the movement of people, the brain-drain from the Balkans is paralleled by incoming migrations and a questioning of whether leaving the region is necessarily advantageous. The movement of goods, finally, elucidates the ascendancy of Chinese investment in the region, confronting Europe with being seen as a periphery of Asia. The materialist communication approach thus reveals unanticipated dynamism (a working-through of inherited inequality), rather than one-way perpetuation of old centre-periphery prejudice. Though historically modelled as Europe’s traumatized inner Other where nationalism was imposed, the Balkans still have much to narrate about impurity of identities and uncertainty as Europe’s new/old possible cultural heritage.
{"title":"Communicative Dimensions of Centre-Periphery Relationships","authors":"Z. Krajina","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.11","url":null,"abstract":"This paper surveys the post-1989 Europe/Balkan conjuncture from the perspective of communication studies. I employ David Morley’s materialist definition of communication, encompassing exchange/movement of information/ideas, goods, and people. Observing the exchange of ideas, we find EU’s Euroscepticism contrasting the Balkans’ Europhilia. Considering the movement of people, the brain-drain from the Balkans is paralleled by incoming migrations and a questioning of whether leaving the region is necessarily advantageous. The movement of goods, finally, elucidates the ascendancy of Chinese investment in the region, confronting Europe with being seen as a periphery of Asia. The materialist communication approach thus reveals unanticipated dynamism (a working-through of inherited inequality), rather than one-way perpetuation of old centre-periphery prejudice. Though historically modelled as Europe’s traumatized inner Other where nationalism was imposed, the Balkans still have much to narrate about impurity of identities and uncertainty as Europe’s new/old possible cultural heritage.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67617177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the paper, based on the analysis of ethnographic material, the author explains the emergence of ordinary affects during the breakup of Yugoslavia. He shows that the ordinary affects were unfolding amid social anomie created by the collapse of the Yugoslav state and the processes of ethnicization on the subnational level. One of the striking features of the processes of ethnicization was targeted violence against civilians or democratization of violence on a subnational level. To help understand the emergence of affective afflictions, the author supplements theories of cultural trauma and ethnicization with the concepts of situation and crisis embedded in the ordinary. Furthermore, he argues that this small theoretical supplement can help understand the persistence and unusually high presence of war rhetoric in some post-Yugoslav states.
{"title":"Ordinary Affects During the Democratization of Violence in the Context of the Breakup of Yugoslavia","authors":"D. Petrovic","doi":"10.20901/pm.59.4.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.08","url":null,"abstract":"In the paper, based on the analysis of ethnographic material, the author explains the emergence of ordinary affects during the breakup of Yugoslavia. He shows that the ordinary affects were unfolding amid social anomie created by the collapse of the Yugoslav state and the processes of ethnicization on the subnational level. One of the striking features of the processes of ethnicization was targeted violence against civilians or democratization of violence on a subnational level. To help understand the emergence of affective afflictions, the author supplements theories of cultural trauma and ethnicization with the concepts of situation and crisis embedded in the ordinary. Furthermore, he argues that this small theoretical supplement can help understand the persistence and unusually high presence of war rhetoric in some post-Yugoslav states.","PeriodicalId":43401,"journal":{"name":"Politicka Misao-Croatian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47347054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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